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Part II. 


Division I. 

Henry H. Howorth, f.s.a. 


Longmans, Green, and Co. 






I DEDICATE the following pages to two friends whom 
I deem it a singular privilege to have known. Colonel 
Yule, who has restored to us so much of the romantic 
history of the East, and whose accuracy and breadth of view 
have made his works European classics. He has proved to 
the letter the truth of the adage, that he who seeks to bring 
home the wealth of the Indies must fill his galleons with 
corresponding wealth before he starts. He will not blame a 
scholar who wishes to put his master's name on the threshold 
of his work. Nor will my other friend, Mr. Franks, facile 
princeps as an archaeologist within our four seas, who 
distributes his bountiful knowledge with the generous 
prodigality that becomes the possessor of an overflowing 
store. Those who know him best will not dwell, however, 
on what is so well assured as his reputation, but will rather 
revert to that urbanity and unfailing kindliness which knits 
men closer together than all the wisdom of Solomon. 


IT is with great diffidence I venture to publish a second instalment of this 
history, an instalment dealing with a singularly unfrequented chapter in 
the great drama of human life, which, so far as English literature is concerned, 
may be said to be completely unexplored. I know its faults and shortcomings 
too well to permit me to claim for it more than a modest reputation. I believe 
that it condenses the results of some honest labour, perhaps of more than the 
casual reader would imagine; that it deals with a complicated and intricate 
subject; that it attempts to arrange in logical sequence and continuity a series 
of hitherto disintegrated and broken facts; and I hope that it may furnish 
some future historian with a skeleton and framework upon which to build his 
palace, when he shall clothe the dry bones with living flesh. Beyond this I make 
no claims. My critics have been singularly forbearing in their treatment of my 
former volume, and it is a supreme satisfaction to me to have made through it a 
number of friends, whose tenderness to my failings has been as conspicuous as 
their own learning. Perhaps I may claim their general consent that underneath 
the superficial faults there remains a substantial addition to historical literature 
which future researches will not entirely displace. If a few remarks have 
seemed unfair, it is only a very small element compared with the great 
number of suggestions which have been not only fair, but generous. As some 
of the criticism passed upon the former volume will apply equally well to this, 
I would hold a parley beforehand with those who wield the scalpel upon 
points in which the patient may perhaps claim to be heard as well as the 
doctor. One has complained of my style, that it has not the majestic ring of 
Gibbon, or the easy flow of Macaulay. It is indeed easy for me to plead 
guilty to this charge. I question whether either Gibbon or Macaulay, gifted 
as they were, far beyond my capacity, could have traversed the arid steppes of 
Asiatic history, tracked out the rivulets and streams which must be traced if 
its course is to be known at all, and dealt with unfamiliar localities, uncouth 
names, perpetual and monotonous fighting, and with materials such as these 
have presented a pleasant picture to the fancy. To embroider a glorious quilt 
we must not only have fine colours, but a chaste pattern; but when the colour 
is uniformly dull, and the pattern is uncouth and rude, we cannot hope to 
attract the casual eye. But why this mass of details ? why not paint a few 
generalities, grasping the main story in a few choice phrases, and leaving 
the rest to oblivion? Here we have an issue on which I must not cry quarter. 
Generalities, broad deductions, the philosophy of history, that is pleasant 
reading enough, and for that pleasant writing too, but it is surely as vicious as 
the dialectic of the schoolmen, until we have mapped out the details of our 


subject. He who comes after, who can epitomise, who can point the moral 
of the whole story, whose view of the wood is not blunted and obscured by 
the profusion of trees, may do all this, and will assuredly gain the reward of 
being read for his pains ; but before he can begin it is necessary, especially in 
such fields as those of Asiatic history, that some one should trace out, step by 
step and link by link, the crooked story, and spend nights and days in doing 
the work of the backwoodsman, in clearing away the tangle, in cutting down 
the rude forest, in running his plough through the virgin furrow ; and when he 
has made all more or less clear, then his children will come and plant gardens 
and orchards where he toiled. They will not remember perchance the work 
that went before, they will grumble if some rude stump that defied the 
pioneer's axe still blocks their way, but the harvest will be none the less largely 
due to his labour ; and when he lies down to sleep, if he have done no man, 
dead or living, an injustice, if he have not stolen what he displays as his own, 
and bravely confesses that his rough-hewn chair is not so comfortable to sit in 
as that made by a more practised hand, he will perchance have the satisfaction 
which some say is worth living for, of having done his best at what his hand 
found to do. 

Style I profess in this work to have none. In some places, where 
perseverance has almost succumbed under the load of monotonous detail, 
I feel on reading the phrases again as if they had been written in the 
unsophisticated days of early school life, when style and punctuation were 
both contemned. It has been as much as patience and vigilance could secure 
that the narrative should be intelligible, and in many places where the 
pen would willingly have run riot, where a little poetry might have 
been scattered among the phrases, the temptation has had to be sternly 
resisted, for fear the facts should be distorted, and lest what is neces- 
sarily a very compressed narrative should swell over untold volumes. The 
facts I have tried to make clear and accurate. In many places I know I 
have failed, tion omnia possumus oinnes — sometimes through the frailty 
which all suffer from occasionally, sometimes when ill health has made the 
task of revision irksome and difficult, sometimes when new material has 
reached me after the story was irrevocably printed ; but I have at least this 
excuse, that none of the giants under whose shadow I have walked have 
escaped similar casualties — all of them are found tripping sometimes. It 
would be a poor and a mean victory for their scholar to drag out and pin 
down the occasions of their faltering, and it is no ambition of mine to do so. 
In nearly all cases I have told the story as I thought it should be read, giving 
my authority, and passing by my master's mistake without calling attention to 
it. It would be blind indeed to attribute to merit what is the mere result of 
good fortune. Perfection is indeed beyond our grasp, as the most shallow 
philosophy will teach one ; but if it be so, it becomes doubly true, as the 
proverb says, that " the best is the greatest enemy of the good." He whose 
fastidiousness prevents him giving the world no product which is not perfect, 
is not only postponing publication to eternity, but is robbing the world of its 
due heritage in utilising the advance, faulty as it may be, which he has made. 
I am conscious, therefore, that the following pages are full of faults ; but I 


would ask the more caustic of my critics, before they tie my scalp to their 
girdle, to at least look at my too ample table of errata and additions, especially 
those attached to Chapter IV., which deals with such a difficult section of this 
history. The book has had to be both written and printed under considerable 
difficulties, while the resources of the author, upon whom the burden and cost 
of such a work naturally fall, have been too small to allow him to have an 
unlimited number of proofs for correction. If some blunder therefore seems 
more than usually stupid, do me the favour, most benevolent critic, who 
would be nothing if not frank, to turn to the calendar of sins at the end, where 
I have committed " The Happy Despatch," and saved you the trouble of 
running your steel into me. 

In the spelling of the names I have had even greater difficulty than before. 
It is a peculiarity of the Turkish dialects that familiar proper names assume 
different forms among them, and that the names which good Muhammedans 
give their children from the Koran become distorted in different ways by the 
Tartars of Kazan, by the Kazaks, etc., etc., and, therefore, add another 
difficulty to the usual sources of embarrassment in regard to Eastern names. 
With every deference to the arguments I have seen on this subject, the 
difficulty remains at present insoluble, and our way must be a compromise — 
too often an inconsistent compromise. This I know has been the case with 
me. I can only hope that some reasonable solution may sometime be 
forthcoming, and that in the following pages, bristling with proper names, 
that this frailty has not caused any serious errors of statements of fact. 

Fault may, perhaps, also be found with the number and iteration of my 
references. Here, again, I have a theory which may not be that of my 
critics. The greater part of history is an induction from certain facts. It 
comprises, therefore, besides the actual data of our authorities, the personal 
equation of the historian. For the student, the critical student, it is absolutely 
necessary that he should be able to separate these two elements. In science, 
at least, we can admit of no infallibility. In such inquiries as ours, there is 
no court of final appeal, which can decide once and for ever the truth or 
falsity of any position. The prejudice and the bias of the historian's political 
and social theories inevitably colour his arguments, and make him, even when 
most judicial, more or less an advocate; nor can any man be omniscient, even 
in the limited range of one historical panorama. While it is quite certain 
that, however well finished the work, it must inevitably, before many years, 
become in part, if not altogether, obsolete from new discoveries. A coin, an 
inscription, a mere trifle in appearance, may dislocate the whole of a long chain 
of inference, and demand that the work shall be redone. For these reasons, 
therefore, it is assuredly necessary that a history, which is more in the form of 
mosaic than aught else, in which the various pieces have had to be brought 
together from many sources, should contain references for every fact. But 
there is another and a more important reason — one which has a moral aspect 
rather than a critical one— and that is that no man has a right to appropriate 
the work of others, the deductions of others, even when slightly altered by 
himself, without assigning them due credit for the same. For a man to parade 
himself in a costume that he has borrowed from a thousand sources, and to 


which he has added a mere feather or two, or even two hundred, and to make 
believe before the world that he, " Jupiter omnisciens," is the author of it all, 
is to act, indeed, the part of the cormorant, and to invite a fierce onslaught 
from the critical anatomists of the future (such an onslaught as Leibnitz made 
on Descartes, for instance), when they pull his work in pieces, and show 
whence he has drawn his matter, and how unjust has been his appropriation. 
It is not a mere shadow I am arguing against, it is the active theory of a large 
school of historians, especially in Germany; and I may instance one famous 
example without hesitation, since I greatly venerate him and his imnnense 
learning, and look upon him as the profoundest and most accurate writer which 
historical science has in our day produced — I mean Mommsen. His Magnum 
Opus is a work of genius such as has hardly been matched in historical 
inquiry, but it is literally of very little value to the student. From end to 
end there is scarcely a reference ; the whole, which is a masterly condensation 
of most heterogeneous and scattered materials, has to be accepted on the 
ipse dixit of its author. This is well enough if we are reading " Ivanhoe " or 
«' Romola," but assuredly it is unfair to the reader and useless to the student 
of serious history unless we know on what data certain views are propounded, 
while it is eminently unfair to those who went before. Will anyone say that 
Mommsen's work would have been possible if Niehbuhr had never written, and 
yet the name of Niehbuhr occurs hardly once throughout the book ; nor do the 
names of others who have followed up certain difiScult inquiries. To reap 
their harvest, to put it all in our own corn-rick, and then to label it with our 
own name, is assuredly not quite right, whatever scheme of historical casuistry 
we adopt. It is not right in a small man, but it is grievously wrong in a giant, 
whose knowledge overshadows that of all others, and whose reputation is 
dwarfed rather than enhanced thereby. 

Another writer from whom I have learnt a great deal more than I can tell, 
and whose praises I have sung in a former volume, is a second example of this 
fault. It is only after going through the intricate mazes of a difficult 
ethnographic problem that one can thoroughly appreciate the skill and 
knowledge of Klaproth, but the preparation for the same work at the same 
time brings vividly before us how very much of his material has been taken 
from other sources without a word of acknowledgment. Thus, in his 
"Travels in the Caucasus" there is a graphic account of the Kalmuks 
running through nine chapters, which is literally transferred from Pallas's 
little known work, entitled " Samlungen Historischer Nachrichten ueber die 
Mongolischen Volkerschaften " without acknowledgment. Elsewhere he has 
similarly laid under contribution the translations from the Chinese of the 
Russian archimandrite, Hyacinthe Biturinski. This is assuredly unworthy of 
such a man. 

There is another charge of which I feel inwardly guilty, and to which I 
would make a reply beforehand, and that is as to the focus of various parts of 
the work. It may be said that I have enlarged too much upon the obscurer and 
less important parts of the story, and thus by comparison dwarfed the relative 
importance of the other parts — that in some cases, in fact, I have looked 
through a telescope, and in others through a microscope; in some have 


sketched in the whole wood in broad lines, in others elaborated separate trees 
in monotonous detail. This is true enough, and it no doubt affects the artistic 
symmetry of the picture very materially. The excuse is perhaps only a partial 
one, but such as it is I offer it. Some parts of the journey are over well 
trodden and well surveyed ground. We have not to make sure of our foothold 
in a quaking morass by driving in piles before we step. Here, therefore, we 
can march with greater freedom and safety, and need not elaborate our road 
as we go along. Other parts are less known, and, although politically 
less important, are cthnologically not so, and it is absolutely necessary 
to trace them out accurately and fully if we are to grasp the whole subject 
firmly — here we necessarily have to link together details, and to labour 
small facts, which are the only materials we possess, and thus to fashion 
ourselves a roadway through the virgin swamp. It is assuredly very 
wonderful that the heritage of Jingis Khan, broken as it is into so many 
fragments, should be capable of being cemented together again by a 
continuous story ; that we should be able to recover the pedigrees of so many 
lines of princes claiming descent from him in their entirety, and thus to 
aggregate into one historic whole a landscape that seems at first all broken 
into substantive units. This can only be done by the collection at many 
points of the story of obscure details, and this alone justifies their collection, 
a labour which, if tedious to the reader, has been tenfold more tedious to the 
writer, who has had to glean over acres of barren and unproductive ground to 
secure here and there a solitary ear of grain. 

I will now condense briefly a syllabus of the contents of the following 
pages : The volume may be considered almost a separate work from that 
which went before. The greater part of it has only a collateral connection 
with it. Jingis Khan had four sons. Of these, the eldest, Juchi, died before 
him, but he had already been assigned his portion of the inheritance by his 
father. That portion consisted in the tribes encamped in the district formerly 
composing the empire of Kara Khitai. In this inheritance Juchi was 
succeeded by his eldest son, Orda. After the deaths of both Juchi and his 
father, Batu, a younger brother of Orda's, undertook an expedition into Central 
Europe, and conquered a wide area of the country, which he left to his 
descendants. This comprised the country from the Yaik to the Carpathian 
mountains, and included a suzerainty over Russia. Another brother, named 
Sheiban, was assigned the tribes living in the country of the Kirghiz Kazaks, 
while another descendant of Juchi, Nogai, was given the various tribes of 
Turks once known as Pechsnegs, and in later times called Nogais from 
himself. These various tribes were recruited sometime in the fourteenth 
century, on the break up of the special appanage of Ogotai, Jingis Khan's 
second son, by a large migration from Sungaria. These various tribes and 
peoples were subject to a hierarchy of chiefs, all owing more or less supreme 
allegiance to the ruler whose metropolis was Serai, on the Volga, and the 
whole are comprised in the phrase, the Golden Horde. The first chapter of 
this work contains an ethnographical account of the different tribes and clans 
composing the Golden Horde in this its widest sense. The second chapter 
gives a history of Juchi Khan, of Batu Khan, and of his son Sertak, and 


describes the early campaigns of the Mongols in Central and Eastern Europe. 
The third chapter deals with the history of the Golden Horde during the reign 
of Bereke, the brother and successor of Batu, and of the latter's descendants 
to the time of the extinction of his family, during which time Russia was 
virtually a Mongol province. The fourth chapter deals with the struggles that 
thereupon ensued between the descendants of other sons of Juchi for 
supremacy in the Khanate, which ended in the triumph of the family of Orda. 
The fifth chapter traces the history of the Golden Horde during the period 
of its decay, and until it had by various secessions dwindled down to the 
small Khanate of Astrakhan, and traces the history of this petty Khanate till 
it was overwhelmed by Russia. In these four chapters I have endeavoured to 
trace out the story of the original conquest of Russia by the Mongols (whom 
I have here called Tartars),* the condition of Russia during the Tartar 
domination, and the interesting process by which it gradually emancipated 
itself from this yoke, and eventually trampled under its oppressors ; and have 
tried to point out how far the conquest has affected the history and the social 
economy of that great and interesting empire. I have also tried to show how 
during the Tartar supremacy the South of Russia, under the influence of a 
strong rule, was the focus of a vast trade and culture, and the means by which 
Cairo, Baghdad, and Peking were brought into very close contact with Venice, 
Genoa, and the Hanseatic towns ; and have described the terrible campaign 
which the Great Timur waged in Europe, and which broke the power and 
prestige of the Golden Horde. 

As I have said, the empire, connoted by this phrase, broke asunder into 
several fragments. Of these, one was the Khanate of Kazan, on the Middle 
Volga, which, with its subordinate satellite, the Khanate of Kazimof, forms 
the subject matter of the sixth chapter. The chief interest of this is the 
perpetual struggle it carried on with Russia in the very heart of that empire, 
until it was conquered and appropriated in the sixteenth century. The 
conquest of the Khanates of Kazan and Astrakhan carried the borders of 
Russia, which had hitherto not extended further east than the river Sura, as 
far as the Volga, and immensely increased its resources. A more important 
fragment of the Golden Horde is that whose history is told in the seventh 
chapter, namely, the Khanate of Krim, or the Crimea, which was only 
crushed and annexed by Russia at the end of the last century. This Khanate, 
which became an outpost of the Ottoman Turks for several centuries, barred 
Russia from access to the Black Sea, as the possessions of the Swedes and 
Danes, and of the Livonian knights, barred it from access to the Baltick, and 
thus prevented an immense community from partaking readily in the fruits of 
culture and civilisation, which were the heritage of Western Europe. 

East of the Volga, the Kirghiz Kazaks are a race whose history is difficult 
to follow, and yet who form one of the most interesting of nomadic communi- 
ties. They are the descendants for the most part of the tribes subject to the 
eldest son of Juchi Khan. The history of these tribes, from the time when 
they first became a distinct entity until they were absorbed by Russia, occupies 

* For a justification of this see infra, page 37. 


the eighth chapter, which I believe contains a considerable amount of matter 
new to English readers. The tribes who were governed by Sheiban, and who 
were afterwards known as Uzbegs, under which name they have filled iuch 
an important role in Asiatic history, are the subject matter of the ninth, tenth, 
and eleventh chapters. The ninth chapter deals with the history of the 
important Uzbeg Khanates of Bukhara and Khokand, and of the various 
petty Uzbeg principalities which have broken away at various times from the 
former. It traces the history of these areas from their invasion by the Uzbegs, 
at the beginning of the sixteenth century, down to our own day. The tenth 
chapter deals with the Khanate of Khuarezm, or Khiva, which was also 
founded by the Uzbegs shortly after that of Bukhara, and traces its crooked 
and difficult history down to its virtual conquest by Russia a few years ago. 
The eleventh chapter deals with the Khanate founded in Siberia by a branch 
of the Uzbegs, and contains a full and detailed notice of its destruction by the 
Cossacks in the sixteenth century. The last chapter is devoted to the Nogais, 
the most disintegrated, broken, and scattered of any of the branches of the 
Golden Horde, and traces out their dry and monotonous history as far as our 
materials will permit. 

Thus we complete our survey of the various fragments into which the 
Golden Horde was broken. It will be seen that, with the exception of three 
or four comparatively unimportant links, we are able to trace out the 
genealogies of the many princes who have ruled over this area and its sections 
back to their great progenitor Jingis Khan, and thus to give unity and 
completeness to a vast mass of details which almost evade logical treat- 
ment from their sporadic and dislocated nature. We by this means, as it 
were, thrust our hand into a vast complicated and knotted skein of cords, and 
by seizing one knot, the key of the whole, drag out a portion and arrange 
its threads in symmetrical order. A second portion occupied us in our 
former volume, dealing with the Mongols proper and the Kalmuks ; a third, 
treating of the khanates of Jagatai and Kashgar, of the empire of the Ilkhans 
of Persia, of that founded by the great Timur, and lastly, of its more famous 
daughter, the Moghul empire of India, with an index to the whole, will 
complete our task, and we hope that we may have strength and patience to 
compass it. 

As this work is professedly a collection of details, it will not be deemed 
unprofitable that we should try and abstract some general lessons from them. 
These lessons are of two kinds — ethnological and political. In tracing out 
the migrations of a strong-backed race of nomades, in tracking them from the 
steppes and prairies, where the herdsman and the shepherd are alone at home, 
until we find them invading the latitudes of cities and of cornfields, gradually 
changing their method of living and becoming citizens and settlers, we 
naturally follow in the spoor of the great human procession which comes out 
of darkness, and is marching whither we cannot tell. Not in Mongolia only, 
and not among Tartars only, has the herdsman and the nomade been the 
progenitor of the ploughboy and of the quidnuncs that gather together in 
cities. This seems to be a general law of human progress. So, at least, it has 
been considered by many reputable writers on public polity, and we need not 



waste our rhetoric in proving it. We may garner a more profitable harvest by 
a less ambitious survey. What, then, are the facts, stated briefly ? A broken 
race of shepherds occupies the country round the southern shores of Lake 
Baikal and the district to the east of it, a race numbering perhaps half a 
million souls at the outside. This race, broken into various fragments, is 
welded together into a homogeneous whole by a strong hand. It has the 
usual virtues of those who have to labour hard for their livelihood under harsh 
circumstances. It is strong and healthy and enduring, as all races of 
nomades are. It has few wants, and little culture. Its life is a variation 
between tending camels and cattle and fighting for its own against robber 
neighbours. Its home is between the polar wind of winter and the unbearable 
sun of the steppe in summer. With it, frugality and temperance, perseverance 
and a belief in rigid obedience and discipline, are elementary virtues. Courage 
to face all odds, supreme confidence in itself, supreme contempt for the weak 
and the frivolous, without any traces of mere philanthropy in its national spirit, 
and with all the stiff'-necked assurance of the prosaic Philistine. These are 
not amiable virtues, but they are at least strong and moving ones; they secrete 
the underlying marrow in the bone which enabled three uhlans to enter 
a hostile town with a laugh on their lips, which nerved that famous soldier 
who seized the Great Moghul by the collar and dragged him forth from 
the midst of a crowd of fanatical followers, and which was the companion of 
Colonel Stoddart when he madly rode his charger into the royal square at 
Bukhara during the solemn season of Ramazan, as we shall show further on. 
It explains all those acts of heroic courage and pertinacity where a man 
has dared to face outrageous odds— the Thermopylas of history; the sus- 
taining examples when in difficulty of those brawny races who have made 
their neighbours bow the neck and have dragged their country to the fore. 
Of this hard grit were the Mongols made. When such folk have been 
manipulated by a master hand, who has been a born-warrior, who could 
invent a new system of tactics and devise a commissariat that is still the 
wonder and riddle of the inquirer, could plan vast schemes, and have the 
courage to face any difficulty, who trained a crowd of subordinates with few 
other ambitions than to receive his favour from whom their own skill and 
resources seemed inspired ; when the soldiery he commanded were ready to 
do anything he ordered them, were never cowed or disheartened by momentary 
checks or defeats, but seem to have looked upon their leader as a god, and 
lost all sense of individual aim in eagerly struggling to be his servants, and 
when by a series of victories that most potent of all human motives is 
begotten, namely, the confidence a people has in its own invincibility, the 
feeling that the earth is its special heritage and that all other races and 
peoples who will not obey must perforce be swept away like stubble, that 
underlying reserve of power which, according to Beranger, makes the Gallic 
cock crow the loudest when gashed with the deepest wounds— then you get 
such an extraordinary movement as took place in Eastern Mongolia in the 
beginning of the thirteenth century. Jingis Khan, Timur, Nadir Shah, in 
the East — Alexander, Caesar, Napoleon, in the West — are the symbols of such 
movements, having a common explanation and teaching a common lesson ; 
but the revolution effected by Jingis Khan was far more potent than the rest. 

PREFACE. xili 

What did he in fact do ? Having organised and consolidated his Mongol 
countrymen, he speedily conquered the various Turkish tribes of Central Asia. 
Differing in language, there was yet a common bond of union, in common 
customs, and in the fact, which has been too little observed, that he and his race 
were of Turkish origin, and not Mongols. The Turks in all parts of Asia, after 
a momentary resistance, collapsed altogether and joined his army. It thus 
grew like a rolling snowball in the Alps. Every tribe that it encountered and 
defeated fell into rank behind him and joined in his triumphal march, just as 
Hessians, and Poles, and Italians followed Napoleon, and as the various races 
of Europe were enrolled in the Roman armies. There was little outbreak or 
rebellion among them, and where it occurred it was mercilessly repressed by 
the extirpation of the whole race. The perpetual success of his arms was 
the most potent of consolidating forces, and when he died those whose 
master he was, were not a disintegrated mob, but a nation — a nomadic nation, 
no doubt, but bound together by a fanatical loyalty to himself and his family, 
and linked also by a singularly ingenious and practical hierarchy of rulers. 

His empire was divided into four sections among his sons. These divisions 
subsisted long, and were all feudally subservient to the senior house, which 
reigned in the far east. Then they broke asunder. Then each one disintegrated 
into smaller fragments, and eventually into still smaller. One extraordinary 
feature, however, as I have stated, ruled meanwhile — a feature which made 
the work we are writing possible. All these sections, great and small, were 
ruled by princes of the sacred caste, and had an aristocracy of the same 
descent. Jingis Khan was the fountain of all their princely houses, while 
the upper caste, equivalent to the aristocracy and middle-class with us, 
which there as everywhere in history kept alive the love of freedom, the 
aspiration after other things than those which distract the ambition of the 
bovine masses, who added the salt to the lump, the iron to the blood, who 
formed the steel-head of the wooden spear, were also in the main of Mongol 
descent. They belonged in the language of the Kazaks, the proudest and most 
illustrious of robbers, whose polity is the most democratic of oligarchies, to 
the class of white bones; while those whom they led and taught and 
commanded belonged to the class of black bones. This was more universal 
than is generally supposed. The fragments of the Mongol empire may be 
roughly divided into two classes. Those which continued nomadic as before, 
whose people perforce remained herdsmen and shepherds, since their country 
was beyond the limits of cultivated land ; of these the Kazaks and Kalmuks 
are notable examples to this day, and the rule about white bones and black 
bones is universal amongst them. In the other section the Mongols overran 
and conquered settled countries — Russia, China, and Persia. Here the 
same law applied in a disguised form. Here also the ruling caste, the 
aristocracy and upper strata of the country, were descended from the vigorous 
invaders ; the handicraftsmen and hinds who worked and suffered for them 
were the old indigenes whom they had conquered, and their descendants. In 
China and Persia it was notably so. In Russia it was so also on a smaller 
scale, as the note on page 362 will partially evidence. The invaders in 
all cases were of course a fraction merely of the old inhabitants. They 


for the most part accepted wives from the latter, and thus their language 
and other superficial qualities disappeared. They were, in fact, in ordinary 
phraseology, absorbed ; but this word must not be taken too literally. We 
can test its meaning by a parallel instance elsewhere — England, for example, 
at the Norman Conquest. The aristocracy, the upper caste, in this country 
was virtually swept away or trodden under, and was replaced by a more 
vigorous and energetic one. This substitution in the class which alone has 
wealth and leisure, the two foster mothers of the arts; which can alone indulge 
in the luxury of education and display, means a huge impulse given to progress 
of all kinds. It is a curious feature in the history of civilisation that it is 
not continuous, that it should have to pass through periods of stagnation and 
decay, and have to be renewed by fresh ideas, sown by rough and unsophisti- 
cated hands. Just as in nature the most bountiful harvests of summer are 
generally garnered after the severest winters, just as the proverbial green of 
the Nile valley needs that periodically the river shall overflow its banks, 
and cover the remains of last year's crops with a layer of mud, so it is with 
human progress. Worn out and sophisticated communities require to be over- 
whelmed for awhile by a wave from the deep water which has not been 
tainted nor disturbed, and apparently the deeper the ground is torn up, the 
greater the desolation for the moment, the longer the fields lie fallow, the 
more generous will be the harvest. The instance of the Mongols is only a 
type of a general law. As a rule the several strata or layers which form a 
human commiinity represent the several waves of successive conquerors or 
immigrants who have fertilised and strengthened the race. Where the 
country is small and homogeneous, these social strata are generally arranged 
in vertical fashion, the aristocracy and middle class, who are virtually drawn 
from the same source, representing the later, and the hewers of wood and 
drawers of water the earlier streams of migration. Where the area is large 
and its surface much diversified, these layers have rather a horizontal 
distribution ; the remoter, more rugged, and inaccessible parts of the country 
being the refuge of what remains of the earliest inhabitants, the more 
fertile and desirable parts being appropriated by the latest comers. England, 
excluding Wales, may be taken as a concrete example of the former rule, and 
India of the latter. The Calabrian peasant and the Milanese noble, the 
Gallician boor and the Castilian hidalgo, the Galway squatter and the 
Norman peer, are European instances of a contrast which is universal, and 
which the historian explains by the contemporaneous existence, side by side, 
of a primitive indigenous, and an invading and more developed type of 
human being. In Russia the Mongols have produced examples of both laws ; 
not only have they largely recruited the upper ranks in the country, but they 
have planted large colonies in the valley of the Volga, which will no doubt 
be as easily assimilated by that most absorbent of Arian races, the Eastern 
Slavs, as the other races whom it has swallowed up. Presently this mixture 
may develope a human type which our philosophy has hardly contemplated. 
The Slavs as a race are notoriously as mobile as mercury — so notoriously 
that a national saying compares them to junket. Wherever they have proved 
themselves a strong-willed and coherent race, they have been led and governed 


by strangers, who have given bone and sinew to the invertebrate mass. The 
old Russian aristocracy, as is well known, was of Scandinavian origin ; the 
later has a cosmopolitan pedigree, and it may well be that the mixture of 
Russian with Tartar that is taking place on the Volga and in Western Siberia 
will evolve " the coming race," which shall have its day when our children 
have ceased to be — 

" The heirs of all the ages in the foremost ranks of time." 

There is another ethnological problem of a wide and general interest, of 
which the study of the Mongols helps us to a solution. When we examine 
for the first time the race changes which have taken place in such a compli- 
cated area as Central Asia, we are baffled by their seeming perversity and 
aimlessness. A close and detailed study of these movements, which alone is 
of any value, will show that they are not so irregular as they at first seem, but 
that a more or less general law underlies them. Movements of races are 
limited very sharply by physical considerations. Mountains and deserts are 
practically as great barriers as the ocean itself ; they thus govern very largely 
the direction of migration. Again, the existence of strong powers at certain 
points act as potent breakwaters to the drifting of nomadic tribes. Hence it 
follows that when we have tracked out a large migration like that of the 
Mongols through its various eddies and fluxes, we can more or less map out 
the general route which other similar migrations must have followed. We 
can not only gauge the direction of the gravitation, but also put our fingers on 
the weak parts of the embankment, where the tide is the most likely to have 
broken through. We thus find that with the Mongols who came from the 
banks of the Onon and the Kerulon, although they eventually fought with and 
won China, yet that that powerful empire acted for a time as a barrier, and a 
large division of various tribes which were set in motion by Jingis Khan moved 
westward with the sun until it reached the Carpathians ; another great 
wave, turning round the great outliers of the Pamir plateau, flooded over the 
Jaxartes and the Oxus, and stopped not till Baghdad was in their power; 
while a third and later wave, an afterflow of the main tide, swept over North- 
western India and put the great Moghul on the throne of Delhi. This 
involved a vast movement, which shifted the centre of gravity of the Turkish 
tribes many degrees to the west of its former position. If we now remit the 
Mongols to their original home, and restore things to the condition they were 
in at the accession of Jingis Khan at the end of the twelfth century, and 
analyse the race revolutions of the centuries preceding that date — a work 
which I have tried to do in some detail elsewhere — we shall find that the 
Turks who preceded the Mongols as the dominant race in Asia followed the 
same lines. They, too, pushed westwards to the Carpathians; they, too, 
flooded over the Jaxartes and the Oxus, and overran Syria and Asia Minor, thus 
stretching their hands even beyond the Mongol reach, while at the other end 
of Persia they crossed the Indus, and also founded an empire of Delhi ; and 
as if to make the parallel complete, although they did not conquer all China, 
they did overrun its northern portion and ruled it for awhile. This carries us 
back to the sixth century. 


Before the Turks, the various Hunnic races were the most influential in 
Central Asia. Here we reach a difficult, and an as yet but partially explored, 
ethnographic region ; but so far as we have information, the story, on a 
smaller scale, is the same ; and I have tried to illustrate it partially in a series 
of papers in the journal of the Ethnological Society on " The Westerly Drifting 
of Nomades." This, then, seems to be a law of some generality, and we 
can at least carry back the story to the days of Herodotus, who, in explaining 
the eviction of the Cimmerians from Southern Russia, tells us how they were 
pushed on by the Scyths, the Scyths by the Massagetse, they by the Issedones, 
and they in turn by the Arimaspi. 

Is this law the cardinal law of human migration ? It may well be so. We 
dare not say more until the ground has been closely scrutinised and mapped 
out, but a priori it seems most probable, and, if so, it is clear that the 
revolutions we have traced are most important, as the latest, and perhaps the 
widest, and that if we are to enter and trace out the long and diminishing 
avenue leading back to the cradle of our race — a goal to which many longing 
eyes are turned — the traveller must first pass through the countries which 
have occupied us so long, and make the history of the Mongols his starting- 

Let us now consider some political lessons, more attractive than these 
speculations to those who in the guise of the men of Gath are ever crying 
out " Cui bono " to ourselves and such as we. A portion of the area whose 
history is covered by this volume is very interesting as the battle ground of 
current diplomacy, and the subject of rival aspirations on the part of England 
and Russia, and political problems are waiting for solution here which cannot 
be solved satisfactorily or finally without due regard to certain historical 
considerations. Nor is this the only political problem which our studies 
throw seme light upon. 

It is assuredly an interesting inquiry to analyse the conditions under which 
such a community as that of Russia was moulded. We shall not fail to trace 
many of those singular social characteristics which repel or attract us to the 
discipline which the race has suffered, and the crimes of which it has been 
the victim. When the Mongols invaded the West, Russia was broken up into 
a number of feudal principalities, owning but a slight allegiance to the over- 
chief of the whole, the so-called Grand Prince. The Mongol invasion was 
accompanied here, as elsewhere, by ruthless destruction and havoc, for it was 
their wont — to use a phrase of Sir Thomas Browne — " to treat human beings 
as flies, and to convert whole nations into wildernesses." It was a fortunate 
thing for Europe that the greater part of Russia had no attractions as a 
residence for the shepherds and herdsmen of Tartary. Its forests and marshes 
were a hindrance to them, and when they had laid it waste they withdrew 
from Russia proper to the Ukraine and the level plains of never-ending grass 
which extend from the Dnieper to the river Ural, ever the paradise of herdsmen. 
The wreck and ruin which they had caused, the backs they had harrowed so 
deeply were abandoned to their own resources, and the gaping wounds had 
to heal as best they might without aid from the outside. 

When the Mongols withdrew they left behind them commissaries to collect 


dues and taxes from the various towns and districts — publicans who farmed out 
the revenue, and who, like this famous genus throughout the East, had a common 
ancestor in the horse-leech that ever cried for more, and who drained the very 
vitals of the land. These gadflies, and the ruin caused by periodical raids 
for plunder, were the main economical hindrances to the nation's progress. 
A hindrance of another kind was the tierce inquisitorial and jealous super- 
vision which the Mongol suzerains exacted at every turn from the ruling 
caste, and which was aggravated by the jealousies and strifes of the various 
princes, who outdid each other in sycophancy. Those ignoble vices which 
men who crawl inherit became naturally prevalent, and spread with natural 
rapidity to the lower strata of society — deceit, chicanery, servility, and 
mutual distrust, the common property of slaves. Nor is it easy for those who 
have never had the ploughshare run through their own flesh and that ol 
their children; who have had a strong arm to lean upon, and have not been 
perpetually linked arm-in-arm with suspicious and treacherous neighbours, to 
preach homilies on such a state of things. Presently, two potent reforms 
began the work of lifting the nation out of the slough. By their address, and 
by their ample promises and faithful services, the Russian princes obtained 
from the Tartars the privilege of being the farmers of the tax. They 
made themselves answerable for it, and thus got rid of the hateful 
presence of the commissaries. At the same time the culture which was 
grafted upon the Tartars by their conversion to Muhammedanism, and the 
intercourse that ensued between Cairo and Sultania on the one hand and the 
banks of the Volga on the other, together with the wealth and luxury induced 
by the great trade route from India and China passing through their country 
to the marts frequented by the energetic merchants of Genoa and Venice, 
introduced a much milder regime and more humanitarian views at the Tartar 
court, which was reflected in their treatment of their proteges. Meanwhile the 
line of princes at Moscow had secured for themselves the hereditary position 
of Grand Prince and of imperial tax masters to the Mongols, who were not 
loath to encourage the strengthening of the hands of such faithful and 
devoted servants. On the other hand, the feeling grew apace in Russia, and 
especially among the ecclesiastics and better educated and more far-seeing 
men, that if the hated shadow which overhung the land was ever to be 
dissipated, if the servile chains that hung about their limbs were ever to be 
struck off, it could only be by consolidating the power of Russia in one strong 
hand, and by concentrating in it every form of authority until that aggre- 
gation of very ignorant and very superstitious peasants should look upon their 
ruler as a Messiah whose mission it was to lead them out of the land of 
bondage where they lay, and who could claim from each one the sacrifice of 
everything he possessed. This was the creed that was gradually and firmly 
implanted in every breast. It first enabled the Grand Prince to crush out and 
destroy the various appanaged princes, and to create a homogeneous power 
out of them, with its metropolis at Moscow, and then to show a bolder front to 
his patrons. While this was going on in Russia, the power of the Golden 
Horde was being sapped by internal decay, and received a staggering blow 
from the hands of the great Timur. Under these influences it broke into several 


fragments. After a tedious struggle the Grand Prince of Moscow, in the 
middle of the eleventh century, succeeded in destroying and annexing those 
parts of the Golden Horde known as the Khanates of Kazan, Astrakhan, and 
Siberia ; and within less than a century, through the enterprise of the Cossacks, 
the national flag was carried as far as Kamskatka and the Yellow Sea. 

These external conquests were effected by the famous Tzars Ivan the 
Third and Ivan the Terrible, who probably carried the autocratic theory of 
government more completely to its logical conclusion than it was ever 
carried before. Russia in their hands became in fact a mere multitude of 
abject slaves subject to a most tyrannical master, who crushed out and 
destroyed the old aristocracy, while almost every trace of municipal and social 
freedom disappeared. The servility which had been exacted by the Mongols 
was transferred to the Tzar and his officials : all power was directly dependent 
on himself; birth, reputation, wealth, were of no influence when in opposition 
to his whim, and every trace of liberty was uprooted. Serfdom was introduced, 
the peasant was tied down to the land, and the whole nation, by an ingenious 
hierarchy of officials, was made a mere machine, of which the key was in the 
hands of one irresponsible person, and during one long reign in the hands of a 
madman and a monster. All this was perhaps necessary to the consolidating 
of sufficient power to expel the foreigner whose heel was on the nation's neck, 
but it meant something much more. Just at the very epoch when, through 
the influence of the Renaissance and of the Reformation, Western Europe 
was entering upon an entirely new era of progress and culture, Russia was 
beginning to settle down into that long period of stagnation which followed the 
expulsion of the Tartars, when every man's individuality was crushed out of 
him, and ignorance and social degradation prevailed everywhere. Learning 
practically disappeared. The Church shared in the general arrest, and the 
whole land was steeped in Bseotian darkness, a veneer of superficial luxury 
of a gross and sensual character making the stagnation below more revolting. 

Such was the land which Peter the Great was called upon to govern at the 
end of the seventeenth century — the uncongenial soil in which he endeavoured 
with such persevering energy to plant German and French civilisation, 
endeavouring to transplant the vine and the fig-tree to the frozen soil of 
Moscow ; and is it wonderful that he failed very largely, as the great body 
of Russian historians confess he did. The soil was not ready for such plants. 
The country needed a remedy of another kind first, and this Peter the Great 
did apply with a success that has scarcely been appreciated. 

When he mounted the throne the Russians were enclosed on all sides by 
hostile neighbours, and had no access to the outside world. Choked, as it 
were, in an iron girdle, they were literally compelled to " stew in their own 
gravy," to vegetate alone; and those who believe, as all students of history 
must, that under such conditions progress is impossible, must feel some 
sympathy with the struggles— rude and brutal no doubt very often, but yet 
the justifiable struggles — of the young Colossus to break through the barriers 
which enclosed it, and to get a breathing space where the fresh air from the 
outer world could inflate its lungs with a new and virgin sensation, that of 
having vast needs and vast wants, the prelude to having them supplied. 


It is almost incredible how shut in Russia was at this time. On the south, 
the Crimean Tartars barred all access to the Black Sea. In the west and 
north-west, the Swedes and Danes, the Livonian and Prussian knights, and 
the Germans, created a cordon of fiscal and other barriers which absolutely 
closed all ingress and egress for the arts and humanities except through the 
narrow portals of the Hanseatic league. The best test perhaps of the isolation 
of the empire at this time is to be found in the great influence exercised upon 
its internal condition when such an uninviting entrance to it as the White 
Sea was discovered by Chancellor and the other English navigators in the 
sixteenth century. 

Peter began his work by forcing his way to the Baltic and to the Sea 
of Azof. The foundation of St. Petersburg — which was perhaps the greatest 
mistake of his life, since it planted the heart of the empire in one of its 
extremities, instead of near its centre of gravity ; planted it, too, in an extremity 
which was numbed and enfeebled by the harshness of its surroundings — 
was merely an attempt to create a great emporium for western culture at a 
point easily accessible from the sea. What Peter began was only completed 
by Catherine at the end of the last century, when she conquered the Krim, 
and for the first time enabled Russia to have perennial intercourse with 
the world, undisturbed by intermittent close seasons of frost. This is the 
story we have traced out in detail in the following pages. It is assuredly 
a very instructive story. It is only yesterday that Russia's sun began to 
emerge from behind the cloud-banks which have overshadowed it so long. 
The glacial period in its history, when the Tartars were its masters, was 
followed by a terrible period of oppression, supplemented by exclusion from 
the world of culture. Is it to be wondered that so much remains behind that 
is uncouth and barbarous, and almost hopeless. Those who try to plant 
roses in its uncongenial soil, and find them wither, are apt to break out into 
jeremiads, tempered by abuse; while others who see in its homogeneous, 
ignorant, happy-go-lucky, servile, drunken peasants, nothing but the natural 
incapacity of the race, forget the social chaos from which these weeds have been 
inherited. It is a very crude philosophy which fancies that every race, how- 
ever invertebrate, and every community, however guiltless of public virtue, is 
fit material for the nostrums of our day — parliaments, juries, self-government. 
Because the Anglo-Saxons, who have always been free men, have worked out 
a form of government that essentially requires the virtues of free men for its 
support, it does not follow that those who have been ground down by ages of 
terrible oppression should also be fit for the same heritage. It is impossible that 
culture which is to reach not merely the superficial layers of a community but 
the lower grades of the social edifice can be produced at once, and before the 
plough has gone deep down below the sod, and the broad furrows have been 
disintegrated by many a frost and many a burning sky. The work is being done 
slowly, and amidst immense difficulties. Those who will turn to the sardonic 
phrases Voltaire applied to the Russians, or the character which the history of 
the last century gave the Cossack ; those who have read the story of Suvarof's 
murderous campaigns with an unbiassed mind, and compared it with that of 
the campaigns of Russian armies lately ; those who will put side by side the 

XX i'REFACii. 

Russia of Catherine the Great and of Alexander the Third, must feel that the 
Russian race is immensely altered, and that the metaphorical Tartar 
apostrophised by Voltaire is no longer the prominent feature in it. We 
shrink no doubt from many of the characteristics of Russian public life — from 
its Oriental system of diplomacy, from the atmosphere, tainted with corruption, 
in which its bureaucracy lives, the want of genuine patriotism among its masses, 
the crass ignorance of its people, and the degraded position of its Church 
in the rural districts. We would see these things disappear, and we believe 
they are disappearing, and that a genuine leaven is gradually leavening the lump. 
Meanwhile, the too level mass of ignorance and Philistinism can only be kept 
together at present by a strong hand, and to import Western specifics among its 
untrained people is to court inevitable failure. Those who like myself are privi- 
leged to know many Russian scholars, and to feel how very close akin in many 
ways they are to Englishmen, and to have seen the kindly, unselfish, hospitable 
Russian peasant at home, will continue to hope, and feel a justification in 
hoping, that the slough in which the race was so long buried, and which we 
have tried to explore, will not always leave its mud spots upon it, but that 
presently it will stand shoulder to shoulder with our own people, which it rivals 
in fertility and numbers, and which it must be the hope of every decent person 
it will rival in the noble work of making humanity bow its neck to nobler and 
more ideal idols than it has hitherto done. 

When we leave this historical survey to consider the critical questions 
of policy which embarrass the present moment we at once enter a region 
where dispassionate and judicial language is so unusual that it almost sounds 
inappropriate, and we feel that our judgment may be easily warped by the passing 
fanaticism of the hour. The rivalry of England and Russia in the East is an 
old story, and one which has not very attractive features for those students 
who endeavour to look beyond the ephemeral politics of to-day and to view 
the wider horizon in which these incidents are mere details. It involves two 
distinct factors — the policy of Russia on the Bosphorus, and in Central Asia. 
The two are very often named together, much to the confusion and misappre- 
hension of the subject. Let us first briefly consider the former. Russia's links 
with Byzantium, " that sublime theatre of religious and political vicissitude," as 
it has been well apostrophised, are co-extensive with her history. From Byzan- 
tium she first received her Christianity. Byzantium was the object of piratical 
attack on the part of her early Scandinavian princes. During the long period 
of her degradation it was the perennial intercourse of her priesthood with 
Byzantium which created the mere twilight of culture which alone illumined 
her unfortunate provinces. When the Turk captured Byzantium and trod 
under foot the centre and focus of Greek Christianity, Russia became the most 
powerful and important home of that Church, the hope and the support of 
its priesthood. Many cultured Greeks then made their way to Russia, and 
finally in 1472 the Tzar Ivan the Third married Sophia, the niece of 
Constantine Palseologus, and thenceforward looked upon himself as having 
hereditary claims upon what he described as "that imperial tree whose 
shadow had once covered all orthodox and brother Christians."* He 

♦ Vide iftfra, 313, etc. 


also adopted the double-headed eagle, the blazon on the old imperial standard, 
as the national arms of Russia. Meanwhile, the Turk (who held the 
Bosphorus), was hated for his religion— that of the Tartar, who had so 
long trampled upon Russia— and was hated also because he held all the 
approaches to the Black Sea, and thus created a barrier between the frozen 
land and the sun, which was unbearable. He was hated, further, because he 
dominated over and ill-used the Slavs, who lived south of the Danube, and 
who were near akin in blood and language and faith to the Russians. It is 
true the Latin Christians of the West were even more hated than the Turk, 
and that their stronghold in Central Europe — Poland, was a constant thorn in 
Russia's side, and that her Machiavellian princes did not scruple to utilise a 
Turkish alliance very often, as the following pages will testify ; yet the great 
underlying current remained as we have sketched it, and Tzargorod, the city 
of the Caesars, was, in the popular creed of Russia, long before Peter the 
Great, and his more or less problematical will, the object of yearning ambition. 

On the other hand, we must remember that until recently the only strong 
arm which the Southern Slavs could lean upon was that of Russia. Austria 
was ambitious of being not a Danubian power, but a great German empire, 
and habitually sacrificed her other vast provinces to satisfy the natural 
leanings and sympathies of the petty archduchy out of which she grew. 
This threw the Southern Slavs into the arms of Russia, as well as 
another race whose exceeding fertility is such a marked feature in its 
character, and which is far other than Slav in tradition and blood. I 
refer to the Rumans or Vlakhs, whose only point of contact with Russia, 
besides their geographical position, is their religion. All this is matter 
of history, and cannot be disputed. It explains a great deal of what has 
recently happened in the East, and it might lead captive our judgment, 
if history and sentiment were the only factors in politics. Russia is not, 
however, the cynosure of every eye. Its past has been a cruel one, and it 
naturally lags far behind much of the rest of the world in culture and 
civilisation. Its foot is heavy, and few daisies grow where it has trod. We 
feel that that foot is doing effective service when it stamps on the incorrigible 
robbers of Asia, but we feel more strongly that its presence is unwelcome and 
hurtful where more cultured races have already settled. When Russia 
annexes a province, it ceases to be a part of the world's common capital of 
culture and wealth, and sinks into the common Philistinism that more or less 
inevitably surrounds races trained as the Russians have been. She not only 
closes the door, but buries the key, with the narrow political selfishness 
which supposes that a nation is poorer which allows the stranger to warm his 
hands at its fire, and forgets that the barter of mental gifts is as necessary to 
human progress as the exchange of material commodities. 

Again, there are certain critical geographical positions which in all history 
have been of vital consequence to others than their mere possessors. What 
Gibbon has said about the position of Byzantium is too familiar to need 
quotation, and his panegyric assuredly contains a momentous truth, enshrined 
in splendidly coloured phrases. 

It is felt by politicians of all schools that Constantinople in the hands of 


Russia means the freezing up of one of the most important channels the world 
possesses, and the consequent shrinkage of the world's stock of wealth and 
resources. The possession by Russia of the mouths of the Danube means 
giving over the gateway to the chief thoroughfare of Central Europe to the 
most backward and unscrupulous of its communities. In both cases 
a corporate interest is threatened which is of far higher value in every 
way than the mere historical sentiment which has been nursed for so many 
generations, and at all costs and sacrifices it is necessary that this sentiment 
should not bear too luxurious fruit, and that the Bosphorus and Dardanelles 
should not be in the grip of a giant who could close them when his whim so 
dictated, and create an arsenal in the Black Sea which would imperil the 
world's peace for many a decade, and retard proportionately the growth of 
freedom in Russia itself. We do not affect to feel much pain at the blows 
which have fallen on the Turk. We have no sympathy with his antecedents 
and his history — or, to speak more faithfully, his history in Europe. Here 
he has done little but destroy and devastate, and where he has not done 
this the musty incense which arises from stagnation and decay, and which 
harbingers his coming shadow, is more in harmony with the Philosophy of Sir 
Thomas Browne than our own. We have not, on the other hand, any leaning 
towards that heroic policy which consists in perpetually and unceasingly 
thrusting out bricks from the bottom of our neighbour's wall until it falls 
in glorious ruin, and then philosophising with unctuous insincerity on the 
sins and follies of those whose apple croft is in the way of our envious 
eye, as has been so often the case in the Foreign Office of Russia, nor 
with the art of leading astray too honest and unsuspicious strangers 
with a pretence of philanthropy when we really mean aggrandisement. 
Our sympathy for many years has been with another solution, one 
which is in process of accomplishment at this moment. Austria has ceased to 
contend in the futile struggle for Charlemagne's crown with the broad- 
shouldered Pomeranians. She has begun to turn her eyes elsewhere. Her 
very name suggests that she is an Eastern Empire. Her Slav peoples, the 
most cultured and civilised of all the Slavs, are the most powerful 
element in her population. It is round her that the Danubian nationalities 
will inevitably range themselves. Thus shifting her centre of gravity further 
East she will become the mother of the southern Slavs, who have a much 
closer common tie of blood,* and a tie which binds them more closely to the 
Magyars, who are so jealous of them, than generally supposed. She will 
thus pay back in some measure the debt the Western world owes to the 
Eastern, by forming the link between the two, and handing some of the 
treasures that have overflowed on her ample knee while she lay between the 
Adriatic and the Carpathians, to the less fortunate although more energetic 
dwellers in the valley of the Lower Danube. Presently Russia will face 
the inevitable at least with composure. She has enough work on her hands 
already. Her empire is already too vast and unwieldy. The possession of 
Constantinople would be a temptation to shift her metropolis away from her 

• See Papers on the Migrations of the Slavs, by H. H. Howorth, Journal of the 
Anthropological Institute. 


own people to the sunny latitudes of the Golden Horde, and thus to repeat 
the blunder of Peter the Great. Her great strength now is due to the 
homogeneousness of her people. It would be a source of weakness, and not of 
strength, for her to be hampered with the contending ambitions of Rumans, 
Bulgarians, Greeks, and Turks. She has already got a splendid sea board 
on the Euxine, and ports for her southern provinces, as well as her Trans- 
Caucasian ones. What advantage save a sentimental one would the 
possession of Constantinople bring unless it be deemed an advantage to 
make the Euxine a private Russian lake altogether. The case seems so plain 
that it will need no great sacrifice of vanity or of repute if the direction 
of the nation's ambition is directed elsewhere ; and meanwhile, if prudence, - 
statesmanship, and foresight be brushed aside altogether by Russian diplo- 
macy, and if its eye still turns towards the city of Constantine, the world 
has one gauge for its own security in the undisguised alliance of Germany 
and Austria, an alliance dictated not by philanthropy, but by mutual interest, 
which is a far more potent factor in politics than philanthropy. 

Let us now turn our view further east. The progress of Russia in Central 
Asia has been the subject of much rhetoric, inflated and otherwise, recently, 
in which its more important elements have been a good deal overlooked. 
The Russian advance in Central Asia comprises two periods and two sets of 
conditions entirely differing from one another. The appropriation of the 
steppes of the Kirghiz Kazaks, the so-called independent Tartary, is quite a 
different matter in origin and in character to the Russian attack upon the 
Uzbeg Khanates of Central Asia. 

In regard to the former, I hold most completely that the course adopted was 
amply justified in every way. The Kazaks, whose very name is a synonym 
for freebooters and robbers, have been the scourge of all their neighbours for 
generations, habitually given to robbery and pillage, bound by no promise and 
no oath, and constantly disintegrating under the solvent of rival chiefs, with 
rival reputations, as leaders of bandits. The Russians were long-suffering for 
years (as we shall amply prove),* to their habitual treacheries and deceits. 
They tried means of various kinds to secure peace among them, and to protect 
their own frontier populations from perpetual harass, but with no avail. Murder, 
robbery, harrying of women and children, of cattle and goods, waylaying 
of caravans of merchants, all the vexatious and irritating forms of border 
marauding which a long inheritance of robber habits had taught them, were 
continually being practised. Under such circumstances annexation was 
inevitable. The stamping out of these practices could only be compassed by 
the complete conquest of the race, and by putting it under surveillance, and this 
was done effectually, and with humanity and prudence. Those who affect to 
admire the savage in his unsophisticated condition, generally live upon velvet, 
and write their allegories far away from danger. To the backwoodsman 
and pioneer, who live in immediate contact with him, the picture has a 
much more lurid light, and it is assuredly inevitable and right that where a 
great empire has an uncertain boundary, across which its predatory neighbours 

♦ See chap. viii. 


are habitually crossing for other than peaceful purposes, that it should crush 
them. If they will submit and become peaceful subjects, all is well ; if not, 
they must take their departure to the other country, as the Red Indian, the 
Australian, and the Tasmanian have done, or are doing. In the case of the 
Kazaks, they have preferred the former alternative. They have largely accepted 
the new conditions, and become a thriving community, their herds having 
increased immensely. It is true they have lost their freedom, but freedom is 
an intangible term which does duty to point many an ambiguous moral. It 
will require a very cynical critic to confess that the world is not better 
because rapine has ceased in the Kazak steppes, and because a horde of 
unlicensed robbers has been subjected to the restraining discipline of a 
strong-heeled power like Russia, and a very captious one to argue that this 
conquest was a menace to any other civilised power. We may now turn to 
the more difficult questions involved in the recent subjection of the Uzbeg 
Khanates, which I have described in detail in the later chapters of this 

This conquest has certainly brought little honour or profit to Russia, and its 
justification is by no means universal in Russian circles. Russia has a large 
army; it has no representative institutions worthy of the name, and all its 
bolder and more adventurous spirits choose the army for their profession. 
There alone, to a large extent, a man can elbow himself into the front rank, 
and acquire at least the factitious glory of being talked about and envied by 
his countrymen. The army is, in fact, the dominant caste of Russian society ; 
and the army everywhere, under such conditions, is a bad school of public 
morals or of international equities. To a man whose only capital is his 
sword it is a great temptation to flesh it somewhere, and if there be no 
convenient victim at hand, to manufacture one. Fortune has literally to be 
carved. Again, Russia is a vast empire, in which means of communication 
are few and slow, and in which the heart is remote from the extremities, and 
they accordingly do not always beat in unison. The border commanders, 
like those of ancient Persia, are virtually satraps, with great powers of 
initiation in their hands, and cannot be always controlled. These conditions 
favour the existence of such soldiers of fortune as General Kaufmann and 
others, who have not been restrained by tender scruples from pushing their 
neighbours into an aggressive attitude and then falling upon them, reaping a 
shower of decorations in doing so. It is no secret that he and such as he are 
not the favourites in the better Russian circles that they are made to appear. 
They are neither very respectable nor very popular instruments of aggression, 
but they are more or less indispensable. It is true the authorities at St. 
Petersburg condone their actions when successful. The fruit garnered by 
an army in an autocratic empire must go to the wine-press even although it 
set the teeth on edge, for it has cost much sacrifice, and the army has a 
voice which must be obeyed, since it forms the only cohesive element in the 
body politick. It matters little that the budget of Turkestan furnishes an 
accelerating deficit ; that all the dreams begotten of the famous golden sands 
of the Bukharian rivers are as delusive as the pearls which attracted Cxsar to 
these shores ; that the poor baubles that are exhibited at the capital as the 


spoils of Kliokand raise a smile in the artist and a sneer in the student of 
political economy. All this has to be concealed, for the prestige of the army is 
at stake, and men must try and believe that what cost so much sacrifice must 
be worth a good deal. These scattered postulates will at all events go to 
show that we have little sympathy with that aspect of recent Russian aggres- 
sion dissected so well by our friend Mr. Schuyler, and one of whose fruits was 
the famous massacre of the Turkomans ; but we shall have run our scalpel 
into but a very superficial layer if we fancy we have probed the whole question 
when we have thus stated some of its features. That question involves a 
much wider issue, namely, the jealous antagonism of England and Russia 
in Central Asia for the last half century, which gives the most colourable of 
all the pretences for these aggressive border commanders. 

The history of this rivalry and its fruits is assuredly one of the most painful 
chapters in human annals. The ruling principle of English policy hitherto 
has been to create and perpetuate a neutral zone between our frontiers and 
those of Russia, a policy which is equivalent to a regulation by which some 
thoroughfare dividing two adjacent crowded areas shall be declared to be a 
sanctuary to which no policeman shall have access, and in which all k'nds 
of vagabonds and intriguers and criminals shall have elbow-room. It is 
assuredly a paradox that such a policy should have been formulated in our 
time, nor is it wonderful that it should have produced the chaos which now 
exists in Afghanistan and its borders." When Bukhara was a strong power, as 
in the days of the great Abdulla Khan,* or when, still later, Afghanistan was 
controlled by the sturdy hands of the founders of the Durani empire, then it 
was plausible to urge such a policy, for there was a ruler strong enough within 
the neutral zone to compel those who harboured there to behave decently ; but 
in Asia power is always short-lived, and the chronic condition of all govern- 
ment is disintegration, and accordingly during the last half century we find 
hat persistent decay has overtaken the States between the frontiers of 
England and Russia. Meanwhile both empires have persistently employed 
open and covert means for checkmating each other's influence there. The 
journeys of Abbott and Shakespear, of Stoddart and Conolly, which are 
detailed later on, are familiar to our readers. They were counterchecked by 
agents from Russia; and what have been the fruits ? Can Russia look back 
with anything but grim regret to the expedition of Perofski, or England to the 
massacre of Kabul and the murder of Stoddart and Conolly? all of them Dead 
Sea apples in the same basket. Has anything been solved or furthered? It 
is true the Russians have annexed Khokand and are the masters of Khiva and 
Bukhara, and that we are in possession of Kabul, but the intervening area is 
reduced to confusion, and both the rival empires have serious problems on 
their hands to solve. 

Is this a comfortable subject either for a retrospect or for present study for 
those who are patriots in either country? I trow not. If not, is it not time 
that the exploded fallacy of a neutral zone should be discarded, and that we 
should look elsewhere for a more reasonable and lasting remedy? 

Before we turn to this we may glance elsewhere for a moment. There 

• yide ififra, page 733, etc. 


is a general impression abroad everywhere in England that Russia's great 
object in her Eastern policy is the eventual conquest of India. This may 
be so ; I can find little to support such a view in public documents. It is true 
that in the time of Peter the Great, before the English had an Indian empire, 
there was a notion prevalent in Russia, as elsewhere, that India was an 
El Dorado whence stores of fabulous wealth were to be obtained, and he no 
doubt sent officers to try and explore the route thither. This is not only true, 
but it was assuredly most justifiable. Again, it is true that a constant tension 
and irritation having existed in the mutual relations of Russia and England 
for many years, involving one terrible war and the preparations for another, 
Russia has endeavoured to create trouble for us in the weakest part of our 
armour. It is true, also, that the diplomatic language and amenities of Russia 
are of that tortuous character which a fervid popular orator once described as 
attorneyship rather than statesmanship. All this we grant freely, but it does 
not involve the notion that the current aim and object of Russian policy is 
the conquest of India. 

India is known to involve burdens as well as responsibilities which the 
Russian back is by no means able to support, while the advantages it holds 
out in the shape of trade are but poor attractions to a nation whose manufac- 
tures are a sickly plant. The glamour that affected many European eyes 
in regard to India is fast disappearing. It is now known that the chief virtue 
of that fruit is in its external attractiveness, and that its juices have been long 
ago exhausted by generations of hungry robbers. When we grant this, does 
it imply, however, that we may fold our arms and close our lids, and let our 
ship sail with the nearest current and the nearest breeze, as if we were the 
companions of the ancient mariner ? Those who navigate after this fashion 
inevitably run their ship on the rocks. Assuredly not. We cannot leave India 
if we would ; there is no one to take our place, and while there we are bound 
by every sacred tie to secure the safety of its inhabitants, not only from 
external attack, but from perennial panic. The people of India know well 
what a menace Afghanistan has been to them ; that it has been from 
Afghanistan that every invading horde has come, which has spread desolation 
over the country, and made slaves of its peoples. If Afghanistan is turbulent 
and unfriendly, and if, further, the exigencies of rival policies elsewhere 
make it prudent and desirable for Russia to employ it as an advance 
guard, and to keep a sword of Damocles hanging over our two hundred 
millions of helpless fellow subjects, it becomes not only our right, but our 
manifest duty, to interfere. It is almost puerile to discuss the right or wrong 
of interfering with our neighbour, who, we know, is undermining our wall, 
and lodging dynamite there to blow down our homestead. To speak of his 
right in such a case is to pervert the language of morals and of law altogether. 
My neighbour may do his will so long as he does not menace me and my 
interests ; when he does so, I, who am a trustee for a nation of feeble men 
and women, am a criminal if I do not warn him, and if he will not listen, 
run my rapier through him ? War is wholesale murder, we are told. If it 
be murder to strangle a person who has seized us by the throat, or is 
planning our destruction, it is a form of murder which no law but that of 


inanity will deem unjustifiable, whether it be retail or wholesale. When it 
became clear that the Amir of Kabul, the ruler of a brutal fanatical nation, 
was unfriendly to us, and intriguing with Russia against us, and when this 
became a possible danger to India, we were bound to interfere, and if need be 
to smite him to the ground. We have done so, and the question remains, 
what are we to do with his inheritance ? In the first place, as we have seen, 
the notion of a neutral zone between the frontiers of England and Russia is 
one which has been found to be impracticable, and full of constant menace. 
This view is felt as strongly in Russia as here, and has lately been urged with 
force by Professor Martens, of Moscow. The only prudent solution of present 
difficulties to which things are inevitably tending, is that England and Russia 
shall have a common frontier. This solution has pressed upon me more and 
more in writing the history of recent events among the Uzbegs. 

Let us now consider some of the practical bearings of this hypothetical 

Under the name Afghanistan we include three districts, varying in history 
and traditions, i. Afghanistan proper, bounded on the north by the magnifi- 
cent frontier of the Hindu Kush, the most perfect scientific frontier in the 
world, which is traversed by the difficult passes of Bamian, etc. This includes 
Kabul and Kandahar, the Sulimani mountains, and the country occupied and 
inhabited by the Afghans proper. 2. Afghan Turkestan, lying north of the 
Hindu Kush, and watered by the head streams of the Oxus, and including 
inter alia the well-known districts of Balkh and Badakhshan. This, as we 
shall show further on,* is but a recent Afghan conquest. It is inhabited by a 
race which is not Afghan in blood, and is dominated by a warrior caste of Uzbegs 
whose connections and sympathies are with Bukhara. These districts once 
formed a part of the Uzbeg empire, of which Bukhara was the focus, and have 
never submitted quietly to the ruler of Kabul. 3. Hfcrat, and its surrounding 
district. This, also, is but a recent Afghan conquest. Herat was for many 
centuries the eastern buttress of Persia. It was the ancient capital of 
Khorasan, the richest of the Persian provinces. It has been long coveted by 
the Persian ruler, and its natural destiny is to be joined once more to Persia. 

To attempt to make these three sections obey one sovereign, and he a 
nominee of the hated Kaffirs, is impossible, unless we employ an army 
continually, and then it will be the old story of yoking discordant elements 
to the same plough. There can be no good reason why Afghan Turkestan 
should not be allowed to gravitate into its natural alliance and to be absorbed 
by the Khanate of Bukhara. The country south of the mountains, largely 
homogeneous in race and in sentiment, would be very manageable under 
British tutelage, either ruled by one chief at Kabul or controlled after the 
fashion which has been so successful in Beloochistan. The Hindu Kush 
would then be the virtual boundary between England and Russia, Bukhara 
being a protege of the former and Afghanistan proper of the latter. 

Herat might most reasonably be restored once more to Persia, with the 
inhabitants of which its citizens have close religious ties, both belonging to 
the Shia sect, while the Uzbegs, like the Osmanli Turks, belong to the 

' Infra, page 853, etc. 

xxviii PREFACE. 

haled rival sect of the Sunnis. I confess that nothing would be more likely 
to give stability and prestige to that dislocated country which has been 
so much neglected by English diplomacy of late years, and where our 
interests are so closely involved, as the addition to its area of a district 
which it once possessed, and which in the hands of the Afghans has been 
a perpetual thorn in its side. This separation of Afghanistan into its 
constituent elements and their readjustment is so feasible, would meet 
so perfectly the aspirations of the inhabitants, and would secure such a 
magnificent frontier between England and Russia, that it has a singular 
attractiveness. In Russia, as in England, public opinion is weary of this per- 
petual embroglio in Central Asia. The defeats in Turkestan, the ever-recurring 
petty wars in which no glory is reaped, while the resources of the country are 
drained, and the adventurous policy of border commanders, have been a terrible 
burden to the country, which has enough and more than enough territory, and 
which in reaching the Hindu Kush would reach the term of its natural exten- 
sion, while to all right-thinking folk it would be indeed a new leaf in the book 
of statecraft if the tension and irritation that separate two such mutually 
sympathetic races as Englishmen and Russians always prove themselves 
to be in private intercourse, should give place to a more amiable temper. 
When our memory reverts to the days of good Queen Bess and her 
intercourse with the Tzar of Muscovy, which I have described later on ; 
reverts to the days of Chancellor, of Jenkinson, and " the Russia company" of 
Horsey and of Han way, and sums up the vast amount of cordial good- 
fellowship that once united the two countries so closely, it is more than a 
chimerical dream that would wish to see these ties renewed on a firmer basis, 
and a scheme developed by which we might be again close friends, and 
work hand in hand, if by different methods, in restoring to Asia, the nursery 
of the human race, some of its ancient prosperity and renown. 

Having made this survey of some of the lessons suggested by these studies, 
T must now enumerate the authorities which I have chiefly used. 

In the first place, my thanks are due to Von Hammer Purgstall, the historian 
of the Turkish empire. In January, 1833, the Imperial Academy of St. 
Petersburg offered a prize for a work on the history of the Golden Horde, to 
be composed from Eastern and Western authorities, from coins, etc. Appar- 
ently the only response to this was made by Von Hammer, who composed 
his famous work, the basis of four of the following chapters, entitled " Geschichte 
der Goldenen Horde in Kiptschak," which he published at Pesth in 1840. 
This great monument of erudition and skill, carved out an entirely new 
country, and with singular insight and capacity. I am only echoing the 
language of the great Eastern numismatist Soret in speaking in indignant 
terms of the unfair and small spirit in which the Imperial Academy received 
this work, which has never been equalled in its own line, and which more 
than amply met the conditions of the prize. Von Hammer speaks in naturally 
strong language of the slight that was put upon him, but he enabled posterity 
to judge better of his claims by printing the reports of Fraehn, Schmidt, and 
Krug, upon which the prize was withheld. There breathes through them all 
a littleness which is unworthy of such names, and beyond and behind this 


a jealousy of the fact that some other than a Russian had done for the most 
difficult part of Russian history what no Russian had then or has since 
accomplished. Of course, the book contains mistakes; so in all conscience do 
the writings of the three Academicians ; but the surprising fact in a work 
involving such immense research is that they should be so few, and it is at 
least a satisfactory lesson which Nemesis will dictate to every candid inquirer 
that Von Hammer's work towers in the mind's eye of the historian far above 
any of the works of his critics as a contribution to the history of Eastern 
Europe, and there is a home-thrust which meets with genuine sympathy from 
those who shrink from injustice when Von Hammer, in replying to one of 
Fraehn's small, carping criticisms, says sharply, in the language of Moliire, 
" Vous etes orfevre M. Jesse." 

Besides this work I have also quoted frequently Von Hammer's " Osmanische 
Geschichte," from the Pesth edition of 1834, and a third work by him, 
" Geschichte der Chane der Krim, Wien, 1856," which is a standard work on 
its subject. I have also used the edition of Wassaf, by Von Hammer, and his 
history of the Ilkhans, noticed in the former volume. Next to Von Hammer, 
I have in the earlier chapters most frequently quoted Karamzin, the well- 
known Russian historian, whose work closes abruptly at the beginning of the 
seventeenth century. I need not stay to praise the conscientious accuracy, 
skill, and patriotism of his narrative, which have made it a classic. I have 
consulted it constantly, both in the French and the German editions, the 
latter of which contain a larger number of Karamzin's original notes. 
Wherever a reference is made to this work, unless the words " Germ, ed." 
follow, it is to the French edition. 

In the later chapters of this work I have been most indebted to my honoured 
friend ; he will allow me to call him so, M. Velianiia6f Zernof, himself a de- 
scendant from one of the old Tartar princes, and it6w a member of the Imperial 
Academy. It is a subject of great regret that his works are still untranslated. 
They are vast mines of carefully-arranged material, and will more than sustain 
the reputation of the Academy of which he is an honoured member. His 
magnum opus is the history of the Khans of Kasimof, in three volumes, 
published by the eastern branch of the Russian Archaeological Society. The 
first volume was translated into German by Dr. Julius Theodor Zenker, and 
published at Leipzig in 1867, and wherever the first volume is quoted here, it 
is from this German translation ; the second and third volumes have been 
translated for me by two of my friends, to whom I shall presently refer. They 
have also brought within my reach the well-known monograph on the coins of 
Bukhara and Khiva, with its great wealth of illustrative matter, by the same 
author, and a memoir on the coins of Khokand, also by him, both published in 
the series just referred to. I have to regret that I have not been able to meet 
with a work on the Kirghiz Kazaks, published many years ago by M. Vel. 
Zernof, and often quoted in his larger work. In the sources last quoted, is 
condensed the result of Russian researches upon large portions of Tartar 
history, and I feci that I cannot express my gratitude too much for them. 
Another Russian scholar, whom it is my privilege to know, is Professor 
Grigorief, well-known as a sturdy patriot, as an able administrator of a 


difficult Eastern province, and as a profound writer on the history and 
literature of the various Turkish tribes. His memoir on Serai, the capital of 
the Golden Horde, is too well known to need mention. I have consulted his 
notes to the journey of Blankennagel to Khiva, which throw much light 
on the darkest period of the history of that Khanate, his translation into 
Russian of the narrative of the Murza Shems, dealing with the history of 
Khokand, and his criticism of Vambery's history, published as an appendix to 
Mr. Schuyler's Turkestan, and I shall have to turn to him again for help in the 
concluding part of this work. 

One Russian writer, who lies prostrate with paralysis, I must not forget — 
M. Lerch, whose kind urbanity and genuine good heart have made him so 
many friends. His memoirs on the history of Khiva and on the archeology 
of the valley of the Jaxartes will be found quoted in the following pages. I 
hope sincerely it may be given him once more to prosecute his studies, and, if 
not, that the sun may always shine brightly on his head. 

M. Schmidt has collected together from Russian sources, in a series of 
memoirs in the Russlsche Revue, a detailed account of the Russian campaigns 
against Khiva. These I have largely used. 

Fraehn, who was the creator of Eastern numismatics, and of whom I have 
spoken some heated words above, has done too much to make my way certain 
and clear for me not to doff my cap to his memory. I have constantly 
consulted his famous " Resentio," and supplement, his catalogue of the 
Fuchs collection, as well as his memoir on the town of Uvak in the " Trans- 
actions of the Imperial Academy," and I must express my great regret that 
his works in MS. are not made available for students. The papers of M. Soret 
on the coins of the Tartar dynasties, published in the Revue de Numismatique 
Beige, have been of great service to me, as has the famous catalogue of the 
coins in the Odessa collection by the late Professor Blau. 

To the Russian scholar, Des Maisons, we owe the best edition and translation 
of the indispensable history of Abulghazi. This was published at St. Peters- 
burg in 1870, and has been constantly at my elbow. I have also consulted 
the older edition of Leyden. 

Miiller's famous collections for Russian history, in eight volumes, published at 
St. Petersburg, have been of great service to me. I have also consulted Fischer's 
history of Siberia, which work, however, is founded almost entirely, and with 
but scant acknowledgment, upon Miiller. Levchine's well known history 
of the Kirghiz Kazaks, which was translated into French by Ferry de Pigny 
and published at Paris in 1840, has been the main foundation of the history 
of the Kazaks in the following pages. It will be seen, however, that, thanks 
to recent researches, this history is now much more completely known than 
when Levchine wrote. Inier alia I have been able to illustrate it largely in 
its earlier portion from th«> well known " Tarikhi Rashidi " of Haidar. This 
I have consulted in a MS. translation in the British Museum, which is 
apparently in the handwriting of Erskine, and which unfortunately has such a 
confused pagination that I have only been able to give general references to 
it. The " Tarikhi Abulkhair," which contains an interesting account of the 
origin of the Sheibanids, has been consulted for me by my friend Dr. Rieu, 


who for this and other favours (at all times granted with the lavish generosity 
that becomes one richly gifted), I cordially thank him. Baber's " Memoirs " I 
have consulted in the admirable edition of Erskine, Makrizi in that of 
Quatremere, and Ibn Batuta in that published by the Oriental fund. 

My most esteemed friend, Mr. C. Schefer, who has lately been elected a 
member of the French Academy, it would be an impertinence in me to praise. 
He \% JaciU princefs among living Persian scholars, while his knowledge of the 
literature and arts of the East is encyclopaedic. I deem his friendship one of 
the chief privileges which I have secured by my Eastern researches. His 
edition of the work of Abdul Kerim on the Khanates of Bukhara and Khiva, 
etc., has been of great service to me. With Mr. Schuyler it has also been my 
good fortune to have had friendly intercourse, which I much regret has been 
interfered with by his migration to Italy. His work on Turkestan is one of 
the most masterly books of travel in our language, not only from the insight 
and power of observation it displays, but also from the very valuable Russian 
materials he has collected and translated. I am greatly indebted to the 
Memoir on the History of Khokand, which is appended to that work, and 
for details on Khiva, Bukhara, and especially the obscure and little known 
Uzbeg principalities south of Bukhara. In the French translation of Forster's 
Voyage to Bengal, there is an appendix by M. Langles, giving an account of 
the Khans of the Golden Horde and of Krim, and chiefly founded on the 
work of Abdul Ghaffar, which has been too little consulted by Von Hammer. 
I have quoted from it frequently. Also from a rare work entitled " Histoire 
du royaume de la Chersonese Taurique," by M. Stanislas Siestrzencewicz de 
Bohucz, Archbishop of Mohilef, published at St. Petersburg in 1824. It 
contains much interesting matter on the history of the Krim Khans, from 
Polish and othersourccs. The history of Krim has also been largely extracted 
from the well-known account of that Khanate, translated from Turkish into 
French by M. Kazimirski, and published in the twelfth volume of the 
Nouveau jfournal Asiatiqiie ; from the Memoirs of the Baron de Tott (English 
edition) ; from the well-known work of Peyssonel on the Commerce of the 
Black Sea, Paris, 1787; from the "Histoire des Kosaques," byLesur; the 
" Annales de la Petite Russie," by Scherer ; and the anonymous " Histoire de la 
Nouvelle Russie ; " as well as from the well-known travels of Pallas, Gmelin, 
Guthrie, Clarke, Seymour, and De Hell. Among the standard works, unneces- 
sary to detail, which I have gleaned over, are St. Martin's " Memoires sur 
I'Armenie ;" the "Ugrische Volkstamm," of Miiller ; the great corpus of extracts 
from the Byzantine historians, by Stritter ; Lelewel's " Poland," Erdmann's 
"Travels," the "Histoire des Huns," of De Guignes, and especially the 
supplemental volume, by Senekofski, containing the history of Bukhara in the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Mr. Tracy Tornirelli's mistaken loyalty, 
which has made him lately a prominent figure in popular cartoons, must not 
make us forget his valuable and interesting work on Kazan and its history. 
Klaproth's various works, especially his "Journey to the Caucasus," have been 
scoured for plunder. For Timur's campaign in Europe, I have consulted the 
well-known and very exhaustive memoir by M. Charmoy, in the third volume 
of the transactions of the St. Petersburg Academy, and also the " History of 
Timur," by Sherif ud din, translated by Petis de la Croix. 


For the history of the Khanates of Central Asia, besides the works already 
quoted, I have freely used the " Travels " of Frazer and of Ferrier, of Wood 
and Moorcroft, of Burnes and Conolly, of Abbott and Wolff, of Khanikof 
(edited by Bode), of Muravief, Meyendorf, Vambery, etc., Malcolm's " Persia," 
and Elphinstone's " Caubul," Erskine's "History of India" and Michell's 
well known essays on Central Asia, translated from the Russian, Hellwald's 
" Russen in Central Asien," Wathen's well known pjper in the Journal of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, and Ritter's "Asien." The ''Tabakat i Nasiri," 
as edited by Major Raverty (when are we to see the concluding part?), has 
furnished me with some valuable matter for my first chapter. I have been 
greatly indebted to the Hackluyt Society's publications for the travels 
of Barbaro, Contarini, Herberstein, Horsey and Fletcher, and, most im- 
portant of all, for "Cathay, and the Way Thither," by Colonel Yule. The 
edition of Schiltberger, which it has just brought out, I have only been able 
to utilise in the notes ; in the text the quotations are from Neumann's 
edition. The older Hackluyt collection has supplied me with the travels 
of Jenkinson and Johnson. Jonas Hanway and his famous quartoes are 
too well known to detain us. Bell of Antermony has been consulted in 
" Pinkerton's Voyages." The admirable editions of Carpini and Rubruquis by 
D'Avezac have been constantly at my elbow, as have the various volumes of the 
Journal Asiatique, and the Melanges Asiatiqxies of the St. Petersburg Academy. 
Y^.\2i.'^xQ\.\C% Magazin Asiatique, the Geographical Magazine, \.\\t Russische Revue, 
Vtitxm?Lnn's Mittheilungen, Baerand Helmersen's ^^Vra^*?, and the " M^moires 
sur la Chine," by the French Jesuits, will be found quoted for several valuable 

Vambery's " History of Bukhara" and his " Travels " I have found very useful 
in the later chapters. It is to be regretted that the former work, which is full 
of graphic power, was written with such want of care. It ought not to be 
forgotten that Senkofski, in his well known supplement to De Guignes, had 
already given from the "Tarikhi Mekim Khani" the history of the Astrakhanids, 
which M. Vambery claims as a discovery of his own. These are my principal 
authorities; others, such as Erdmann, Wolff, D'Ohsson, Pallas, Yule, etc., I 
have already mentioned in my former volume ; others which I may have 
here overlooked will be found duly mentioned in the following pages, when 
1 have drawn inspiration from them. 

On looking over the roll of great men, living and dead, whose garners I 
have rifled, I feel more than ever how small my efforts have been compared with 
theirs, and how much I am indebted to them. I hope I have done them no 
injustice. If my readers find anything of value in the following pages, let 
them assign it to those under whose shadow I have found shelter, and leave 
the rest to me. In many places, I may say with Charron, I only claim the 
form and method, and not being able to say the thing better than my 
authority, have without scruple used his words. A man is not jealous of his 
father, or a scholar of his master. What they have taught me I have tried to 
interpret for others. I shall be well content to have cast some seed from 
their baskets into corners where nothing grew before, and to make men 

PREFACE. xxxui 

understand the value of the gold which they laboured to carve oat of the rock 
and which they sometimes left barely visible, while the easy task remained 
of chipping off a few splinters and laying it all bare. 

I must now return my thanks to others who have assisted me. In the first 
place, these are due to the kind good friends who have opened up for me 
sources which were otherwise a sealed book. I mean the various works here 
quoted from the Russian. None can exaggerate the dreary labour involved in 
spending many days and nights in translating from another tongue, and purely 
out of good nature, for the writer of a book whose very enthusiasm for such an 
arid subject is near aldn to madness in their eyes. Among those who have 
assisted me in this way, I have to mention my friend, Mr. Fairbrother, whose 
unaffected goodness has left him stranded without an enemy, which is as great 
a temptation to one's virtue as authorship would be in the absence of criticism. 
He has now migrated to Moscow, where my gratitude I hope may reach him. 
Next, my younger friend, Mr. Kinloch, who is not only a good Russian scholar, 
but an ingenious chemist. He has not spared himself for me, and a great deal 
that is of value in the following volumes would have been hidden in Egyptian 
darkness but for his assistance and zeal. I have also received help at all times 
in the most free and generous manner from my friends, Mr. Schuyler, Mr. Robert 
Michell, and Mr. Delmar Morgan, all well known as Russian scholars, and from 
whom the world expects a rich harvest of translation in the future. To Dr. 
Rieu, of the MS. department of the British Museum, I am much indebted for a 
translation from the Persian of several pages of the Tarikhi Abulkhair, for 
some long passages of Khuandemir, and for a perennial good nature which 
has never flagged towards me and my work. Dr. Rost, of the India Library; 
Mr. Vaux, of the Asiatic Society, and Mr. Edward Thomas, I have to thank 
for unfailing urbanity, and for the loan of rare books, a loan on the only 
condition that is of any value to a student doing original work, namely, for an 
indefinite time. 

Lastly, there are those who live closer to our hearth, and who know us better 
tlian the rest. A Chinese proverb says, " The conjuror never takes in the man 
who plays the gong for him." On his own carpet there is not elbow room for 
an impostor to play the hero, or to formulate the pretences with which he can 
mystify the crowd. On the other hand, the ties that bind him there are not so 
ephemeral as the bonds which connect him to those whose lions never live 
beyond the conventional nine days. It is no part of the world's business 
assuredly, but it is none the less a part of our duty to think at this time of those 
who have meanwhile made our home happy and bright. When a terrible 
calamity has thrown a shadow across our lives, it is a great temptation to invoke 
oblivion, by burying one's life in a work like this, and to forget meanwhile 
that others are in the shade perhaps more deeply than ourselves. More 
thanks for the overflowing kindness and gentleness which never grumbled 
or complained. As for other justification for what many deem wasted 
hours, health, and money, there is a ring of something like a great truth 
behind, which I would shelter in the quaint and rugged words of Sir Thomas 
Browne : " There is no sanctum sanctorum in philosophy," he says, " the 
world was made to be inhabited by beasts, but studied and contemplated 


by man; 'tis the debt of our reason we owe unto God, and the homage that 
we pay for not being beasts. . . . The wisdom of God receives small 
honour from those vulgar heads that rudely stare about, and with a gross 
rusticity admire his works. Those highly magnify him, whose judicious 
inquiry into his acts, and deliberate research into his creation, return the 
duty of a devout and learned admiration. Therefore — 

" Search while thou wilt ; and let thy reason go, 
To ransom truth, e'en to the abyss below. 
Rally the scattered causes ; and that line 
Which Nature twists be able to untwine. 

Give thou my reason that instructive flight 

Whose weary wings may on thy hands still light. 

Teach me to soar aloft, yet ever so, 

When near the sun to stoop again below. 

Thus shall my humble feathers safely hover, 

And though near earth more than the heavens discover. 

And then at last, when homeward I shall drive. 

Rich with the spoils of nature, to my hive. 

There will I sit, like that industrious fly, 

Buzzing thy praises ; which shall never die 

Till death abrupts them, and succeeding glory 

Bids me go on in a more lasting story." 

Dtrby House ^ EccUs, January, 1880, 


THIS chapter is devoted to an account of the various races vi'hich 
formed the heritage of the eldest son of Jingis Khan and his 
descendants. This heritage was called Togmak by the 
Mongols, apparently from a frontier town on the river Chu with which 
they came early into contact. It was called Desht Kipchak, or the 
Steppe of Kipchak, from the tribe of Kipchak, which was once its most 
prominent occupier, and was known in the West as the Golden Horde. 

Such of my readers as are not interested in minute ethnology and the 
dry discussions of details which chiefly constitute it, will do well to pass 
on at once to the next chapter, in which the narrative properly begins. 
I have used the name Tartar as the generic name of the race described 
in this volume. A justification of this I shall give later on. Here it 
will suffice to say that the tribes to which attention will be confined 
are of Turkish race, the aristocracy and leaders alone being of Mongol 
descent. The aim and scope of our work are to integrate a large part 
of the broken history of the Asiatic nomades around that of the famous 
imperial race which claimed descent from Jingis Khan. 

The Mongol word yurt meant originally the domestic fireplace, and 
according to Von Hammer, the word is identical with the German 
herde and the English hearth, and thence came in a secondary sense to 
mean house or home, the chief's house being known as Ulugh Yurt or the 
Great House. 

An assemblage of several yurts formed an ordu or orda, equivalent to 
the German hort and the English horde, which really means a camp. 
The chief camp where the ruler of the nation lived was called the Sir 
Orda, i.e., the Golden Horde.* 

The name is applied by Carpini and Benedict of Poland to the great 
tent tenanted by Kuyuk Khan. Tentoritan praparaUim quod apud ifisos 
Orda Aurea appellatur : ubi Kuyuk debcbat poni in sede, etc., says the 
former.t Invenerunt imperatorem apud tentorium magnum quod 
vacatur Syra orda, says the latter. t The name was apparently similarly 
applied to Batu's chief tent, whence it came about that eventually the 
whole nation was known as the Golden Horde. 

As I shall show further on, the Golden Horde was from the beginning 
divided into two main sections; that subject to the older branch of 

• Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 32. 33- t Ed. D'Avezac, 757. \ Id., ril' 



Juchi's family dominated in the east, had a titular suzerainty over 
the other, and was known as the Ak Orda or White Horde, while that 
living in the western part of the Khanate, which held the real, although 
not the nominal, authority, was styled the Kok Orda or Blue Horde. 
These were, however, political divisions, and not ethnographic ones. 

The ethnography of the Golden Horde is not very difficult to make 
out. In the first place, the tribes who composed it may be divided into 
two well marked and distinct sections, one of which, the Manguts or 
Flat-Noses, formed the patrimony of Nogai Khan and his family, 
and the other and much more numerous one comprised the remaining 
Tartars, who were distinguished by a variety of names. 

We will first consider the Nogais, who are also called Manguts. All 
observers have agreed in separating them sharply from the other Tartars. 
Thus, Dr. Clarke says of them : " They are a very different people from 
the Tartars of the Crimea, and may be instantly distinguished by their 
diminutive form and the dark copper colour of their complexion, sometimes 
almost black. They have a remarkable resemblance to the Laplanders, 
although their dress and manner has a more savage character."* 

Pallas enlarges also upon their specially Mongolian features, Klaproth 
says: " Of all the Tartar tribes that I have seen the Nogais bear by far 
the strongest resemblance in features and figure to the Mongols, a 
circumstance which authorises the inference of an intermixture with that 
nation, which perhaps took place during their residence to the north and 
north-west of the Caspian."! 

Tliese extracts will suffice to show that the Nogais differ essentially 
from the other Tartars in physique. They differ also in language. 
Thus, Pallas says : " The language and writing of the real Tartars differ 
little from those of the Turks, and the dialect of the mountaineers who 
are subject to the Turkish dominion, bears a still greater analogy to that 
of their masters. On the contrary, the tongue of the Nogais deviates 
more remarkably, as they have retained numerous Mongolian phrases, 
and make use of an ancient mode of writing, likewise mixed with the 
latter, and called Shagaltai."|: This mixture of Mongol with their 
language is denied by Klaproth, and with justice. " On the other 
hand," he says, "you still find among them some remains of the old 
Tartar dialect, which they make use of in writing and which is called 
Jagatai, or as it is there commonly pronounced, Shagaltai."§ This is 
very interesting. As is well known, the Turkish race is divided by 
ethnographers into two great sections, the western Turks, of whom the 
greater part of the Tartars of the Golden Horde are good examples, and 
the eastern Turks, of whom the Uighurs and the so-called Jagataians, of 
whom we shall have much to say in our next volume, are the type. 

* Clarke's Travels, i., 588. t Traveli in the Caucasus, 161. 

I Travels in Southern Russia, ii., 336. ^ Op. cit., 161. 


It follows, from what has been stated, that the Nogais speak a 
dialect closely allied to that of the eastern Turks, with whom they also 
agree in physique. This view is supported by another curious circum- 
stance. In the mythical traditions of the Turks, the race is descended 
from two stem-fathers, Nokus and Kiat, who are said to have been 
brothers. The Turks proper are apparently comprised under the head 
of Kiats, and thus we read of Kiat Kungrads and Kiat Kanglis. 
Nokus, on the other hand, seems to be the representative of the eastern 
Turks and Uighurs. In this view, it is curious to find one division of 
the Uzbegs called Nokus Mangut. 

From all these circumstances it would seem probable that the 
Manguts were in fact a section of the eastern Turks who had found 
their way into the west, where they are an intrusive element. Have we 
any direct proof of such a migration ? I believe such a proof exists. 
The empire of the eastern Turks or Uighurs, according to the Chinese, 
was overturned by the Hakas in the year 840. Thereupon, we are told 
that Pingtele, or Pangtele, one of the ministers of the late Khan, fled 
at the head of fifteen tribes of Uighurs, to the Kololu or Karluks.* 
This migration, I believe, first brought the Manguts into the west. 
Now, on turning to western writers, we find a new and aggressive race 
of Turks appearing shortly after this very date on the Volga, namely, 
the Pechenegs. I propose tentatively to identify the Pechenegs with the 
followers of Pangtele, and with the later Manguts. 

The first appearance of the Pechenegs in Europe is dated by Constan- 
tine Porphyrogenitus about the year 894-899, when, as he tells us, they 
were attacked by the Khazars, and Uzi in alliance, and driven from their 
ancient seats.t Previously, according to the same author, they had lived 
on the Atil, t.g., the Volga, and the Geech, i.g., the Jaik, and were the 
neighbours of the Uzi and the Mazari.f In another place he tells the 
story in another way. He says that " the Patzinakitai, who were formerly 
called Kangar, which name," he adds, " among them meant nobility and 
strength, having taken up arms against the Khazars, were beaten, and 
deserted their country, and were obliged to enter the land inhabited 
by the Turks."§ By Turks Constantine always means the Magyars. 

After a while, Constantine goes on to say, the Pechenegs quarrelled 
with the Turks, and having defeated them, drove one section towards 
Persia, />., as I believe, to the north of the Caucasus, and the other 
towards the Carpathians. The Pechenegs now definitely occupied the 
old Turkland on each side of the Dnieper, and divided their country 
into eight provinces — four east of that river called Tzur, Culpee, Talmat, 
and Tzopon ; and four west of it, namely, Chopon, Gyla, Kharoboe, and 
Ertem,|| and thus occupied the very country held by the Nogais in later 

» Bretschneider, op. cit., 118, 146. t Stritter, iii., 797- I ■^<' 

} IJ., 798. I Iti., iii., 806-7. 


times. Elsewhere Constantine tells us the name Kangar was not applied 
to all the Pechenegs, but only to three of their tribes who were stronger and 
nobler than the rest.* This shows that Pecheneg and Kangar, which is 
apparently only another form of Kankali, were not quite convertible terms. 
Nestor, the early Russian annalist, confirms the account of Constantine, 
except as to the date ; in dates, however, he is often astray. He says the 
Pechenegs appeared for the first time in Russia {i.e., in the principality of 
Kief), in the year 915. They made peace with Igor the Russian chief, 
and advanced as far as the Danube, and had intercourse with the Greek 
empire.t Zeuss thus gives the synonymy of the Pechenegs. They were 
called Pizenaci by Liutprand, Pecenatici by Cosmas of Prague and 
Pincenates, Pecinei, Petinei, Postinagi, by other western writers ; 
Patzinakitai, by Constantine Posphyrotjenitus ; Peczenjei, by the Slavs ; 
and Bisseni, or Bessi, by the Hungarians. This last form of the name 
probably gave its appellation to Bessarabia ; Snorro calls the race Pezina 
vollr. That the Pechenegs were Turks there cannot be any doubt. Ibn 
el Vardi describes them as a Turkish race who had separated from the 
other Turks, and settled between the Khazars and Krim. He calls them 
Beknakije, and tells us, that although they had lived there so long they 
had not any houses.^ Anna Comnena tells us they spoke the same 
language as the Comans. The meaning of the word Pecheneg is 
explained very plausibly by M. Vambery as being a corruption of 
bash mak, i.e., chief prince. § Von Hammer, and Dr. Schott, in his 
memoir on the Kangar, say the name Bejnak means the related, or 
allied. It is undoubtedly a personal name; thus we read that when the 
Cossack Yermak attacked the Siberians on the Tawda, a prince called 
Pecheneg was among the slain, so that it is exceedingly probable that 
the race was named after some chief named Pecheneg, as it was at a 
later day after Nogai. It will be noted also that the chief who ruled on 
the Volga at the time of Batu's invasion, was called Bachiman, which 
seems another form of the same name. 

The Pechenegs occur for the last time, eo nomine, in the Russian 
annals in the year 1152, but in 1162, and in that section of Nestor, 
written by the fourth continuation, we find a new name applied to the 
rivals and enemies of the Comans, in the steppes of southern Russia, 
who can be no other than the Pechenegs, namely, Chernoklobuks or 
Black Caps. II 

They are also mentioned in the years 1174, 1187, 1190, 1 192, and 1200. H 
We again meet with the name in the accounts of Batu's invasion, when 
we are told that in the autumn of 1239 he with the other princes marched 
against the Russians and the Karakalpaks or Black Caps.** This name of 
Black Caps, or Karakalpaks, is actually a well-known tribal name among 

* Stritter, iii., 808. t Op. cit., ed. Paris, i.,^3. J Zeuss, op. cit., 743. 

% Geographical Magazine, iv., 78. \ Nestor, \\., g8. 

S Von Hammer. Golden Horde, 454-6. •• D'Ohsson, ii., 627. 


the Turks, and applied to an important section of the Nogais.* One of 
the principal features of the Karakalpaks, distinguishing them from the 
other Turkish tribes, is the possession of a considerable quantity of hair 
on their faces ; and Bakui says of the Pechenegs, they had long beards 
and large mustaches. He adds, that their food consisted chiefly of 
millet.f Vambery says the favourite food of the Karakalpaks^ is kazan 
djappay, i.e.^ meal baked in a pan with fat. \ 

One of the tribes of Kipchak, as given by Novairi in 1325, was\named 
Kara Burkli, i.e.^ Black Caps ; and lastly, StrahlenbergI tells us that 
east of the Jaik there survived when he wrote places called Talmasata 
and Curcutata, which are clearly identical with the Talmat and Tzur of 
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, which he names as two sections of the 
Pechenegs. For these reasons, I am disposed to identify the Manguts 
and Karakalpaks as the descendants of the Pechenegs. 

Having separated the Manguts and shown how they were an intrusive 
element in the population of " the Kipchak," we may now turn to its 
remaining Tartar inhabitants. These have a more or less homogeneous 
history. Of course, in certain areas, as in the Krim and at Kazan, they 
have been largely sophisticated in blood by a mixture with other races, 
but in the main they are under their various names very pure and typical 
specimens of the Turkish stock. We will now consider some of their 
divisions, and begin with — 

The Kazaks. The name Kazak has no ethnic value. It is applied to 
Turkish tribes, to the Slavic Cossacks of the Ukraine, the Don, the 
Volga, etc., and to the Circassians, a part of whose country was called 
Kasachia by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, while they themselves are 
called Kessek or Kazak by their neighbours the Ossetes, who affirm that 
the Circassians called themselves Kasak before the coming of the 
Kabardian princes from the Krim.§ Klaproth argues that the word has 
been adopted by the Tartars to denote a man who leads a martial and 
roving life like that of the Circassians, and he adds further, that in the 
old Tartar and its kindred Turkish dialects it is not to be found, and 
many Tartars even know nothing of its meaning. |1 Erskine says 
distinctly that the name is formed of two Arabic words, and adds that the 
Russian travellers call them Tartar words, as they do many Arabic and 
Persian terms which have been introduced into the Tartar or Turkish This Arabic etymology is a very probable one, and accounts 
for the word being found both on the banks of the Sir and north of the 
Caucasus in early times, Constantine Porphyrogenitus in the tenth century 
and Firdusi somewhat later both using it. It no doubt passed from 
the Circassians to the Russian Cossacks. The name means merely 
freebooter or nomade soldier. Haidar, in describing the young days 

* Vide infra, <i)M.^.x\\. t t>'OhssoD, Abul Cassim, 117, 118. t Op. cit., 282. 

) Klaproth, Travels in the Caucasus, 310-11. Id., 311. f Erskine's Baber, xlv., note. 


of Weis Khan, when after his father's death he took to robbery, 
uses the word kazaki. The term was also appUed specially to the 
hired soldiery employed by the various appanaged princes in Russia. 
Thus we read of Cossacks of Riazan,* Cossacks of Ustiuge, etc.f 
Similarly, we read of Kazaks of Gorodetz or Kasimof,J and Abulghazi 
speaks of the vagabond soldiery in the service of the princes of Urgenj 
as Kazaks. § 

We thus see that the term " kazak " has in its origin no ethnic 
value. We have now to consider how it came to be applied as a race 
name to those who are often called Kirghiz Kazaks (they are called 
Kirghiz by the Bashkirs, while I believe the Great Horde is also 
so called by the other Kazaks), but who are now properly known as 
Kazaks. This has been explained for us by Haidar, the author of the 
Tarikhi Rashidi. He tells us how on the death of Abulkhair the Ulus of 
the Uzbegs fell into confusion, and how many repaired to Girai Khan 
and Janibeg Khan, the representatives of the White Horde, to the number 
of 20,000 persons, and how they thus got the name of Kazak Uzbegs ; 
and he afterwards refers to the same tribes merely as the Kazaks. Their 
history from this time can be followed out in detail. || Before this date 
no reference is made to any such race so far as I can make out, and it is 
in every way certain that they so called themselves at this time, as being 
fugitives and vagabonds, par excellence^ and that the name as a race- 
name is no older than the second half of the fifteenth century. Before 
this the greater part of the so-called Kazaks constituted the " White 
Horde," subject to Orda Ichen and his descendants, from whom, as we 
shall show, the chieftains of the modern Kazaks claim to descend. 

As I have said, they call themselves Kazaks, and by this name they 
are known to the Persians, Bukharians, and Khivans, while the Chinese 
soften the k, and call them Khassaki, and also Hakas. I will now give 
a list of their divisions. They are, in the first place, divided into three 
sections, respectively known as ulugh iuz, urta iuz, and kichik iuz, ».<?., 
the Great, Middle, and Little Hordes, iuz meaning hterally a hundred or 
a century,^ and being applied to a horde, as the Mongols apply the 
terms minggan, tuman, etc. 

Originally, we are told, the Great Horde comprised the three sections of 
Uisun or Usiun, Tulatai, and Sargam. Eventually, the horde of Kunkurad 
or Kungrad detached itself from the Middle Horde, and joined it. 

The Middle Horde consists of the four sections named, Arghin, 
Naiman, Kipchak, and Uvak-Girai. 

The Little Horde originally comprised the powerful tribe of Alchin, 
with seven petty clans, who were united into one tribe by Tiavka, in order 
to protect them from the aggressions of their neighbours. They were 

♦ Karamzin, v., 476. f Id., viii., 125. I Vel. Zernof, i., note 99, etc. 

S Op. cit., 247. I Vide infra, chap. viii. f Levchine, 150. note. 


given the name of Semirodsk, i.e., the seven tribes, while the Alchin 
tribe was itself divided into two branches known respectively as the 
Alimuli and the Baiuly.* 

I will now enumerate the names and habitats of the smaller divisions 
of the Kazaks as given by Levchine, etc. 
I. — The Little Horde. 

The tribe of Alimuli consists of six divisions, called Kara Sakal, Kara 
Kissiek, Kiti6, Dort-Kara, Chumekei, and Chikly. When Levchine 
wrote, it encamped in winter on the Sir, the Kuvan, the dried up bed of 
the Jany Daria, on the sands of Karakum and Burzuk, and at the mouth 
of the Yemba. A small section lived on the Ilek, the Or, and the Ural, 
from the fort of Krasnogorsk as far as Verkhni Ozernaia. Their summer 
camps were on the rivers Temir, Yemba, Saghiz, Uil, Ilek, Khobda, 
Or, and Irghiz, in the hills of Mugojar, and the Karakum sands. 
The tribe of Baiuli is divided into twelve sections, and comprises the 
clans of Adai, Cherkes, Tana, Baibakti, Shikhlar, Maskar, Kizil-kurt, 
Issen-T^mir, a part of that of Jappas, and the greater part of those of 
Alacha, Tazlar, and Bersch. All nomadised over-against the fortified line 
of the Lower Ural passed the summer between the Ural and the Yemba, 
near the lakes of Karakul, and the rivers Kuldaghaiti, Buldurti, Ulenti, 
Jusali, Chungurlaou, Ankati, and Uilu, as far as Khobda ; the winter on 
the Caspian, at the mouths of the Ural and the Yemba, and near Gurief. 
A part of the tribe Adai Uved at Mangushlak ; the sections Tazlar, Alacha, 
and Bersch on the Sir, the Kuvan, and the Karakum sands. The greater 
part of the Yappas encamped in summer on the Tobol, and the Turgai 
opposite Troitsk, and in winter on the Sir and the Kuvan.f As we shall 
see later on,t a part of the Baiulis detached themselves about 1801 
and 1802, under their leader Bukei, and settled in the government of 
Astrakhan, and in the district of Rin Peski. Wahl says the emigrants 
originally numbered 1,500 kibitkas, which number rapidly increased, 
amounted in 1820 to upwards of 7,500, and in 1862 to 25,000 kibitkas, or 
upwards of 100,000 souls. Their number would be still larger had it not 
been for the disastrous winter of 1822, when the whole steppe was turned 
to ice, and frightful snow-storms and icy blasts destroyed all animal life. 
The losses of the horde during that dreadful season amounted to 280,000 
horses, 73,000 head of cattle, and 1,000,000 sheep. Overwhelmed with 
terror they fled into the Government of Saratof, but have been quietly 
settled again in their old territory since 1863. 

The Semirodsk, or Seven Tribes, comprise the Tabin, Tama, Kerderi, 
Jagal-Baiuli, Kerait, Tiliaou, and Ramadan. They for the most part 
wintered near the Irghiz, the Or, the Kumak, the Sugunduk, and the hills of 
Karacha. They passed the summer near the Russian frontier between 
the forts of Verkhni Ozernaia and Verkhni Uralsk, and thence southwards 

* Levchine, 303-4. t Id., 304-6. I Vide infra, 671. 


to the Irghiz. The winter camps of the clans Kerder and Tama were 
on the Ural between Orenburg and Uralsk ; and their summer ones, 
on the Donghuz, Khobda, Kanlis, and Ilek. 

The greater part of the clan Tabin camped near the two preceding 
tribes, another portion on the Tobol, Sir, Kuvan, and Yemba, while the 
rest lived with the Middle Horde on the Issel, Chu, and the sands of 
Aremetei. The clan Kerait wintered on the Sir, and passed its summer 
on the Irghiz and the mountains of Karacha and Troitsk. 

The clans of Tilief or Tilieou, and Ramadan, wintered on the Sir and 
Kuvan, near the Keraits, and summered on the Turgai, and in the 
neighbourhood of lake Urkach-Kandikli.* 

II.— The Middle Horde. 

The tribe or division Arghin, comprises the sections Kara Kissiek, 
Karavul-Kissiek, Charjitim, Janjar, Chakchak, Dort-Avul, Atigai, Altai, 
Tebich, Tabakli, Borchi, Karpak, Bassantien, Aghich-Kalkaman, 
Kanjigali, Koziugan, and Kukshal. These clans, according to Levchine, 
lived near the mountains Ulugh, Boyan-ula, Ireimen, Kizil, Kuyucha, 
Mukcha, and the districts of Uch-Burlik, Kilchakti, Uch-Kundan, 
Bikchentei, and the banks of the Turgai, Nura, Tobol, Irtish, Sarisu, 
Ishim, Issel, Ubagan, Ulkoiak, and Ayati, the sands of Kara Tussun, 
and the borders of the lakes Kizil, Kurjan, Tiba, and Bishkun.f 

The Naimans comprised the clans of Akbura {i e., White Wolf), 
Bulachi, Kara-Girai, Tirs-Tamgali, Dort-Avul, Kuk-JarU, Irghiniekli, 
Semis-Baganali {i.e., possessors of fat lambs), and Sadir. The greater 
part of the Naimans lived in the mountains of Tarbagatai, the Upper 
Irtish, and other places on the Chinese frontier ; the remainder on the 
upper Ishim, the Turgai, Kara Uziek, Sir, Kuvan, Lap-su, Kuk-su, the 
borders of the lake Ak, and the mountains of Ulugh, Kichi, etc.J 

The Kipdiaks comprised the clans of Tori-Aighyr, Tuiuchka, Kitabak, 
Bultun, Karabalik, Kundelien, Tana-Buga, Uzun, and Kuk-Boron. 
They lived on the Issel, the Turgai, Chakiek, Ubagan, Tobol, Ayat, 
Munyunli, and Uya, near the forts of Troitsk, Stepnoi, and Ust Uiskoi; 
and on the sands of Karakum, as well as in the districts of Aman- 
Karagai, Ebelei, Yedis, and Tiriekli.§ 

The Uvak-Girais consist of the clans Uvak, Girai or Kirai, and 
Tarakli. They nomadised on the rivers Ubagan, Ishim, Uya, Taguzac, 
Irtish, Issel, Sari Su, and Chu; on the sands of Ich-Kungur, in the 
neighbourhood of lake Kechubai-Charkar, and near the fortified line 
between the forts of Stepnoi and Verkho Uralsk; and also near the 
forts of Zuerinogolofskoi and Presnogorkofskoi. 

III.— The Great Horde. 

The lesser divisions of the Great Horde comprise the clans of Botboi, 
Chimir, Janis or Vanish, Sik-Am, Abdai Suvanc, Sara-Suli, Chanish-Kili, 

•Levchine, 307. Md. I M, 303-8. S Id. 


Kanli or Kankli, Jelair, etc. The tribe of Kungrad, which, as I said, joined 
the Great Horde in recent times, includes the clans of Bailar-Janjar, 
Uras Gheldi, Kuljegach, Bochman, Tok-Bulad, Iman-Bai, Kura-Kusia, 
Etimlier, and Kuyush-Kansiz, These various clans of the Great Horde 
wandered on the rivers Chu, Tala-Su, 116, Kuk-Su, Karatal, Chirchik, Sir, 
Sari-Su, near lakes Kara, Ala, Al-Su, Anamas, and in the towns of Kulja 
Kashkar, Khokand, Tashkend, Turkestan, near the mountains Kara-Tau, 
Tarbagatai, Chinghiz-Tsazan, and in the district known as the Seven 
Rivers, as well as in other places on the borders of China, and in the old 
country of the Sungars. One portion of the Kungrads lived in these 
localities, and another encamped with the Naimans.* 

In enumerating these sections of the Kazaks, we must not forget 
that they comprise smaller divisions, and these again still smaller 
ones, which are constantly altering in name, etc., so that the hierarchy 
of the various sectional divisions would require almost a volume to 
illustrate it. We will now turn to — 

The Uzbegs. First, as to their name. Here I have to break a lance 
with Professor Gregorief, for whom I entertain the profoundest respect, 
and to whose wide researches and learning I am greatly indebted. In a 
fierce criticism of Mr. Vambery's History of Bukhara, much of which is, 
if severe, at all events unanswerable, he pours words of scorn upon those 
who derive the name of the Uzbeg confederacy from Uzbeg, the great 
chief of the Golden Horde. Nevertheless, the view so denounced I 
think is supported by irrefragable evidence. M. Gregorief denies that it 
is the custom of the Turks to name their tribes after noted heroes. I 
can hardly understand this phrase. If we go back to legendary times, 
we shall find that Oghuz, Kipchak, etc., are stated by the Turkish 
genealogists to have given their names to the tribes they governed ; but 
we need not go back so far. Assuredly the Seljuki and the Osmanli 
among the greater Turk races and the various lesser clans of Turkomans 
are instances of this practice ; while, if we turn to the Golden Horde, 
we shall find it even more the case. The Bereke Tartars are so called 
not only by Marco Polo, but by Abulfeda, and were so named from Bereke 
Khan. The Nogais are another instance in point, while the various 
tribes of Nogais are notoriously named from their founders as separate 
and substantive tribes ; so is it with a considerable number of the lesser 
clans among the Kazaks and Uzbegs. 

Again, Professor Gregorief says the name Uzbeg does not occur till 
the second half of the fifteenth century, a hundred years after the death 
of Uzbeg. Sherif ud din, the historian of Timur, completed his famous 
Zefer Nameh in 1424, and was a contemporary of Timur ; he distinctly 
speaks of Idiku as Idiku the Uzbeg, and of the Kipchaks as Uzbegs.f 

This shows us that the name was in use much earlier than M. Gregorief 
says. His third argument is that Uzbeg did not rule over the tribes called 

• Levchine, 303-3. t Charmoy, Moms., St. Pet. Acad., iii, 364; Sherif ud Jin, iii.,34. 




Uzbegs, So far as we know, he was acknowledged as their over chief by 
all the tribes of the Ulus of Juchi Khan, and his coins are found minted 
at all the towns in the Horde which up to his date had struck money. 

I cannot, therefore, see any good reason for rejecting the very natural 
and current account that the Uzbegs were so named from the Great Uzbeg 
Khan, while the etymology of Uzbeg generally suggested in lieu of this 
derivation, namely, from Uz, self, and bek, bek,* is exceedingly impro- 
bable and far-fetched. 

Abulghazi tells us that Uzbeg converted his subjects to the Mussulman 
faith, and it was due to him that all the inhabitants of the land became 
converts to Islam, and that the II of Juchi adopted his name, which it 
would retain till the day of judgment.t The name Uzbeg, therefore, like 
that of Kazak, is a comparatively recent name, and does not date back 
further than the reign of Uzbeg Khan, who died in 1340. Klaproth tells 
us the Uzbegs are divided into four main divisions, namely, the Uighur- 
Naiman, Kangli-Kipchak, Kiat-Kungrad, and Nokus-Mangut.J 

The following table of the various branches of the Uzbegs was taken 
from a work entitled " Nassed Nameti Uzbekia," by Khanikof :— 

1. Mangut. I. Juk-Mangut. 

2. Ming. 2. Ak-Mangut. 

3. Yuz. 3. Kara-Mangut. 

4. Kirk 

5. Ung. 

6. Ungachit. 

7. Jilair. 

8. Sarai. 

g. Kungrad. 

I. Kanjagali. 


















Tup Kara. 











II. Omli. 






Churan. . 













• Schuyler, i., 106. 

t Op. cit., 184. 

I See Polyglotta, 218. 



III. Kushtamgali. 

10. Yelchin. 

11. Arghun. 

12. Naiman. 

13. Kipchak. 

14. Chichak. 

15. Aurat. 

16. Kalmak. 

17. Kar-tu. 

18. Burlak. 
ig. Buslak. 

20. Samarchim. 

21. Katagan. 

22. Kalechi. 

23. Kunegaz, 

24. Butrek. 

25. Uzoi. 

26. Kabat. 

27. Khitai. 

28. Kangli. 

29. Uz. 

30. Chuplechi. 

31. Chupchi. 

32. Utarchi. 

33. Upulechi, 

34. Julun. 

35. Jid. 

36. Juyut. 

37. Chil Juyut. 

38. Bui-Maut. 

39. Ui-Maut, 

IV. Yaktamgali. 

V. Kir. 

40. Aralat, 

41. Kireit. 
4a. Ungut. 

43. Kangif, 

44. Khaleuat. 

45. Masad. 

46. Murkut, 

47. Berkuut. 

48. Kuralas. 

49. Uglan. 

50. Kari. 

51. Arab. 

52. Ulechi. 

53. Julegan. 

54. Kishlik. 

55. Ghedoi. 

56. Turkmen. 

57. Durmen. 

58. Tabin. 

59. Tama. 

60. Rindan. 

61. Mumin. 

62. Uishun. 

63. Beroi. 

64. Hafiz. 

65. Kinghiz. 

66. Uiruchi. 

67. Juiret. 

68. Buzachi. 
6g. Sihtiyan. 

1. Kul-abi. 

2. Barmak. 

3. Kujahur. 

4. Kul. 

5. Chuburgan. 

6. Karakalpak- 


7. Saferbiz. 

8. Dilberi. 

g. Chachakli. 

I. Tartugu. 

• 2. Aga-maili. 

3. Ishikali. 

4. Kizin-Zili. 

5. Uyugli. 

6. Bukajli. 

7. Kaigali. 

1. Juzili. 

2. Kusauli. 

3. Tirs. 

4. Balikli. 

5. Kuba. 

70. Betash. 

71. Yagrini. 

72. Shuldur. 

73. Tumai. 

74. Tleu. 

75. Kirdar. 

76. Kirkin. 


78. Uglan. 

79. Gurlet. 

80. Iglan. 

81. Chilkes. 

82. Uigur. 

83. Aghir. 

84. Yabu. 

85. Narghil. 

86. Yuzak. 

87. Kahet. 

88. Nachar. 

89. Kujalik. 

90. Buzan. 

91. iShirin. 

92. Bakhrin. 

93. Tume. 

94. Nikuz. 

95. Mugul. 

96. Kayaan. 

97. Tatar. 


In regard to the localities occupied by the principal of these tribes, 
Khanikof says the Manguts live partly near Karshi and partly near Buk- 
hara, while others of them, especially the elder branches, have established 
themselves in both these towns. The Khan of Bukhara's family, as we 
shall see, belongs to this stock. The Khitais are settled between Bukhara 
and Kermineh; the Naimans live near Ziyan ud din; the Kipchaks between 
Katta Kurghan and Samarkand ; the Sarai near the road leading from 
Samarkand to Karshi ; the Kungrads partly in Karshi, and partly 
between that town and the mountains of Shehri sebz ; the Turkmen on 
the Amu Daria ; the Arabet between Karshi and Bukhara ; the Buzachi 
near Buzachi, between the same places ; the Durmans in and near 
Khijuvan ; the Yabu partly nomadise near Bukhara and partly 
with the Khitai Naimans in Miankal ; the Jid and Juyut are partly 
settled on the Amu Daria, and partly wander about with the Turk- 
men ; the Belash are all settled near Bukhara ; the Bakhrin in Miankal.* 
To this enumeration of Khanikofs I ought to add that made by 
Vambery, who tells us the Uzbegs are divided into thirty-two principal 
taife or tribes, viz., the Kungrad, Kipchak, Khitai, Manghit or Mangut, 
Noks, Naiman, Kulan, Kiet, Az, Taz, Sayat, Jagatai, Uighur, Akbet, 
Durmen, Ushun, Kanjigali, Nogai, Balgali, Miten, Jelair, Keneguz, 
Kanli, Ishkili, Bagurlu, Alchin, Achmaili, Karakursak, Birkulak, Tirkish, 
Kettekeser, and Ming.f 

As I have said, Haidar calls the Kazaks, Uzbeg Kazaks, suggesting 
that both confederacies were closely related. This appears more vividly 
when we examine the tribal names comprising each. Thus — 

Uzbeg tribes. Kazak tribes. 

Kungrad. Kungrad, a tribe of the Great Horde. 

Kipchak. Kipchak, a division of the Middle Horde. 

Khitai. Kitie, a clan of the Little Horde. 

Naiman. Naiman, a division of the Middle Horde. 

Oshiin. Uzun and Usiun tribes of the Middle and Great 

Horde respectively. 

Taz. Tazlar, a tribe of the Little Horde. 

Uighur. Tori Uighur, a clan of the Middle Horde. 

Kanjigali. Kanjigali, a clan of the Middle Horde. 

Jelair. Jelair, a tribe of the Great Horde. 

Kanli. Kanli or Kankli, a tribe of the Great Horde. 

Ich kili. Chan ich kili, a tribe of the Great Horde. 

Alchin. Alchin, the main tribe of the Little Horde. 

These lists will show that the confederacies were composed largely 
of common elements, but we must not exaggerate this fact too much 
and mistake a result due to the disintegrating and re-welding process 

» Bokhara, by De Bode, 74-8. f Vambery, Travels in Central Asia, 343-6, note. 


which went on during the Mongol domination for an initial identity. 
When we examine the tribal names of the two confederacies closely, 
we shall find not only that they consist of very heterogeneous 
elements, but that these elements are separable into two main branches, 
those which inhabited the Kipchak before the Mongol invasion, and 
those who migrated thither in consequence of it. The great ethnological 
fact underlying the history we are deahng with is the thrusting of the 
Turkish community westwards. Before the Mongol period the Turks 
occupied all Sungaria, and (as we showed in the notes to the former 
volume) all the so-called Mongolian desert as far as the borders of 
Manchuria, the Mongols being confined to the country round Lake 
Baikal and to Dauria. The great effect of the Mongol conquests was to 
push the Turks out of the eastern part of their former country, and to 
drive them very largely into the west. A large portion of these more 
eastern Turks probably formed the Ulus of Ogotai and his family. 
When this ulus was broken up and destroyed, they seem to have 
migrated, or were perhaps driven by the advancing Kalmuks into the 
steppes of Kipchak. It was apparently in the main these new subjects 
who were converted by Uzbeg Khan, and who adopted his name. Let 
us examine this position somewhat more closely. 

If we turn to the Uzbegs we shall find that two out of the four main 
divisions into which they fall belong to this category of immigrants, 
namely, the so-called Naiman-Uighurs and the Kiat Kungrads, while the 
Naimans, the Uvak Girais in the Middle Horde, and the Kungrads in the 
Great Horde among the Kazaks fall within the same class. If we examine 
the minor divisions of the race, as given by Klaproth, Khanikof, etc., 
we shall find a large number of names, such as Jelair, Khitai, etc., 
which also belong to this immigrant section. Now, it is curious that 
Levchine, in describing the origin of the Kazaks, tells us distinctly that 
the Kipchaks, the Naimans, the Kungrads or Kunkurats, the Jelairs, and 
the Kanklis, the Durmans and Karluks, formed no part of their race 
originally.* This confirms the view arrived at above from different 
data. We will now consider briefly these immigrant tribes. 

To what I said of the Naimans, the Jelairs, the Durmans, and the 
Uighurs in the former volume I have nothing to add. The Naimans 
(as I there showed), at the accession of Jingis Khan, dominated over 
Northern Sungaria, from the Irtish as far as Karakorum. The Jelairs 
and Durmans were Turkish tribes living among the Mongols, while the 
U ighurs lived at the well-known Bishbaligh and its neighbourhood. 

The conclusion I came to in that volume in regard to the Keraits has 
been strengthened by further consideration. I have no doubt that they 
were Turks and not Mongols. I ought here to mention that they occur 
in the pages of Haidar. In describing one of Timur's campaigns, he 

• Op. cit., 138. 


tells US that he sent Behram the Jelair, Khitai Behadur, and Sheikh Ali 
Behadur to the territory of Almatu. They engaged the Kerayets, i.e., the 
Keraits, on the river Aishek Khatun. The t in Kerait is merely the 
Mongol plural, and the tribe still survives in Eastern Sungaria, under the 
name of Girai or Kirai. I have Uttle doubt it also survives in the Uvak 
Girais of the Middle Horde. 

The Kunkurats form such a notable factor in Mongol history, and one 
hitherto so neglected, that we may be pardoned for adding a few lines to 
our former account of them. Rashid ud din says expressly they sprang 
from the two people who came out of Irgene Kun, i.e. (in his legendary 
history of the origin of the Mongols), from Kian and Nokus.* The 
story went that before they left there they trampled on the hearths 
of the other tribes, whence the Kunkurads suffered greatly from 
pains in their feet caused by their having been burnt. As they 
migrated sooner than the Mongols, the latter in former times had 
been greatly at issue with them, and hated them. They themselves 
reported that they were sprung from " Bestui Zerrin," i.e., the Golden 
Vase, which story Erdmann compares with that of the Golden bowl of 
Targitaos, etc. He argues that the tale is compounded of the notion of 
the noble Kumis bowl and the mountain-girdled valley of Irgene Kun.t 
Bestui Zerrin is said to have had three sons— Jurluk Mergen, the 
ancestor of the Kunkurads proper ; Kabai Shireh, who had two sons, 
named Angiras and Olkhonud, the ancestors of the Angirasses and 
the Olkhonuds ; and Tusbudau, who had two sons, named Karanut 
and Kungeliut. The latter, we are told, married his father's widow, by 
whom he had a son named Miser Ulug, who also married his father's 
widow, and by her had a son, Kurulas, whence sprang the tribe of the 
Kurulas. Miser Ulug afterwards married a Khitaian, by whom he had a 
son, Iljigin, the stem father of the tribe of the same name.t The 
interesting thing for us, of course, about the Kunkurads is that the 
Mongols trace the descent of their Imperial house from them. 

Burtechino, the wolf-ancestor of the Mongol imperial stock, we are 
told, was a descendant of Kian, and belonged to the tribe Kurulas. § 
The Kurulas, as we said, were a branch of the Kunkurads. Rashid 
ud din several times tells us that Alung Goa, who was the real ancestress 
of the Mongol Khans, belonged to the same tribe of the Kurulas, || whence 
it follows that the Mongol Khans were descended from the Turkish 
tribe of the Kunkurads. When we come down to later times, we find 
that the Mongol sovereigns constantly chose their principal wives from 
among the Kunkurads. Thus, Kabul Khan married Goa Gulka, who was 
a Kunkurat.H Yissugei married Ulun Egeh, or Oghelen Eka, who was an 
Olkhonud.** Temujin's chief wife, Burte Fujin, was also an Olkhonud. 

* Erdmann Temujin. 197. t td., 170, 197, 198. I Id., zoi, 202. S Abulghazi, 33. 

I Jd., 64, note 3, by Dea Maisons. If Erdmann Temujin, 170. ** Id., 253. 


The "Yuen chao pi shi" says she was of the tribe Unghir, i.e., 
a corruption of Kungur, or Kunkur, and that her father enlarged to 
Yessugei, on the fact that it had been customary for the Mongol 
princes to marry the beautiful daughters of his house. This is also 
said bySsanang Setsen.* The beautiful wife of Khubilai Khan, Jabun 
Khatun, was a Kunkurat.t Another of his wives, Nembui Khatun, was 
also a Kunkurat, as was Katakash, the wife of the Kutchu, son of Ogotai 
and Bulughan Khatun, the wife of the Ilkhan Gazan, etc.J On the 
other hand, three of Jingis Khan's five daughters, named Kujin Bigi, 
Tumalun, and Altalun, married respectively the Kurulat, Huladai 
Gurgan, the Kunkurat, Shenggu Gurgan, and the Olkhonud, Javer 
Sagan.§ Again, the soubriquet of Kiat, borne by the Imperial house 
among the Mongols, is also closely connected with the Kunkurats, who, 
as we have seen in the legend, are not only deduced from Kian or 
Kiat, but we actually fuid to this day that one of the four main divisions 
of the Uzbegs is called Kiat Kungrad. The Kungrads again are 
deemed at Khiva the senior and most noble tribe. All these facts 
concur in rnaking it pretty certain that the Mongol rulers were in fact 
descended from the royal house among the Kunkurads. 

A question which remains is as to the district occupied by this 
race. I have discussed this question in the former volume, with an 
unsatisfactory result, having no other authority, practically, but Rashid 
ud din. Since writing it, however, I have been able to consult the 
"Yuen chao pi shi." 

In note 69 to this work Palladius tells us that it is stated in the life of 
Dai Setzen, the father-in-law of Jingis Khan, as told in the Yuen Shi, 
that the Kunkurads lived in the place called Kulehrundurgin and Dalai 
Nur, and on the river Yehligun, Dalai Nur is the well known lake into 
which the Kerulon falls, and Yehligun is assuredly the Chinese transcrip- 
tion of the Argun, the river that flows out of the Dalai lake. In regard 
to the other name, Undur in Mongol means hill or elevation, || and 
Kulehr may perhaps be a form of Kerulon, the 1 and r being transposed. 
This, then, would make the home land of the Kunkurads on Lake Dalai, 
the Lower Kerulon, and the Argun. In confirmation of this, I may 
mention that the Chinese author translated by Gaubil makes Potu or 
Botu, the chief of the Inkirasses, live on the river Ergon^, i.e., the 
Argun.iy When Temujin set out to bring his wife home from her 
father's yurt, we are told in the Yuen chao pi shi that he went down the 
Kerulon. All this is conclusive as to the position of the Kunkurads, and 
we have only to reconcile it with the statement of Rashid ud din. As 
D'Ohsson says, Rashid uses the term ongu very loosely ; sometimes he 
applies it to the Inshan mountains and to the great wall which separates 

* Antt, i., 50. t Erdmann, op. cit., zoo. \ Id., 200-3. 

% Erdmann, op. cit., 445. | D'Ohsson, i., 8;>, note. ^ Op. cit., 3. 


China from Mongolia, at other times to the Khingan range, which 
separates Manchuria from Mongolia.* He doubtless treats Manchuria 
as a part of China, which it in fact was, during the domination of the 
Kin dynasty, who ruled it during the reign of Jingis Khan. He 
also gives the name of Jai Alchia to the same Khingan range ; and 
in another place mentions "Alchia Kungur, which was formerly the 
winter quarters of the Kunkurads." D'Ohsson points out that a river 
Kungur, which springs in the Khingan range, is marked by D'Anville as 
falling into Lake Taai, about N.L. 43. I may add that the river Olkui, 
which is marked as springing from the same range somewhat further 
north, not improbably gave its name to the Olkhonuds, one of the 
divisions of the Kunkurads. I have little doubt, therefore, that the 
Kunkurads occupied the eastern and north-eastern part of Mongolia, 
west of the Khingan chain, and including the environs of the Dalai or 
Kulun Lake and the river Argun, being thus planted between the 
Mongols and the Tartars properly so called. Let us now return once 
more westwards. 

Having discarded the various tribes which invaded and settled in the 
Kipchak during the Mongol domination, let us try and realise the 
condition of things there before that event. The Kazaks, as we have 
seen, were in the main the White Horde, under another name. The 
White Horde occupied the country of the lower Sir, the Chu, and the 
Talas. If we are to credit the express statement of Carpini, who 
travelled through the country, Orda, the founder of the White Horde, 
had a yurt east of I mil. It would seem, in fact, that his portion was 
largely conterminous with the empire of Kara Kitai, which was probably 
his father's ulus, and that the modern Kazaks are largely the descendants 
of the Kara Khitaians, whence we still find the name Khitai surviving 
as a clan-name in the steppes of Kipchak. 

The Kara Khitaians, however, had only a short-lived empire ; they 
had succeeded to the former power of the Turkish sovereigns of 
Turkestan, called the Ilkhanids, and who have been shown by Professor 
Gregorief to have been Karluks. The name Karluk survived as that of a 
tribe even down to the time of Jingis Khan, but in its wider and earlier 
sense it included the various tribes which obeyed the old Turkish sove- 
reigns at Balasaghun and Almaligh, who were, as I believe, the ancestors 
of the Kazaks. These Karluks were called the Lion Hoei hu, or Lion 
U ighurs of Kashgar, by the Chinese. Their supremacy only dates from the 
ninth century ; before that date the older Turks dominated in the valleys 
of the Talas and the Chu. The Turks, who were ruled over by princes, 
descended from the half-mythical Afrasiab. These Turks were, I believe, 
driven out by the Karluks when the latter founded their power. They 
then moved southwards into Transoxiana, and further south still towards 

D'Ohsson, i., 68, note. 


the borders of India, where they are well known as Khilj, Kalladjis, etc. 
Let us now revert again to the Uzbegs. When we have discarded from 
our consideration the various tribes who, as we have seen, joined 
the Uzbegs under the influence of the Mongols, we shall have remaining 
two principal divisions, namely, the Nokuz Manguts and the Kangli 
Kipchaks. The former of these we have already considered. Let us 
now turn to the latter. 

The Kipchaks, who gave their name to the Khanate, and who were a 
very important element in its population, have a history which is very 
obscure and difficult to unravel. One section of them who lived west of 
the Volga, and who were known as Comans to the Western writers, have 
already occupied us in the former volume, and we need say no more 
about them, but east of the Volga there was another section which has 
been much neglected. These were the ancestors of the Kipchaks, who 
now form such an important element in the population of Khokand and 
Mavera un Nehr. As we have seen, the Kazaks treat them as strangers 
to their confederacy, and they formed doubtless the original nucleus of 
the Horde of Sheiban, brother of Batu. Where did they live ? We have 
no absolute statements on the subject, and can only reach an answer by 
a process of exhaustion. The Kankalis, as we shall see, occupied the 
steppes north of the Aral, from the Volga as far east as the Sarisu. The 
country east of the Volga on the Middle and Upper Jaik and further 
east was, as we have seen, in all probability occupied by the Pechenegs 
and Manguts, and we are driven to find a habitat for the Kipchaks in 
the country north and north-west of the Balkhash Lake, where the 
Middle Horde of the Kazaks has its camping ground, and where the 
Horde of Sheiban apparently had its focus. These Eastern Kipchaks 
lived beyond the region easily accessible to Arab traders, and we 
consequently find hardly any mention of them in the writings of Arab 
geographers. They are probably referred to, however, in an obscure 
passage of the Nubian geographer Edrisi, in the 9th section of his 
description of the 6th climate, under the name of Khafshakh.* These 
Kipchaks no doubt formed a substantive power of their own before they 
were attacked by the Mongols. There is a very interesting passage in 
the Yuen shi which I believe refers to them, and which is so valuable as 
dealing with an exceedingly obscure district that I shall take the liberty of 
extracting it from Mr. Bretschneider's very valuable work. The passage 
is contained in the 128th chapter of the Yuen shi, in the biography 
of Tu tu ha (? Toktoghu), who was a prince of the Kincha (the Chinese 
form of Kipchak). It reads thus : " The ancestors of the people of 
Kincha originally dwelt north of Wuping, on the river Jelien, near the 
mountain Andahan. Kuchu emigrated to the north-west, to the 
mountain called Yuliboli, and this name was then adopted for the 

* Op. cit., ed. Jaub«rt, ii., 416. 


reigning family. Kuchu had a son Somona, who also had a son Inosze ; 
they were all hereditary princes of Kincha. When Jingis was at war 
with the Mieliki (Merkits), the prince Huodu fled to Kincha. Jingis 
demanded his delivery, which was refused, when the emperor gave 
orders to attack Kincha. When Inosze became old, his realm was 
troubled by insurrection ; and his son Hulusuman then determined to 
send envoys to Jingis, and offered his submission. Mengko (Mangu, 
subsequently emperor) received orders to occupy Kincha. Hulusuman's 
son Banducha surrendered with his people. Black mare's milk, which 
is very pleasant to the taste, used to be sent from Kincha to the Court 
of China ; whence the Kincha were called also Halachi. Tutuha, whose 
biography is found in the Yuen shi, was a son of Banducha. He died 
in 1279. His son Chuangwur, who died in 1322, was also a renowned 
general; and his son Yientiemur* was a Minister of China, 1328-1333 ; 
Yientiemur's brother Santun was also minister, as was Santun's son 

A few words will suffice for the consideration of the Kankalis, to 
whom we devoted a paragraph in the former volume, t I have there 
identified them with the Nogais, and this is partially correct. We 
still have among the Nogais clans with the names of Chushan-Kangli, 
and Kabil-A'rt^/if-Agakli ; § in the same way, as we have seen, some 
of the Pecheneg tribes were also Kankalis, and the most probable 
solution of the question is, either that the Kankalis actually invaded the 
west, together with the Manguts, or that they derived their name, which 
means cart or araba, from some mixture with them. A few words on 
their name of Kanklis may not be inopportune. 

In describing the war of Oghuz Khan against the Tartars, Abulghazi 
says that he had not sufficient sumpter-beasls on which to carry off his 
booty, whereupon a brave boy who was with his army invented a 
cart. His example was followed by the whole army. To these carts 
they gave the name of kank. They were previously unknown, as was 
their name. They produced when in motion a sound resembling kank- 
kank, whence this name. The inventor of the cart was thereupon 
called Kankli, and from him were descended the Kanklis or Kankalis. || 
It will be noted as a remarkable fact, and one referred to by Erdmann, 
that the Kankalis are treated as the allies rather than as the subjects of 
Oghuz Khan.H Dr. Schott says that among several tribes of Siberia a 
cart is still known as kanga.** 

Let us now consider another curious fact in the biography of Buhuman, 
a Kankali chief, which is given in the Yuen shi. In this it is expressly 
said that the Kankalis derived their origin from the Kaokiu, a people 

* See bis special biography ia cbap. cxxxviii. t Bretschneider. op. dt., X74-S. 

X Afitt, vol.i., 18. ig. i Asia, Polyglotta, 219, aao. 

I Op.cit., 17. % Erdmann Temujin. 499. 

** Cbinesische Nacbrichten uaber di Kanggar, etc., Mems. Berlin Acad., 1844, i;4, note. 


mentioned in the Han history.* This people is also and more frequently 
called Kaoche, the particle ch<5 also being read as kiu. Kaoch6 means 
in Chinese high cart, and Dr. Bretschneider tells us further that in the 
history of the Wei (i.e., in the 5th century of our era) the name of this 
people is explained by the high wheels they used to put on their carts.t 
Remusat also tells us that kaoch6 in Chinese means the same thing as 
kankali in Turkish.^ This is, therefore, a complete proof that the 
Kankalis were in fact of the same race as the Kaoch6. I would mention 
parenthetically that Von Hammer tells us the Chinese kaoch6 is the 
same as the Turkish kochi and the English coach.§ I have sufficient 
sins of my own to answer for without being responsible for all Von 
Hammer's etymologies, but this one certainly seems reasonable and 

The Kaoch6 are well known in Chinese history. The name is a 
synonym, in fact, for the Uighurs, which is another proof of the 
connection, direct or indirect, of the Kankalis with the Eastern Turks. 
Among the shreds of the Kankalis who escaped the Mongol arms was a 
small tribe called Kayi or Kiat Kangli, which dwelt at Mahan, near Merv. 
On the Mongol approach, they retired westward into the district of 
Akhlatt, in Armenia. Eight years later, when the Mongols appeared 
there, they again retired into Asia Minor. Their chief was named 
Ertogrul. He and his people, consisting of about 440 families, obtained 
the grant of a district near Angora, from the Seljuk Sultan of Rum, 
and he was given the title of Uj Bey, or Margrave. He was the 
father of the famous Othman or Osman, the founder of the Ottoman 
Empire. II So that the Ottomans proper, the original nucleus of the race, 
were Kankalis. 

Constantino Porphyrogenitus calls the Kankalis, Kangar. Of this 
name, Kangkiu is the natural Chinese transcription, a change which 
may be compared with that of the Latin conclusum into the Italian 
conchiuso;1[ and Kangkiu is, in fact, a name applied to the Kankalis 
by the Chinese, as De Guignes long ago showed. Now, in Schmidt's 
criticism of Von Hammer's " Golden Horde," we are told that among 
all the peoples of Central Asia, Mongols as well as Turks, the Osmanli 
to this day are known as Khangar.** This is a curious confirmation of 
the fact that the nucleus of their race was the small tribe of Kayi Kangli, 
who left Khorassan on the invasion of the Mongols. In a small Chinese 
book published in 1777, and entitled "Si in wen kian lo," is a curious 
account of the Russians, who, we are told, were then governed by a 
female khan. They are described as having been at war in the twentieth 
year of Kien lung, /.(?., in 1755, with the Kanggar, which Schott agrees 

♦ Bretschneider, Notice* of Med. Geog. and HUt., 74, note 143. t H. 

\ Recherches sur les Langues Tartares, 313. % Golden Horde, 17, note 3. 

I D'Ohtton, {.,393,294. f Schott, op. cit.,iS4, note. ** Golden Horde. 608, 


with Schmidt is the name by which the Osmanli are ttow known in 
Central Asia.* The account is very quaint in its details, and makes the 
war terminate by the Russians becoming tributary to the Kanggar, and 
having to submit to pay an annual tribute of 500 boys and 500 girls to 
the victors. All this is the manufacture of Chinese patriotism, nor does 
the date seem to be correct ; but the account, as Schott says, doubtless 
refers to the war which the Empress Catharine fought against the Turks, 
in the years 1769 to 1774, and which ended in the peace so disastrous 
for the latter, secured by the treaty of Kuchuk Kainarja.f 

Let us now condense the result of our inquiry. It would seem then that 
at the time of the Mongol invasion the valleys of the Chu and the Talas 
were occupied by certain tribes once subject to the famous dynasty of 
the Karluk Khans, and later to the Khans of Kara Khitai. These tribes 
are now mainly represented by the Kazaks. West of them, in the steppes 
north of the Aral, and wandering as far as the Volga, were the Kankalis. 
West of them again, in the steppes of southern Russia, were the Comans, 
a section of the Kipchaks proper. The other section of the Kipchaks 
lived to the north and north-west of the Balkhash lake, in the present 
Country of the Middle Horde of the Kazaks. West of them, and on 
the Middle Yaik and the Yemba, were the Pechenegs, Manguts, or 
Karakalpaks. To the north of the latter were the Bashkirs, who did not 
form any substantive community during the Mongol domination, and 
who were, as I have shown elsewhere,t closely related to the Magyars 
and to the Meshkeriaks of eastern Russia, and to the Uzes of the 
Byzantine authors. 

A few words, in conclusion, on the present condition of the various 
Tartar Hordes. The Uzbegs, as we have seen, have practically left the 
Kipchak steppes altogether, and are now living in the country of Mavera 
un Nehr, in Turkestan, and in Khuarezm. Those who remain in Turan 
are represented partially by the Siberian Tartars, who live chiefly in the 
governments of Tobolsk and Tomsk. The Tobolsk Tartars take their 
name from the river Tobol, on which and its tributaries they are chiefly 
found. The Tartar inhabitants of the city of Tobolsk itself are chiefly 
of Bukharian descent. When Georgi wrote they numbered about 
4,000 men, and lived in villages of from ten to fifty houses. They 
were Muhammedans, and practised agriculture, as well as being 
herdsmen. § 

Latham says they are found about Tiumen, on the Tura, and also 
about Tara, on the Irtish, and are divided into six tribes, the Osta, AH, 
Kundei, Sarga, Tav, and Otus.|| 

The Tomsk Tartars live in villages on the river Tom, from its sources 
in the mountains of Kusnezk to its outfall into the Ob. The Tartars of 

» Schott, op. cit., 156. t Id., 158. 

I Geographical Magazine, iv. Author's paper on the Uses, Tories, or Magyars. 

} Beschreibung Alt. Nat., etc., 115, 116. | Native Races of the Russian Empire, 174. 


the city of Tomsk are also Bukharians. The Tomsk Tartars, like those 
of Tobolsk, are agriculturists and cattle breeders. Their chief tribes are 
the Tshagi, Ayus, and Tayan.* 

The Kazaks we have already described. They are now, with the 
exception of a portion of the Great Horde, entirely subject to Russia. 
Of the Nogais and their present distribution we shall reserve a notice 
for the concluding chapter of this volume. Here we will content 
ourselves with giving a list of the chief Karakalpak tribes, as reported by 
Vambery, the Karakalpaks being, as we shall show in chapter xii., a 
section of the Nogais. Vambery thus enumerates them : The Baimakli, 
Khandekli, Terstamgali, Achamaili, Kaichili Khitai, Ingakli-Keneguz, 
Tomboyun, Shaku, Ontonturuk.f We will now turn to the Tartars 
properly so called, those who formed the backbone of the Golden Horde. 

They may be best divided into the Tartars of the Crimea, of Kazan, 
and of Astrakhan. Of the first of these the number in 1858, 
according to Wahl, was 240,000, but most of them afterwards migrated 
to Turkey, according to some prophecy which predicted the union 
of all Muhammedans on Turkish ground. " They have, however, had 
cause to repent of their rash piety, for the holy soil did not offer 
them anything like what they had left behind, and it is said they 
are returning to the meat pots of Crimean Egypt."t The Crimean 
Tartars are very mixed in blood. Many of them are of Nogai descent. 
These are described as slight in build, but wiry, with a dark yellowish 
complexion (often passing into copper colour), black eyes, small and flat 
nose, black hair, and little beard. The formation of their eyes and 
temples is strikingly peculiar, inasmuch as the latter are very projecting, 
and make the former appear very deeply set in their cavities. The eyes 
are narrow, long, and turn up slightly at the corners towards the arch of 
the eyebrow. 

" The Tartars of the northern mountains of the Crimea, and of the 
steppes and valleys of that part of the country, are distinguished from the 
others by their tall stature, powerful frames, and their resemblance to the 
Circassians. Their complexion is lighter, they have big and dark eyes, 
black beard and hair. They are a very handsome people. In the south 
of the Crimea they seem to have much Greek blood in their veins. They 
are also tall, strong, and dark (but not yellow, like those of the central 
plains), and have long and agreeable faces, straight noses, of sometimes 
Greek and Roman form, and black eyes and hair. The form of the Tartar 
ear is very peculiar, and is probably caused by their habit of wearing 
the big sheepskin caps. Thus it happens often that the ear is actually 
broader than it is long. The fairness of the skin of their women, who 
take care never to expose it to the air, is really extraordinary."? 

* Georgi, op. cit., 117 ; Latham, 174. t Vambery, Travels, 348, note, 

I Tb« Land of tha Ctur, 178. i Wahl, 178 and 179. 


There is a colony of Tartars in Lithuania numbering about 8,000. Of 
these 3,000 live in the governments of Minsk; 2,800 in thatof Vilna; 
400 in Kovno ; and 200 in northern Poland. They are composed partly 
of Krim Tartars, who were made prisoners of war, and colonised in 1 395 
by Vitut, the ruler of Lithuania, who, we are told, " also established a 
bodyguard of Tartar warriors, still forming a part of the lesser Polish 
nobility. Although they intermarry with Polish women of rank, they 
remain Muhammedans, and contract no marriage below their caste, so 
that the Tartar type and martial spirit has been preserved by them in all 
their ancient force. But forty years since there still existed a Tartar 
regiment, the first rank of which was armed with pikes, the second 
consisting of the servants of the first, which was entirely composed of 
nobles. They are generally poor, but lead an irreproachable life, as if 
to prove the respect with which they regard the memory and escutcheon 
of their fathers. They are almost exclusively engaged in the tanning 
trade, and altogether a most worthy, excellent people ; faithful, and 
brave soldiers; modest, sober, and discreet in word and deed. Only 
the educated can read Tartar, but without understanding it, and write 
Russian or Polish with Arabic letters. They read the Koran in the 
Russian or Polish Translation."* The Tartars of Astrakhan, who were 
once a notable power, have dwindled down, as I shall show further on, 
into a very small community, and consist mainly of Nogais.t 

The purest representatives of the old Tartar Khanate of the Golden 
Horde are no doubt the Tartars of Kazan. Besides those who live in 
the government of Kazan itself, whose number is put down by Latham 
at over 300,000, we are told that there are of them in the government 
of Samara 105,000, in that of Simbirsk 85,000, Viatka 80,000, Saratof 
50,000, Pensa 45,000, Nijni Novgorod 37,000, Perm 35,000, Tambof 
13,000, Riazan 5,500, St. Petersburg 3,500, Kostroma 300, Moscow 
300, and among the Don Cossacks 600. Wahl says of these Tartars : 
"They are industrious, particularly at their national trade, the 
preparation of skins, manufacture also morocco leather, and even 
work in the mines. Their nankins and soups are celebrated. The 
Tartar idiom spoken by their tribe is the purest of all the Turkish dialects 
spoken in Russia, and has produced a literature by no means despicable. 
They are an affable, gentle, honest, sober, and very cleanly people, 
so that they are much in request everywhere. Their family life is 
exemplary, and their children are carefully educated.''^ 

Tornirelli says of the Kazan Tartars : " The number of their race 
inhabiting the town of Kazan is about seven thousand. They are in 
general well formed and handsome ; their eyes are black or grey ; they 
have a keen, piercing look, a rather lengthened form of face, a long 
nose, lips somewhat thicker than those of Europeans, a black beard, 

* Wahl, op. cit., i8o-i. t Cbap. xii. I Wahl, i8a. 


carefully trimmed, and hair entirely shaven from the head, which is 
covered with a small cap called a tebeteika ; their ears are large, and 
standing out from the head ; a long neck, very wide shoulders, and a 
broad chest. Such is the description Dr. Fuchs gives of their form and 
physiognomy. They are moreover generally tall and erect ; their gait is 
manly and imposing. The doctor was always warm in his praise of this 
race. He says that whenever he entered a Tartar mosque he was 
always struck with the fine and noble features of their elders, and he 
asserts his belief that the ancient Italian artists might have chosen from 
among this race most admirable subjects for their sacred pictures." 

Of the women, Tornirelli says : " They are middle-sized, and rather 
stout ; like the men, they stand erect, but walk badly and awkwardly, a 
circumstance principally owing to the heavy dress they wear. They 
soon grow old, so that a woman of twenty-seven has the look of one of 
forty ; this is owing to the custom they have of painting their faces. 
Their complexion is rather yellow, and their faces are often covered with 
pimples and a rash, which proceeds partly from the habit of constantly 
lying on feather beds and partly from their heavy and over-warm 

Dr. Fuchs thus sums up the character of the race : " They are," he 
says, "proud, ambitious, hospitable, fond of money, cleanly, tolerably 
civilised, intelligent in commerce, inclined to boasting, friendly to each 
other, sober in every way, and very industrious. What is particularly 
striking is the tenacity with which they have retained their national 
characteristics, customs, and manners, although nearly three centuries 
have elapsed since the race was subdued by the Russians."* Our author 
goes on to describe in graphic fashion the manners and customs of the 
Tartars in very great detail. I will content myself with extracting a 
paragraph or two. One describing their dress is as follows : " The 
dress of the Tartars of Kazan is so different from that of every other 
nation that it certainly deserves description. They wear a shirt 
(kulmiak) made of calico, sometimes white and sometimes red ; their 
drawers (schtann) are worn very wide, and are made likewise of calico, 
or occasionally of silk ; their stockings, called yuk, are of cotton or 
linen ; a species of leather stockings, generally of morocco leather, called 
ichigi, red or yellow, are worn over the stockings, or sometimes are 
substituted for them. Their slippers, called kalut, are made of black or 
green leather. Over the shirt they wear two garments, somewhat in the 
shape of a European frock-coat without a collar ; the under one, having 
no sleeves, is made of silk ; the upper, with sleeves, likewise of silk, is 
called kasaki. Over these they wear a long wide robe, generally of blue 
cloth, called chekmen, which is attached to the body by a scarf (poda). 
In a pocket of this garment they keep their pocket-handkerchief 

*Tornirelli, ii., aPfSt, 


(chaoulok). Their heads, which are shaven to the skin, are covered 
with a species of skull-cap, called takia ; this is covered when they go 
out with a hat (burik), made of velvet or cloth and ornamented with 
fur ; the rich Tartars use for this purpose beaver-skins of great value."* 

The following phrases from the love letter of a Kazan Tartar exhibit 
the graceful fancy of the race : — 

" In the garden there are many flowers, many various flowers ; but that 
flower which recalls you to my mind, my beloved friend, is the most 
short-lived of any. 

"All that we need can be satisfied ; hunger can be satisfied with at 
piece of bread, thirst with a draught of water, but what can satisfy my 
love for you ? 

"Alas ! you are passing your time in the midst of pleasures, I am 
passing mine in the midst of sighs and sadness ; you are blooming in 
the midst of the world like a flower of Paradise, I am fading and 
perishing here in the midst of solitude and silence. 

" The Volga flows rapidly, time flies still more rapidly, but how slowly 
move the minutes of absence ! "t 

A more pathetic passage is the following epitaph from a tombstone 
near Ufa, on the banks of the river Diurna, which is much revered by 
the Tartars. It is as follows : — 

" Goss Gussian Bey, a judge, full of equity, and well informed in all 
the laws, here lies buried. 

" We beseech Thee, O Lord, to have pity upon him, and pardon his 

" He died in the year 774 (of the hejira), in the seventh night of the 
sacred month. 

" He planned and projected — he wished to execute ; but Death 
opposes the vain projects of man. 

" No one on earth can escape Death. Stranger or friend ! when thou 
shalt pass this tomb, think of thy last end." % 

The influence of the Tartars was naturally very great upon the various 
Ugrian races of the Volga, and it is not at all improbable that one of 
them, which is very important from its numbers, namely, the Chuvashes 
(and who, the most recent Russian investigations make it probable, are 
descended from the ancient Bulgars), received from contact with the 
Kazan Tartars the Turkish dialect which they speak, and which is 
clearly not their original language, but one which has been adopted. 
This question, however, is only remotely connected with our present 

♦ Tornirelli, ii., a8, ag. t /J., 41, 43- I /</■» 7^- 



IN the earlier and less lucky days of Jingis Khan, the Merkits made 
a raid upon his tent and carried off his wife Burte, who was then 
enceinte. Wang Khan, the chief of the Keraits, recovered her 
and restored her to her husband. On the way she gave birth to a son, 
who was named Juchi, i.e., the unexpected or the recently arrived.* The 
man who went to fetch her, covered the infant with dough, and, putting 
him in the fold of his cloak, went off with him on horseback. This was 
about the year 1176. Such was the birth of a prince whose posterity 
governed a vast empire. His name occurs for the first time, according 
to Abulghazi in 1203, when, we are told, he commanded the left wing of 
his father's army against Tayang Khan, the chief of the Naimans ;t but 
this is probably a mistake for his uncle Juchi Kasar. He took part in 
his father's campaign against China \\ but it was after this and when 
Jingis Khan came into conflict with the Khuarezm Shah Muhammed 
that Juchi becomes prominent. The origin and early history of this 
campaign is only told cursorily in the former volume, and may well 
occupy a small space here. 

It was not probable that two vast empires which bordered upon 
one another, which were both peopled by warlike inhabitants, and both 
ruled by ambitious princes, would long remain at peace, and cause of 
quarrel soon arose between the ruler of Khuarezm and the great 
conqueror in the East, Jingis Khan, At first, however, their intercourse 
seems to have been amicable. The fruitful valleys of Transoxiana were 
then exceedingly prosperous — filled with busy cities, the focus of Asiatic 
culture, and merchants from thence seem to have made their way into 
remote comers of Asia, they trafficked with Bulgaria for the products of 
the fur countries of Siberia, and with the Mongols for objects of eastern 
origin. We are told that a number of these merchants found themselves 
at the court of Jingis soon after he had subdued the nomades of Eastern 
Asia. Among them there are specially named Ahmed of Khojend, the 
son of the Emir Hussein San, and Ahmed Tajik.§ 

♦ Abulghazi, 178. t Abulghazi, 89. I Erdmann's Temuiiyin, 319. 

$ Erdmann's Tcmudjio, 356. 


We are told that one of them exhibited his wares before the Great 
Khan, and asked him an exorbitant price for them, two or three gold 
balishes for things only worth ten to twenty dinars. Jingis was enraged, 
and said, " This man fancies that we have never seen such things 
before ;" and he ordered the riches of his wardrobe to be displayed 
before him, and then had the merchant's goods confiscated, and had him 
put under arrest. When his two companions were introduced they 
diplomatically put no price on their goods, and merely said, " We have 
brought these for the emperor." This pleased him so much that he 
ordered a golden balish to be given them for each piece of golden tissue, 
a silver balish for every two pieces of fine cotton, and another for every 
two pieces of coarse cloth. He then summoned the merchant whose 
goods had been confiscated and paid him after the same rate. The 
three traders were well treated, were supplied with food, and also with 
white felt tents.* On their departure Jingis ordered his relatives and 
the noyans and other grandees to choose two or three agents each, and 
to supply them generously with money, and then ordered the whole body 
to return with the merchants to the empire of Khuarezm to purchase 
some of its products, and no doubt also to report on the condition of 
the country. This caravan, according to Juveni and Rashid, con- 
sisted of 450 persons, who are said to have been all Muhammedans. 
Muhammed of Nessa, who was a high official at the court of 
Muhammed's son, and is therefore very reliable, says their number was 
only four, whom he names Omar Khoja, of Otrar ; El Jemal, of Meraga ; 
Fakhr ud din, of Bokhara ; and Amin ud din, of Herat.t They were 
probably the four leaders of the caravan. The caravan was apparently 
preceded by three envoys specially sent by Jingis, who were named 
Mahmud Yelvaj, of Khuarezm ; Ali Khoja, of Bukhara ; and Yusuf 
Gemrga, of Otrar. They took with them silver bars, musk, jade, 
and robes made of white camel's wool called Tarkul, as presents for 
the Khuarezm Shah, and they also bore letters in which Jingis 
recounted to him the various kingdoms he had subdued and the 
power he had acquired; he urged that it would be well that they 
should cultivate each other's friendship, and he commended the 
merchants to his care. The letter, however, breathed that arrogant spirit 
which pervaded all Mongol documents, and, although politely worded, 
Muhammed was given to understand that his correspondent was really 
his patron, and in addressing Muhammed as his son he really meant 
that he should consider himself his vassal. Muhammed treated the 
envoys well, and in the evening he summoned Mahmud Yelvaj to him, 
and addressed him thus: "You are a Mussulman and a native of 
Khuarezm. Tell me the truth. Has your master conquered Tamghadj 
or no ?" At the same time he gave him a costly stone from his casket. 

* Erdmann, op. cit., 357. D'Ohsson, i. 205. t D'OhssoD, i. 2o6i 


" As true is it as that the Almighty lives ; and more, he will shortly be 
the master of the whole world," was the answer. " Oh, Mahmud," the 
Sultan said, " you know the extent of my empire and my wide-spreading 
power. Who is this Khan of yours, who presumes to call me his son, 
and speaks to me in such an arrogant tone ? How great is his army — 
how extended his power?" To which he replied, "The army of Temudjin 
is to that of the Sultan like the light of a lamp beside the sun ; hke the 
face of a monster compared to that of a Rumelian Turk." The result of 
this interview was the arranging of a treaty of peace between the two 
sovereigns. After which the envoys returned home to their master.* 

Meanwhile the caravan I have named above made its way to Otrar, 
which, as I have said, was governed by Inaljuk Gair Khan. We are 
told he was offended at the impertinence of one of the party, who is said 
to have been a Hindu, and who addressed him very familiarly, but he 
was doubtless more moved by the chance of confiscating so much wealth 
which had come in his way, for he was famous for his avarice, and he 
determined to put them to death and to seize their treasure. He 
apparently treated them with great civility, but meanwhile sent a 
despatch off to Muhammed, in which he represented to him that these 
people who came in the guise of merchants were really spies. This 
crafty letter had the desired effect. Muhammed's suspicions were 
aroused, and he sent back word that Gair Khan was to do what 
prudence suggested. The latter accordingly invited the merchants to his 
palace, where he gave them an entertainment, and then had them secretly 
murdered ; but one of the victims managed to escape. We are told he 
was a camel driver, who had gone to one of the public hot baths, and 
managed to escape by the fireplace. He returned to Jingis and reported 
to him the slaughter of the envoys.t 

Jingis Khan was naturally enraged. He sent off envoys to complain 
to Muhammed about his subordinate's treachery, to acquaint the Sultan 
that the greater number of the murdered envoys were Mussulmans, and 
to remind him of the very different treatment his subjects had met with 
in Mongolia. He demanded that Gair Khan should be surrendered, 
and offered him war as the alternative of refusal. The bearer of the 
message was a Turk named Bagra, whose father had been in the service 
of Sultan Takish. But Gair Khan was too powerfully connected to allow 
the Sultan to surrender him, nor does he seem to have been pleased with 
the tone of the message, for he put Bagra to death, and sent back the 
two Mongols with their beards cut.J Jingis Khan was so moved 
by this atrocity that he wept and could not rest. He climbed a 
mountain, where, uncovering his head and throwing his girdle over his 

* Erdmann, op. cit, 357, 358. D'Ohsson, i. 903, 204. 

t Tabakat i Nasiri, 271, 272. Notes. Petis de la Croix, 146-148. 

I D'Ohsson, i. 207, 2p8, Petii de la Croix, 148. 


shoulder, he invoked the vengeance of God, and passed three days and 
nights fasting. Abulfaraj, to whom we owe the account, adds that on 
the third night a monk dressed in black appeared to him in a dream and 
bade him fear nothing, that he would be successful in the campaign he 
meditated. On awaking he repeated the dream to his wife Obulgine, 
the daughter of Wang Khan, of the Keraits. She assured him that the 
monk was a bishop who was in the habit occasionally of visiting her 
father and of giving him his blessing. Jingis Khan appealed to the 
Uighur Christians if they had any such bishop among them. They 
accordingly summoned Mar Denha, upon which Jingis said that 
although the bishop was similarly dressed to the apparition which he had 
seen that his face was different. The bishop then said it must have 
been one of the Christian saints who had gone to him. After this 
adventure, we are told, Jingis treated the Christians with especial con- 

It will be confessed that Jingis Khan had enough provocation for the 

invasion he made of the West, but he had other reasons than those I 

have enumerated. The Khalif, who had grown jealous of the power of 

the Khuarezm Shahs, also made overtures to the Mongol chief. We are 

told that he summoned his advisers about him, and represented to them 

the danger the Khalifate stood in from the ambition of Muhammed, and 

that he was determined to enter into communication with Jingis Khan, 

whose vizier, Mahmud Yelvaj, was a Muhammedan. The council, we 

are told, was much divided. The minority approved his suggestion, but 

the majority urged that it was impious and wrong to make allies of 

infidels in struggling with good Mussulmans. The Khalif, in reply, said 

that a Muhammedan tyrant was worse than one who was an infidel, and 

that Jingis had numbers of Mussulmans about him, one of his chief 

ministers being one. His view prevailed, and a suitable envoy was 

chosen. In order that he might not be discovered in traversing the very 

crooked gauntlet he would have to pass, it was determined to write his 

passport on his bald head. Having given him the message he was to 

deliver, they then tattooed his credentials in a few words on his head, 

in the violet colour called by them nil {i.e., Indian blue), in the manner 

(De la Croix says) they do to pilgrims at Jerusalem, and then sped him 

on his way. The envoy reached the chancellary of Mahmud Yelvaj in 

safety. He was received in secret audience by Jingis Khan, and when 

asked for his credentials bade them shave his head. They did so, and 

found that the Khalif proposed that he and Jingis should attack the 

empire of Khuarezm on either side. At that time it would seem that 

Jingis was not disposed to fight, and gave the envoy a diplomatic answer, 

but the Khalif's invitation no doubt formed a considerable ingredient in 

the motives which afterwards moved him. This invitation, which 

* Erdroann, op. cit., f>i\, Petis de la Croix, 149-151. 


eventually brought so much disaster upon the Mussulmans, has drawn 
much blame down on the Khalif's head. Mirkhond compares him to 
the three devout pilgrims in the fable, who one day met in the fields with 
a heap of rotting bones. They began to dispute about them, but could 
not agree as to what the animal was. They then determined to pray 
consecutively to God to revivify the animal. The first had hardly 
finished his prayer when a great wind arose and brought the bones 
together, when the second was praying the bones were covered with 
flesh, while in answer to the prayer of the third the object began to move 
with life. They then found it was a lion, who sprang upon them and 
devoured them.* 

In the year 1216 Jingis sent his general, Subutai, against an army of 
Merkits which had assembled on the Altai mountains, under command 
of Khudu or Khodu, the brother of Tukta Bigi, the chief of the Merkits, 
and the latter's three sons Jilaun, Jiyuk, and Kutulkan Mergen. The 
Merkits were badly defeated, and Kultukan was captured and conducted 
before Juchi. He was a famous archer, whence he got his soubriquet of 
Mergen. Juchi, who was his father's chief huntsman, wished to save 
his life, and appealed to his father. The latter refused, urging that the 
Merkits had been among their deadliest foes, and that after conquering 
so many kingdoms they could well dispense with one man. He was 
accordingly put to death. t 

The authors who recount this story would make out that the whole 
Merkit nation was ttius exterminated, but we read in other accounts that 
two years later a Mongol army was in pursuit of a body of Merkits which 
had fled westwards to the country of the Kankalis, and according to 
Ibn al Athir and Muhammed of Nessa, this army was commanded by 
Juchi in person.} There is some confusion in the accounts. Some of 
them call the leader of the Merkits Tuk Tughan.§ Rashid calls him 
Khudu, and he is called Huodu in the Yuan Shi.|| The two latter 
authors make the Mongols be commanded by Subutai, and it is probable 
that they confused the expedition of 12 18 with that of 12 16. 

To continue our story, the Mongols had pursued the Kankalis in the 
direction of Jend, had overtaken them between the rivers Kabli and 
Kamadj — the Kaili and Kamich of Erdmann — and had completely 
defeated them. It is very probable that this battle was fought in the 
valley of the Chu. 

Muhammed was returning from Irak, where he had left his son Rokn 
ud din in charge, and had reached Samarkand when he heard of the 
approach of the fugitives under Tuk Tughan. He consequently marched 
in the direction of that town, by way of Bukhara, to prevent them 

• Petis de la Croix, 138. t Erdmann, op. cit., 333. D'Ohsson, i. 156. 

I D'Ohuon, i. 2og. Note. $ D'Ohsson, i. 208. Raverty, Tabakat i Nasiri, a68. Note. 4. 

g Breticbneider, Notices of Mediaeval Travellers, &c., 174. Note, 303. 


crossing into his territory. He then heard that they were being pursued 
by an army of Mongols under a son of Jingis himself This induced 
him to return to Samarkand for reinforcements, with which he again 
advanced towards Jend, thinking, in the quaint language of the 
chronicler, " to bring down two birds with one arrow." He pushed on 
towards the scene of the recent struggle, where numerous dead bodies 
were lying about, among which was a wounded Merkit who was still 
alive. From him he learnt that the Mongols had retired after their 
victory. He pursued and overtook them in a place called Karaku, 
perhaps the lake Kara kul. The Mongol chief (who, according to Ibn al 
Athir, was Juchi himself) sent word to Muhammed that their two 
kingdoms were not at war, that they had already entrapped the prey 
whom they were in search of, and that he had orders to treat the 
Khuarezmians as friends. He also offered Muhammed a portion of 
the booty and prisoners whom he had captured from the Merkits. 
Muhammed, whose forces were much more numerous than those of the 
enemy, replied that if Jingis had given no orders on the subject that God 
had ordered him to attack the Mongols, and that he would win his 
approval by destroying the pagans. Then the two armies prepared to 
fight ; the great trumpet, Kerrena, fifteen feet long, was blown, the brass 
timbrels, called Kus, the drums, fifes, and other warlike instruments 
sounded the charge.* Major Raverty says the right wings of either 
army, as is often the case in eastern, as it has frequently been in western 
battles, broke their respective opponents. The Mongols then attacked 
the Khuarezmian centre. The Sultan was in some danger when his 
gallant son Jelal ud din, who had been victorious on the right, charged 
the Mongols in flank, and saved the centre from defeat. The fight was 
maintained with great obstinacy until nightfall, when the two armies 
retired to a short distance confronting each other. The Chinese author 
translated by Gaubil adds a curious fact to those reported by the western 
writers. He tells us that Pitu, the son of Yelu liuko, whom Jingis had 
appointed king of Liautung, took part in this fight on the side of the 
Mongols, as did his relative Yelu kohay. The former was badly 
wounded, but seeing Juchi surrounded by the enemy he rushed to the 
rescue, and both managed to force their way out.t 

After the fight the Mongols lighted an immense number of fires to 
deceive the Khuarezmians, and decamped quietly during the night to 
join the camp of Jingis.J The site of this battle is not very easy to 
determine. One account says it was in the country of Kashgar,§ other 
accounts say on the frontier of the country of the Jetes, while one says 
it was within the borders of Khuarezm. This seems to show it was on 
an indefinite frontier, and strengthens the identification of it with some 
place in the valley of the Chu. 

* Petis de la Croix, 159-161. t Gaubil, Histoire de Gentchiscan, &c., 36. 
I Tabakat i Nasiri, 268, 209. § Id. 


Sultan Muhammed, we are told, having thus witnessed and beheld 
with his own eyes in this encounter the warlike feats, the activity, and 
the efforts of the Mongol forces, the next day retired from that place, and 
fear and dread of them took possession of his heart and mind, and he 
never again came against them.* He retired to Samarkand, where he 
was seized with unaccountable irresolution although his forces probably 
numbered 400,000, but they were wanting in the discipline and soldierly 
virtues of the Mongols. Nor had they the latter's incentive to fight. To 
them victory would bring little but barren honours, while to the Mongols 
it would open the gate to the rich treasures of Transoxiana. We are 
told that Juchi was well received and much praised for his conduct by 
his father.t 

Meanwhile, in the autumn of 1219,! Jingis, who had summered his 
horses on the Irtish, in the country of the Naimans, marched westwards 
with the main army. This he presently divided into four divisions, one 
of which, under the command of Juchi, was sent against Jend and 
Yanghikent. With him marched the ulus Bede, that is, the Uighurs.§ 
He first attacked Sighnak, which afterwards became the capital 
of the White Horde. In order to avoid bloodshed, he sent an envoy 
to summon its inhabitants. He chose for this purpose a Mussulman 
named Hassan Haji (i.e., the pilgrim), who had been in MongoUa as a 
trader. II He urged upon the inhabitants the prudence of coming to 
terms with the Mongols. This counsel was rudely declined, and in the 
popular tumult which followed in the bazaar he was torn to pieces. 
This treacherous conduct enraged Juchi, and he determined to press the 
attack with the utmost vigour, relays of fresh men continually replaced 
those who were wearied out, until the place was captured. This was after 
a seven days' siege. According to Mirkhond, all the garrison was put to 
death, and more than one-half of the principal inhabitants paid with 
their lives for the murder of Hassan. The town and the rest of the 
inhabitants were spared, inasmuch as the Mongols needed it as a 
base, a magnificent mausoleum was raised in the chief place in the 
city to the memory of Hassan, and a splendid funeral was accorded to 
his remains according to the Muhammedan custom.^ This account 
seems so circumstantial that we must adopt it rather than the conven- 
tional description of its fate followed by Erdmann and D'Ohsson. Juchi 
gave the government of Sighnak and the surrounding district to Hassan's 
son.** The fate of Sighnak overawed the neighbouring towns. Uzkend 
determined to surrender, and when the Mongols were within two days* 
march of it they sent in their submission, the governor and garrison 
meanwhile retiring to Bcnaket. Juchi treated the town with great con« 

* Id,, 270, t Abulghazi, 107. J Bretschneider Notices, &c., 59. NotCj 87. 

^ Erdmann's Temudjin, 371. || Abulshazi, 112. D'Oh&sou, i. 2ai. 

f Do la Croix, 175, 176. ♦♦ D'Ohsson, i. aaa. i 


sideration, and having levied a contribution of food merely, forbade it to 
be plundered, and advanced towards Eshhash. Von Hammer and 
others identify this town with;Tashkend, considering the name to be a 
corruption of El Shash, but it is written Hanasa in the Chinese authority 
translated by Gaubil, nor was Tashkend at all in the direction taken by 
Juchi. It is probable that all three towns were situated north of the 
mountains separating the valleys of the Sihun and Chu. We are told 
Eshnas made a gallant defence, and was not captured without some 
bloodshed.* He then captured BakhaUaket or Barkhaligkend, and after- 
wards advanced upon Jend. It was a famous town in the east, having 
been the birthplace of several celebrated men. From it, according to 
Mirkhond, twenty Scythian envoys went to meet Alexander, praying him 
if he were a god to show it by doing good to men, and if but a man to 
reflect on the uncertainty of his condition, instead of proceeding further 
with the design to rob them of their goods and quiet.t At this time it 
was ruled by a petty dynasty. The name of the ruler was Kutlugh Timur, 
whose father had submitted to the Khuarezm Shah and was a dependent 
of his. He was very rich, and on the approach of the Mongols thought 
it prudent to retire westwards towards Khuarezm with his treasures. 
The inhabitants meanwhile determined to defend the town. Juchi sent 
an emissary named, Chin Timur, to counsel them to submit, and he 
reminded them of the fate of Sighnak. They would have killed him but 
that he promised to persuade the Mongols not to touch the city. When 
he reported the result of his journey and the condition of the place, 
he, according to Khuandemir, suggested to Juchi that he should storm it 
on the side where the inhabitants deemed it most inaccessible, namely, 
where it was defended by a ditch. His suggestion was adopted. Three 
false attacks were made elsewhere, and the battering engines were 
planted at the weakest part of the defences. When the day for the 
attack had arrived, the latter were assailed amidst great shouts and the 
sound of timbrels, drums, &c. ; the battering rams were planted, and the 
Mongol slingers drove the besiegers from the wall. This was at dusk. 
When suspicion had been lulled, Chin Timur placed his bridges on the 
ditch and planted two ladders against the wall, one of which he mounted 
himself. The walls were scaled, the gates were opened, and the 
Mongols let in before the garrison was properly aroused. Thus, says 
Petis de la Croix, was the city of Jend taken without any loss, for the 
Mongols, meeting with no resistance, did not destroy any one. The 
inhabitants were ordered to leave the town and to go into a neighbouring 
plain, where they remained for nine days and were numbered. The 
Mongols then plundered the houses, and having planted a garrison there 
under the orders of Ali Khoja, who was a Muhammedan from Bokhara, 
and had been with the Mongols before the war, as I have mentioned, 

* De la Croix, 177. t De la Croix, 177. 


they allowed them to return, only two or three of them, who had abused 
Chin Timur in his conference with the inhabitants, were killed.* 

Juchi now despatched a tuman or division to capture ^the town of 
Yanghikent, which was situated on the Jaxartes, two days' journey from 
its outfall into the sea of Aral. There also he placed a commander. 
Soon after this the ulus Bede, i.e., the Uighurs, were permitted to return 
home, and Juchi replaced them by a body of io,ooc auxiliaries from the 
Kankali steppe, under the command of Ainal Noyan, and sent them 
towards Khuarezm. They went on with the advance guard, but these 
unruly nomades killed the commander Ainal Noyan set over them, and 
afterwards scattered and sought refuge about Amuyeh and Meru.t 

While Juchi was subduing the towns on the lower Jaxartes, his 
brothers were conquering those further east, and his father advanced on 
Samarkand and Bokhara. After the fall of those towns Jingis sent his 
three eldest sons, Juchi, Jagatai, and Ogotai, against Khuarezm, where 
there were at this time three commanders, Khumar Tikin, Moghol 
Hajib, and Feridun. The first of these was the eldest brother of the 
famous Turkan Khatun, the mother of Muhammed Khuarezm Shah, 
and he had been appointed governor of Urgenj by his nephew. 

Urgenj was then very populous, and its people were living an easy 
life, not suspecting the storm which was about to break over them. 
When the Mongol advance guard approached the gates and carried off 
some horses and asses, the hyperbolic Abulghazi would have us believe 
that they were pursued by 100,000 horsemen from the town, who overtook 
them at a garden situated a farsang distant, and named Baghi-Kurrem, 
ue., Garden of Delights ; there the Mongols had planted an ambush, and 
such a carnage ensued that but ten men escaped of the 100,000 ! ! ! The 
Mongols pursued them as far as a place called Tenure, and ravaged 
the whole country round. On the following day they beleagured the 
town.J Juchi sent in a summons for it to surrender, telling its people 
that it had been given him by his father, and that he wished to preserve 
its beauty intact. This summons was not obeyed, and the siege 
proceeded. It lasted for seven months, the Mongol catapults, for lack of 
stones, having to be served with balls made out of the neighbouring 
mulberry trees soaked in water ; the besiegers further attempted to divert 
the waters of the Oxus above the town, and sent 3,000 men to dig the 
necessary ditch, but the garrison attacked and destroyed these workmen. 
The siege work was hampered by the quarrels of the two brothers Juchi 
and Jagatai, and to punish them Jingis superseded them and appointed 
Ogotai, whose generous and docile disposition was well suited to restore 
peace. This policy was successful, and the siege was pressed on. 
Gaubil's Chinese authority tells us the inhabitants had planted their best 

* Petis de la Croii, 178-181. Erdmann, op. cit., 372, 373. D'Ohsson, i. 222, 223. 
t Erdmann, 374. I Abulghazi, 118. 


troops along the river, and had constructed ten entrenchments. They 
had also prepared a well armed fleet. Kopaoyu, who had been an officer 
of the Kin empire, but had passed over to the side of Jingis on the 
latter's great victory in 121 r, was ordered to attack the fleet. We are told 
he made a number of fire arrows, which he discharged during a wind, and 
which set the boats in a blaze. Under cover of the confusion and smoke 
caused by this fire the Mongols attacked and forced the entrenchments 
and captured the town.* Its inhabitants were ordered to evacuate it, the 
artisans, consising of 100,000 families, were set apart ; the girls and boys 
were reduced to slavery ; the rest were distributed among the soldiers' 
twenty-four to each, and all were then slaughtered. 

Abulghazi says it is reported that the Sheikh Nadjmud din Kubra, son 
of Omar the Khivan, whose name had a world-wide repute, was then at 
Urgenj. The Mongol princes sent to ask him to go out, so that he might 
not be trodden under by the horses. He replied that he was not alone> 
but had relatives and slaves. They then bade him go with ten persons. 
He replied, he had more than ten. Then they said he might go out with 
100 persons. He said he had more than 100. Then said they, take 
1,000 persons ; but he replied, " In happifer days I knew all these people, 
who were my friends. How can I abandon them in their misfortune .'' 
No, I cannot leave." At this moment the Mongols arrived at his house, 
and after sending several of them to Hades, he ended by himself 
receiving the crown of martyrdom. It is said (i.e., in the Koran, sura ii., 
verse 151), "We belong to God, and we return to him."t This very 
problematical story, partially constructed out of the old history of the 
fall of the cities of the plain, one only quotes as illustrating eastern 
modes of thought. Its details are entirely contrary to what we know of 
Mongol poUcy, which was not over tender to Mussulman saints- 

Juchi was much piqued at being superseded, and, after the capture of 
Urgenj, he, according to the Persian authors, retired to the deserts of the 
Kirghiz Kazaks, and subdued the Kankalis and other tribes there ; 
probably making himself master of the various nomades who lived in the 
steppes between the Yaik and the Jaxartes. 

The Yuan chao pi shi and the Ts ing cheng lu, however, say that after 
the fall of the city all three brothers repaired to their father's camp. It 
was probably after this he retired in dudgeon. J The cause of the 
quarrel with his brothers, which led to important results afterwards, is 
perhaps to be found in the fact of the ambiguous circumstances sur- 
rounding his birth,§ and which made it possible for people to suggest 
that he was a bastard, a soubriquet that is not easily forgiven. It was 
perhaps because of this suspicion that his father made his brother Ogotai 
attd not himself the head of the house. He spent his time in hunting, 
and was master of the hunt in the establishment of Jingis. When in 

* Op, cit,, 37. t Abulghazi, 119, lao. I Bretschneider, 66, 67. § Vide ante. 


1224 Jingis returned home from his Indian campaign, he ordered Juchi 
to go and meet him at Kolan Tashi, near the Jaxartes, and drive a vast 
body of wild animals, so that they should concentrate there and he might 
enjoy his favourite sport. Juchi himself did not go, but he had the 
myriads of wild asses his father loved to hunt driven to the appointed 
rendezvous. His father had given him orders to conquer the country 
north of the Black Sea, including, according to Rashid, Ibir Sibir, 
Bulgaria, Kipchak, Baschguerdia {i.e., Hungary), Russia, and Circassia ; 
but the lazy hunter neglected this duty, and was content with the 
appanage he had already acquired. This consisted of the Eastern 
Kipchak, a great part of which was known in later days as Desht Jitteh. 

Irritated at Juchi for not prosecuting the conquest of the desert tribes,* 
Jingis had on his journey homewards from Persia sent him several 
summons to go to him. He had excused himself on the ground of his 
bad health, and he was in fact unwell. When Jingis arrived once more 
at his ordu, in February, 1225, a Mangut also arrived there from Juchi's 
country, who reported that he was well and that he had seen him 
recently engaged in hunting. Jingis, we are told, was convinced his son 
had wilfully disobeyed him, and determined to bring him back to his 
obedience sharply ; and his two other sons, Ogotai and Jagatai, had in 
fact set out with the advance guard, Jingis himself proposing to follow on 
that errand, when news arrived that he was dead.t Juchi died in 1224, 
and according to M.Veliaminof Zernof, he was buried near Seraili (.''Serai).t 
He was then forty-eight years old. 

Whether Jingis had the intention to displace his eldest son from the 
heirship of the Mongol empire, either from his questionable birth or from 
his repeated disobedience or not, it is clear that his death made matters 
more easy for such a revolution. According to Mongol law a sovereign is 
always succeeded by his eldest surviving brother, and thus the immediate 
heritage on Juchi's death fell not to his sons but to his brother, and by 
the will of Jingis, Ogotai was in fact named his heir. Juchi's family 
succeeded, therefore, not to the Imperial dignity but only to their father's 
special ulus or appanage, which was apparently conterminous with 
Khuarezm proper and the steppes of the Kankalis; the Ural, the Jaxartes, 
and the Oxus being the rivers which watered it. 

The senior wife of Juchi was Bekutemish, the daughter of Yakembo, 
brother of the Wang Khan of the Keraits. She was one of three famous 
sisters, the other two being Siurkukteni, the wife of Tului, and Abika, the 
wife of Jingis, whom he afterwards married (being directed thereto in 
a dream) to a Unit prince, who was acting as his body guard.§ 
His second wife was Oki or Ukin Kuchin, the daughter of Ilji Noyan 
of the Kunkurats.H Another of his wives was Sultan Khatun, of the 

* Abulghazi, 140, 141. D'Ohsson, i. 353, 354- Erdmann, Note, 336. 

+ Erdmann, Note, 336. I Abulghazi, 141. Note, i. 

5 Von Hammer, Golcjeo Horde, 93. D Klaproth, Nouv. Journ. Asiat., xii. 274. Note, 


tribe Imen.* Khuandemir mentions a fourth, also a Kunkurat, who was 
called Sarkan.t By these, and probably other wives, he had a numerous 
family. Rashid says forty sons, but this is doubtless a mistake for 
fourteen, and Khuandemir says expressly he had fourteen sons. He 
also left two daughters, one of whom was married to the Khan of the 
Karluks, and another to Sighnak Tikin, chief of Almaligh.§ 


The various sons of Juchi are divided by Rashid into two divisions. 
Those of the right hand, i.e., the western division, and those of the left 
hand, i.e., the eastern division, a division which probably coincides with 
their relationship, those in each section having been by a different 
mother. Orda, the eldest son of Juchi, was the head of the eastern 
house, and Batu of the western, the latter being in a position of feudal 
dependence on the former. This dependence was, however, almost 
nominal. We find Batu taking command of the army which invaded 
Hungary (to whose doings I shall return presently), and according to 
Abulghazi, whose authority, however, on such a point is not of much 
value, he was nominated as successor to Juchi by Jingis Khan himself. 
He tells us that after the customary mourning Jingis sent his brother 
Uchegin to instal Batu, surnamed Sain Khan, or the good prince, and to 
insist upon his brothers submitting to him. In case any of them refused 
he was to be sent to Jingis to be dealt with by him. When Batu 
heard of the approach of Uchegin he sent his sons, brothers, and emirs 
to meet him, and then set out himself. The first three days after his 
arrival were devoted to mourning for the death of Juchi. After which 
Uchegin duly installed Batu, who was recognised by all his brothers. A 
gfreat feast followed, in which the Mongols, as was their custom, 
presented Batu with the cup, who in turn presented it to them again, and 
distributed rich presents. It was in the midst of these rejoicings that 
news arrived of the death of Jingis. || This story, as I have said, I believe 
to be largely fabulous. Among the Mongols, as among nomadic people 
generally, the father left his clans and his herds, rather than any distinct 
territory to his sons. The land was merely the pasturing ground of the 
cattle, and its area was limited by their necessities. On turning to the 
army list of Jingis Khan we find that but 4,000 men of Mongol race were 
left to Juchi and his family. This is a very good proof of the small 
Mongol element there was in the Golden Horde. It formed but the steel 
head of the spear, the shaft of which was comprised of heterogeneous 

• Id., 290. Note. t Journ. Asiat., 4th ser., xvii, 108. J Journ. Asiat., 4th scr., xvii. io8. 
( Von Hammer, op. cit., 93. |j Op. cit., 178, 179. 


These four thousand Mongols were divided into four Hezarehs, or 
battahons of a thousand, the first one commanded by the Saljiut 
Munggur, who commanded the left wing in Batu's army, and was 
succeeded by his son Jerkes ; the second by Gingetai Kuman Noyan, of 
the Ginget tribe, whose son Huran was a distinguished prince ; the third 
by Hushitai, of the Hushin tribe, one of the subjects of Burji Noyan ; 
and the fourth by Barku, who was attached to the right wing. A portion 
of these Mongols, in the subsequent civil strife which occurred among 
the Mongol princes, settled in the territory of the Ilkhans, i.e., in Persia.* 
Such was the salt of the army ; the main body was composed of 
Russians, Circassians, Magyars, and Turks, of whom the Turks, as I 
have said, formed the overwhelming number. This being so, the term 
Mongol, as applied to the people constituting the Ulus of Juchi and his 
descendants, is in some sense a misnomer, for it only describes the 
leaders and the cream of the army. Unfortunately no name is unexcep- 
tionable, but after some hesitation I have decided to designate them as 
Tartars, the name by which the mediaeval travellers and the Russian 
chroniclers called them, and the name by which their descendants, the 
Krim Tartars, the Tartars of Kazan, the Nogay Tartars, &c., are still 
known. In using this name it must be remembered, as I showed in the 
former volume, that the Tartars proper were a different race, probably of 
Tungus origin, and that we only use it in the present instance from its 
being so generally diffused as connoting the subjects of Batu Khan, and 
in default of a better name. As I have said, I discredit the statement of 
Abulghazi about Batu having been nominated to the head of his house 
by Jingis, nor did he acquire that dignity for some time and probably 
until after his great success as a general. 

At this time the princes of the left hand were no doubt the most 
important. Orda, Tuk Timur, Singkur, and Siklumt are named as 
constituting it, and Orda was the eldest son of Juchi. His mother, 
according to Khuandemir, was called Sarkan.{ There are reasons for 
believing that these princes had the greatest share in the division of 
Juchi's heritage. It would seem that soon after Juchi's death they began 
an aggressive war upon the neighbouring tribes. From the narrative of 
the friar Julian, who travelled as far as Great Hungary, or the country of 
the Bashkirs, in 1236, we learn that the Tartars, i.e., the Mongols, then 
lived in contact with and had been defeated in battle by them, that 
afterwards they formed an alliance together, and as allies, that they 
conquered fifteen kingdoms.§ He describes these Eastern Hungarians, 
or Bashkirs, as heathens, and as neither having any knowledge of the 
true God nor worshipping other gods, but as living like wild beasts. 
They did not practise agriculture, ate horses and wolves' flesh, and drank 

• Erilmann, 433. tVon Hammer, Golden Horde, 95. 

J Journ. Asiat., 4th ser., xvii. 108. (Von Hammer reads it Oturkan or Olserkan. Golden 
Horde, 95. Note.) J Wolff, a66. 


milk, wine, and blood. They had horses and weapons in abundance, and 
were very warlike. They had a tradition that the Hungarians had gone 
from their country, but did not know where they had gone to.* 

But to revert to our story, the Tartars seem to have carried their arms 
as far west as Bolghari, on the Volga, the capital of the Eastern 
Bulgarians. It is well known that among the ruins of that town, which 
still remain, there have been found a number of ancient gravestones with 
inscriptions in Arabic and Armenian. Klaproth wrote a paper on these 
stones, which was printed in the Journal of the French Asiatic Society.! 
The most ancient of these inscriptions are dated in the year of the 
arrival of the oppression, and bear a chronogram, which Klaproth has 
read 623 of the hejira, i.e., the year 1226,1 and his view has been 
generally accepted, that the curious phrase and date have reference to an 
invasion of Bulgaria by the Tartars in that year.§ 

Jingis Khan died in 1227, and was succeeded by his son Ogotai. On 
the latter's accession he sent, or rather ordered Singkur, who is otherwise 
called Suntai, one of the princes of the left division already named, to 
march at the head of 30,000 men against the tribes on the lower Yaik or 
Ural; and we read how in the year 1229 the Saksins, the Poloutsi, and 
a section of the Bulgars fled and found refuge in Bulgaria, and Suntai 
apparently wintered in 1232 in the neighbourhood of Bolghari, || The 
Bulgarians appealed for assistance to the Grand Prince George II. of 
Vladimir, while the Poloutsi were aided by Isiaslaf Mitislaf of Smolensko 
and Vladimir Rurikovitch of Kief, and the Tartars seem to have been 
forced to retire once more to the Yaik. Wolff urges that the Poloutsi 
probably took part in this struggle, since Kotiak, their chief, in his com- 
munications with Bela IV. of Hungary, claims to have twice defeated the 
Tartars in former years. U 

When the friar Julian visited Great Hungary, as I have mentioned, in 
the spring of 1236, he met some Tartars and an envoy from their chief 
(doubtless from Singkur).** It is not easy to see why Singkur should 
have had charge of the army rather than his brother Orda, unless 
perhaps the latter with Batu accompanied Ogotai on his expedition to 
China, as Abulghazi says. When Batu made his great expedition into 
Hungary Singkur was left behind, apparently in charge of the ulus 
of Juchi. It was probably the report of Singkur's want of success 
in Bulgaria which weighed with the great Kuriltai which assembled 
in 1235, where it was decided inter alia that an army should march 
westwards against the Russians. The command of this army was 
not given to Orda, the eldest brother, but to Batu, who had probably 
shown his prowess in the Chinese campaign. Under him marched his 
brothers Orda, Sheiban, and Tangut ; Baidar, the son, and Buri, the 

*ld, t Nouv. Journ. Asiat., viii. 483, &c. | /d., 485. 

$ Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 99. Wolff, 123. || Karamzin, Eerman ed., 3. Note, 175. 
f Wolff, 124. ••/</., 266. 


grandson of Jagatai ; Kuyuk and Kadan Ogul, the sons of Ogotai ; 
Mangu and Bejak, the sons of Tului ; and Kulkan, the half-brother of 
the Great Khan Ogotai.* 

This was not the first time the Tartars had crossed arms with the 
Russians. I have in the previous volume described the campaign which 
they fought against them under their generals Subutai and Chepe, 
whose central point was the great fight on the Kalka. Ibn al Athir tells 
us that on retiring from Russia on that occasion they, in January, 1224, 
made a raid upon Bulgaria, where they were entrapped into an ambush 
and suffered severely. He tells us that during the time when the 
Mongols were in Southern Russia the communication with the country 
to the north (which was the land of furs to the then civilised world) was 
interrupted, and that in consequence the trade in burtasi, /.<?., so called 
" Russian leather," and in the furs of the ermine and beaver, was for a 
while interrupted.! 

Let us now turn, however, to the more important invasion of 1238. 
The grand army seems to have assembled on the borders of the Yaik, 
and was doubtless composed very largely of Kankalis, Naimans, &c., the 
debris of the old empire of Kara Khitai and of the Naimans, and 
resembled a huge encampment of the Kirghiz Kazaks of our day, who 
are so nearly allied in blood and otherwise with Batu's followers. 

The army was divided into three divisions. One marched against the 
Saksins, on the lower Volga, whose chief was Pachiman. The town 
attacked by this body was apparently the Sumerkent of Rubruquis, which 
he tells us took eight years to capture. This probably includes a former 
siege by Singkur. While Mangu and Bejuk marched with this army 
towards the lower Volga, Subutai, the hero of so many fights, and 
especially of the celebrated campaign in which, in company with 
Chepe, he forced the Caucasus and defeated the Russian princes on the 
Kalka, marched against Bolghari. He doubtless acted the part of 
Marshal Moltke in the recent war between Germany and France, and 
was the head of the staff and general superintendent of the strategy. He 
reduced the Bulgarians (two of whose princes did homage), and when 
they afterwards rebelled he was sent to punish them. J 

At the time of Batu's invasion George Vsevolodovitch was grand prince 
of Vladimir ; his brother Yaroslaf, who had for many years reigned at 
Novgorod, had only just seized the throne of Kief, and had left his 
famous son Alexander Nevski at Novgorod.§ Thus the three virtual 

♦ In the account of this campaign in the former volume, I have mentioned Kaidu, a son of 
Jagatai, as having taken part in it on the authority of Wolff, but I believe this to be a mistake. 
He is not named, so far as I know, by other writers, and the mistake seems founded on one of 
Dlugocz, the Hungarian historian. I have also been mistaken in calling Buri a son of 
Jagatai's, as Bergeron in fact calls him. (Von Hammer, Golden Horde, ii3. Note.) He was 
Jagatai's grandson. 

t Defremery Extract* from Ibn al Athir, Journal Asiatique, 4th series, xir, 459, 460. 
I Rashid, D'Ohsson, ii. 6»3. S Karamzin, iii. 332. 333. 


capitals of Russia were in the same hands. The grand prince was also 
acknowledged as their lord paramount by the Mordvins, who had 
suffered much at the hands of his people, while the Bulgarians on the 
Kama were also more or less subordinate to him. The. Mordvins, 
however, had felt the heel of their patrons too much to be very contented, 
and were no doubt ready to help any invaders who might offer them 
surcease, and such invaders were now at hand in the persons of Batu and 
his followers. The life of Mangu in the Yuan shi tells us that after 
capturing Pachiman he joined Batu in his expedition against the 
Russians, and fought in person at the capture of Riazan.* 

The main army of the Tartars advanced, as I have described,! through 
the modem governments of Simbirsk, Pensa, and Tambof, then chiefly 
peopled by the Mordvins, who acted as their guides, towards the eastern 
frontiers of Russia. These coincided with the eastern boundary of the 
modern government of Riazan, then constituting the principahty of Riazan. 
I have described this campaign in my former volume as it is told by the 
contemporary writers, but a more romantic story is told in the more 
modem chronicle of Kostroma} (which was written in the seventeenth 
century), perhaps founded on reliable traditions. According to this 
account, when Batu appeared on the frontier, George, the Prince of 
Riazan, sent his son Feodor with presents to him. Batu accepted them, 
and ordered the Russian princes to send him their sisters and daughters ; 
and having heard that Feodor had a beautiful wife, an Imperial 
princess named Euphrasia, he asked to see her. Feodor replied that it 
was not the custom for Christian princes to show their wives to infidels;, 
upon which he was decapitated. A few days after Euphrasia, who was 
in one of the top rooms of the palace holding in her arms her little son, 
Ivan Feodorovitch Postnik, having heard the news of how her husband 
had sacrificed his life for her beauty, threw herself from the window, and 
thus perished. Another narrative says that she threw herself down from 
the church of Saint Nicholas with her child. The site of this deed after- 
wards bore the name of uboi, i.e., " fall."§ The names in Rashid's MSS. 
are frequently very corrupt. In the MS. of Vienna, Riazan is given as 
Erjan, while in that of Paris, as given by D'Ohsson, it is further corrupted 
into Ban. II The Riazan of those days is now represented by the ruins 
and village of Staraia Riazan, ten leagues distant from the modern 
Riazan.l^ One of the Russian chronicles tells us that during the attack 
on Riazan, Ingor, one of its princes, was at Chemigof with a nobleman 
named Eupathius Kolurat. When the latter heard of the Tartar 
invasion he marched to the rescue, but Batu had already passed on. He 
went on in pursuit with 7,000 warriors, with whom he broke the Tartar 
rear guard, who thought that they were the warriors of Riazan who had 

• Bretschneider, 82. t Vol. i. 136. J Karamzin, 3. Note, 43. 

S Karamzin, iii. 337. Note, 43. II Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 103. Note, 4. 

T Nestor, ed. Paris, Table des Origines, 167. 


come to life again, but they were overwhelmed and perished. Mean- 
while Ingor returned once more to the principality, which he found 
strewn with ruins and corpses. Having collected together the priests 
and others who had escaped, he began to inter the dead. The body 
of Prince George was found after some trouble, taken to Riazan, and 
there buried, and stone crosses were erected over the tombs of Feodor, 
his wife, and son, who were buried on the banks of the Osseter, where 
the church of Saint Nicholas Zarasky now stands.* Zaras means the 
murder.t Karamzin mentions that a great curiosity still exists in the 
monastery of Saint John the Evangelist, about thirty-six versts from 
Riazan, namely, a golden Mongol tablet, i.e., a paizah, which was 
deposited for safety against the depredations of the Mordvins in the 
metropolitan church by the Archbishop Misael in 1653.!: After the 
capture of Riazan the Tartars proceeded along the Oka and captured 
Kalomna, as I have described.! In the battle which followed, where 
Roman Igorovitch|| was killed, Vsevolod, son of the grand prince 
George, was present, but he escaped to his father at Vladimir. 1[ The 
Mongols then took and burnt Moscow, which is called Mokos in the 
Jihankushai.** They afterwards advanced against Vladimir, the capital 
of the principality of Suzdal, and at this time the seat of the grand 
principality of Russia. The grand prince had retired, as I have 
describedjtt and left the town in command of his sons Vsevolod and 
Mitislaf. Having invested it, the Tartars sent off a contingent to the 
neighbouring town of Suzdal. There they destroyed the church of Our 
Lady, and set fire to the palace of the prince and the monastery of Saint 
Dimitri. I was misled by Von Hammer and Wolff into stating that the 
monks and nuns were spared. It was only the young ones, together 
with the young girls, that were spared ; the old ones perished with the 
bHnd, the infirm, and the cripples.^t After the fall of Vladimir§§ the 
Mongols divided into three bodies. One marched upon Gorodetz, on the 
Volga, not far from Nishni Novgorod; another upon Galitch, situated on 
the river Kostroma, and known as Galitch Merski from the Meriens 
who lived there ;|||| while a third marched upon Rostof and Yaroslavl, 
and proceeded to destroy the various towns of the grand principality, 
which I have already enumerated.!^ When the grand prince fell in 
battle on the Sitti, there perished with him his nephews Vsevolod and 
Vladimir, the sons of his brother Constantine. His son Vassilko was 
taken prisoner, but he refused to take food ; and on being pressed by the 
Mongols to join their banners, he refused with scorn, and called them 

* Karamzin, iii. 339-341. Note, 45. t Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 102. 

I Karamzin, 3. Note, 45. S Vol. i. 139. 

II He was the nephew of George of Riazan (Karamzin, iii. 341), and not his brother, as Wolff 
says, 141. 

% Karamzin, iii. 341. *• D'Ohsson, ii. 619, tt Vol. i. 139. 

n Karamzin, 3. Note, 46, !!5 Vol. i. 139. Jl Karamiin, 345. Note, 46. 

•I^ Vol. i. 140. 


tigers, polluted with blood, enemies of Christ, and enemies of his 
country. " You shall never be my friends," he said, " you are doomed to 
perdition. There is a God, and you shall be destroyed when your cup is 
full." They accordingly put him to death, and threw his body into the 
forest of Scherensk. Cyril, bishop of Rostok, afterwards found the 
corpse of George ; it was beheaded, but he recognised it by its rich 
garments. That of Vassilko was also recovered, and father and son were 
deposited in the same tomb.* 

On their march towards Novgorod they captured Volok Lamsky (now 
called Volo Kolansk),t Tuer, and Torjek. The last place having resisted 
them was destroyed, according to the Mongol law under such circum- 
stances. The Tartars advanced as far as the lake Seliger, where the 
Volga springs, " The villages," says the chronicler, " disappeared, and 
the heads of the Russians fell like grass before the sickle."| Torjek was 
captured on the 14th of March, and if we consider that the battle on the 
Sitti was fought on the 4th, we shall have a measure of the terrible 
vigour of the invaders. 

So far the history of the campaign is tolerably plain. At this point, 
however, difficulties arise. We know, as I have said, that the Tartars 
retired towards the south, and that they laid siege to and captured 
Koselsk, in the government of Kaluga, and somewhat south-west of 
Moscow. § According to the chronicle of Nikon they afterwards went 
again to Riazan. || Rashid says that after taking Koselsk they went into 
cantonments, i.e., encamped ; and this, the main army may well have 
done somewhere in Central Russia, and not improbably near Riazan, 
while different contingents made expeditions in various directions. A 
second body, under Bereke, the brother of Batu, attacked the Kipchaks, 
no doubt in their homeland, the Desht Kipchak, between the Volga and 
the Don, and compelled their chief Kotiak to escape to Hungary. This 
district was afterwards assigned as a camping ground to Bereke. A 
third army, under Sheiban, Bujek, and Buri, marched against the 
Marimes, a branch of the Chinchaks, as we read it in the corrupt Paris 
text of Rashid.lF I have suggested that these Marimes may have been 
the Mari or Cheremisses, but inasmuch as Karamzin mentions the 
conquest of the Mordvins of Murom and Ghorokhovetz, the former town 
on the Oka, and the latter on the Khasina, it may well be that the 
Marimes of Rashid were the inhabitants of Murom, and that Chin- 
chakes is merely a corruption of Chudes, the generic name for the 
various Ugrian race of South-eastern Russia. A fourth army was sent, 
under Kadan and others, against the Caucasian mountaineers, and 
defeated the Circassians and killed their chief Tukan. This was in the 
autumn of 1238. Later in the year Kadan, Buri, and others, no doubt 

* Karamzin, iii. 347. t Wolff, 145. I Karamein, iii. 349. % Ante vol. i. 140. 

I Karam«iD, iii. Note, 47. H D'Ohsson, i. 626. 


with the same contingent, laid siege to Mangass or Mikes.* It would seem 
that Mangu took part in this campaign, for we are told in the Yuan shi 
that in the winter of 1238 and 1239 he invested Asu Mie kieze, and took 
it after three months' siege.t The name Asu means here Alan. This was 
doubtless the capital of the Alans or Ossetes, which is called Magass by 
Masudi. D'Ohsson identifies it with a place called Mokhatschla, on the 
Cherek, a tributary of the Terek.t This they captured after a siege of 
six weeks, and in the spring of 1239 sent Kukdai to attack Derbend. 
Meanwhile the main army under Batu wintered, as I believe, somewhere 
in Central Russia, probably near Riazan. 

On Batu's retreat Yaroslaf, prince of Kief and brother of the late grand 
prince George, went to Vladimir to occupy the vacant throne, " to reign," 
in the quaint language of Karamzin, "over ruins and corpses."§ He 
buried the dead, collected together the fugitives, and began once more 
to restore order to the desolated provinces, and then invested his elder 
brother Sviattosaf with the principality of Suzdal; the younger one, Vladimir 
Dimitri, with Starodub ; and the grandsons of his elder brother Con- 
stantine, Boris, Gleb, and Wasili, with Rostof, Bielosero, and Yaroslaf || 
Nor was he so weak that he failed to defeat the Lithuanians in the 
neighbourhood of Smolensko and Pskof. In the spring of 1239 the main 
body of the Mongols under Batu was again in motion. This time 
against the inhabitants of the Dnieper, the later Malo-Russians, and 
their clients the Karakalpaks or black bonnets, the Turkish representatives 
of the later Slavic Zaporogian Cossacks.^ Against what in fact was 
alone Russia in the eyes of Nestor and the other old chroniclers, for 
Great Russia or Muscovy, as we now term it, was no part of the primitive 
Russia, which was limited to the districts of Little Russia. While Kief 
lost its paramount importance by its sack in 1169, as I have mentioned, 
it was by no means extinguished, and in the hands of some of its princes 
obtained an intermittent importance only second to that of Vladimir. It 
became in fact the capital of the south-west districts of Russia, those 
districts which are now called Malo-Russian. 

When Batu marched against the grand prince George II., the latter's 
brother Yaroslaf Feodor was prince of Kief, but he had only been so for 
a few months. On his brother's death he moved to Vladimir, and 
succeeded to the principality, as I have mentioned. The throne of Kief 
was thereupon immediately seized by Michael of Chernigof, the son of 
Vsevolod the Red,** who ever since the year 1224 had carried on a 
struggle with the Yaroslaf first named for the possession of Novgorod. 
Michael's son Rostislaf was given the town of Galitch as an appanage, 
but having made a raid into the lands of Daniel, the prince of Volhynia 

*D'Ohuon, ii. ii8and626. t Bretsch., 83. J Les Peuples du Caucase, 33. Note, 

} Id,, iv. 2. g Wolff, 149. II Rasbid, D'Ohsson, ii. 62^, 

♦♦ Wolff, 148. 


and Gallicia, he was driven away and sought refuge in Hungary.* There 
he married a daughter of Bela IV., the Hungarian king. 

It would thus seem that on the approach of the Tartars the princes of 
South-western Russia, instead of being united, were at variance with 
each other, and could offer no decent resistance to the enemy, who now 
marched upon Kief, the mother of the Russian cities. On their approach 
Michael fled westwards to Poland, to Duke Conrad of Mazovia,t and 
thence, after a short stay, he went on to Silesia. While staying at 
Neumarkt, in that district, his people were attacked, his treasure robbed, 
and one of his grand-daughters was killed.| 

While one army attacked Pereislavl, on the Trubetch, twelve German 
miles south of Kief; another attacked Chernigof, on the Desna, about 
the same distance to the north of the capital, where Mitislaf, cousin of 
Michael of Kief, ruled. Both towns were captured and destroyed, as 
was Glukhof, in the government of Chernigof. I have already described 
the capture of these towns and of their metropolis Kief, nor have I 
anything to add to that account.§ It was apparently in the autumn 
of 1239 that the princes Kuyuk, Mangu, and apparently also Buri, 
that is, a son of each of the three brothers, Ogotai, Tului, and 
Jagatai, were summoned to return home by the Khakan Ogotai, whose 
wife Turakina was determined that her son Kuyuk should succeed his 
father Ogotai. They accordingly left the grand army and made their 
way back to Mongoha. This is not only stated by Rashid,|| but also in 
the Chinese account followed by Gaubil. Wolff, who has made Kuyuk 
take an active part in the campaign, has done so, as he says,^ on the 
authority of the monk Roger, who, by the way, does not mention a 
Kuyuk but a Coacton ;** and I have followed in his footsteps in the 
former volume, but it is quite clear to me now that this view is erroneous, 
not only from the statements already quoted from Rashid and Gaubil, 
but from all the circumstances surrounding the accession of Kuyuk, and 
I am quite sure that Rashid's authority must be followed in denying to 
Kuyuk any part in the Hungarian campaign. 

The plan of that campaign was a skilful one. While Batu with the 
main army advanced upon Hungary directly, two other armies were sent 
to outflank that great natural fortress on either side, one through Poland 
and the other by way of Wallachia. The most northern of these armies 
was, according to Rashid, commanded by Orda, Batu's elder brother,tt 
while the western writers make it be led by Baidar (whom they call 
Peta), the son of Jagatai ; the probable explanation being that, as was 
usual in Mongol armies, the chief command was divided, and that Orda 
and Baidar had a joint command. The statement of Dlugocz, that 

• Karamzin, iv, 4, 3. t Wolff, 151. t Id., 153. 5 Vol. i. 141, 142. 

II D'Ohsson, ii. 627. H 371. Note. •• Von Hammer, op. cit,, 118. Note. 

tt D'Ohsson, ii. 627. 


Kadan had a share in this northern campaign is clearly a mistake, which 
is only aggravated by the gloss which Wolff has put upon it in his note * 
The Caidan of Dlugocz was clearly the Kadan who commanded in 
Transylvania.t This northern army, under Baidar and Orda, seems 
to have marched westwards from Kief by the great route which leads 
through Schitomir and Rowno, in Volhynia, and to have wasted the 
districts ruled over by Daniel, the brave prince of Gallicia. Vladimir of 
Volhynia, otherwise called Lodomeria, one of his towns, was captured.^ 
I have already described the raids made upon the districts of Lublin and 
Cracow. § The place where the fight there described, which was fought 
with the Palatine of Cracow, was called Great Turksko, near Polamiez, 
on the banks of the Czarna.|| 

As I have said, after this, the northern army was divided into two 
sections. The contingent, which made a detour through Sieradia, 
Lancitia, and Cujavia, was probably commanded by Orda, and it seems 
to have rejoined the main army near Breslau. IT I have already suffi- 
ciently described this march and the subsequent fatal battle of Lignitz, 
where so many of the first men in Poland perished.** I may add that 
the figure of Henry II. on his tomb at St. Jacob's, at Breslau, is 
represented with its feet on a prostrate Tartar. A representation of the 
lower portion of this tomb may be seen in the second edition of Colonel 
Yule's Marco Polo. Besides other souvenirs of the fight already named, 
I may mention that a family of Tader still exists, which was named after 
the ruthless victors, while a tradition exists in the families of Haugwitz 
and Rechenberg that only two members survived the fight, to one of 
whom Henry is said to have addressed the words, " Haugwitz, rdche den 
berg,'^ i.e., Haugwitz, defend the hill, whence the name of Rechenberg. 
The Jesuits also found materials for some of their religious dramas in 
the terrible slaughter of the Among the colonies of Germans 
founded in Silesia by Bishop Bruno to occupy the land left desolate by 
the invaders, Wolff mentions Liebenthal, Pilgersdorf, Hennersdorf, 
Johannesthal, Matzdorf, Rosvald, Schlakau, Pittarn, Schlatten, &.c.\\ 

The short campaign of this division of the Tartars in Moravia is, as I 
have said, not easy to follow, and the difficulty is increased by the 
probability that it has been confused with an invasion of the Comans a 
few years later. There are three popular Sagas relating to this campaign 
which Wolff has dissected in his sixth chapter. In one of these we are 
told that on the approach of the Tartars the neighbouring inhabitants 
took refuge, partly in the wooden town of Stramberg and partly on the 
mountain Kotusch, where they were blockaded by the invaders. At 
length, on the evening of the feast of the Ascension, i.e., of the 8lh of 

• Op. cit., 163. t Vidt infra. I Wolff, 154 and 162. Karamzin, iv. 14. 

M«/*, 1.142, 143. II Wolff. 163. It Wolff, 170. ••^H<<r, vol.i. 143, 144. 

t1 Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 115. II Wolff, 193. 


May, there fell a tremendous deluge of rain, which swelled the neigh- 
bouring rivers until they burst their banks and swept over the camping 
ground of the Tartars ; many of whom perished, while the remainder 
retired. We are told that in this neighbourhood gingerbread cakes in 
the shape of hands and ears are eaten at the Ascension tide, in memory 
of the fact that the Tartars were in the habit of cutting off these 
members ; and we are told further, that in digging the foundations of 
the church of Stramberg, in 1660, there were found many cauldrons 
and instruments in the shape of hoe blades, which perhaps had 
belonged to the invaders. In confirmation of this Saga, which was 
only recorded by Palacky in the seventeenth century, it seems tolerably 
certain that the Tartars were in Northern Moravia in the early part of 
May, 1 241. Stramberg is a little town situated on a mountain a short 
distance from Neutitsch, whose crest is crowned by some ruins marking 
the site of a town called Sternberg, which was founded in 1242 by Idislaf 
of Chlumec, son of Divish of Davikhof;* and if the legend applies to 
the Tartar attack, it doubtless refers to some Slavic wooden fortress 
which existed previously on the same site, a site, as Wolff shows, the 
focus of many legends and tales of the old heathen days. 

A second Saga centres about Hostein or Hostyn, a mountain not far 
from Bistriz, which was crowned in early times by a temple to Radegast, 
and in later ones by a church dedicated to the Virgin. This Saga is a 
good type of the way in which popular legends grow and get distorted, 
and being so, is an instructive example. 

As I have said, Michael, the prince of Kief and Chernigof, had fled 
from the Mongols, and after some wanderings had found refuge at 
Neumarkt, whose Slavic name was Sreda, whose'citizens seem to have 
received him badly, to have plundered his treasure, and inter alia to 
have killed one of his grand-daughters.f 

This adventure was transferred to Batu in an old German legend of 
St. Hedwig, dating from the fourteenth century. In this edition of it the 
wife of Batu, having a great desire to see different peoples and their 
customs, set out with a great following and much treasure, and eventually 
reached the Silesian town of Neumarkt, where, in order to possess them- 
selves of her treasure, the townspeople slew her and her followers, except 
two young girls, who reported the event to Batu. The latter thereupon 
invaded Poland and Silesia.f This legend was again distorted in a poem 
entitled " The War between the Christians and the Tartars," which was 
found at Koniggratz in 18 17, in which we read that the daughter of the 
Tartar chief Kublai, with ten noble youths and two maidens, beautifully 
dressed, set out for the west and were slain by the Germans in a wood, 
upon which the Tartar Khan set out to revenge them. He bade his 
magicians, soothsayers, and astrologers foretel the issue of the battle. 

• Wolff, 213. t Wolff, 153 and 161. \ Id., 161. 


They accordingly split a reed in two, called one half of it Kublai and the 
other half the king, and said some magical sentences over them, where- 
upon the two halves began to struggle with one another, and eventually 
that called Kublai won. The battle having commenced the Christians 
at first had the advantage, but the magicians brought out the spht canes 
and aroused the enthusiasm of the Tartars, who thereupon defeated the 
Christians, and captured Kief and Novgorod, after which they divided 
into four bodies. They overran Poland and advanced as far as Olmutz, 
the Tarters having been reinforced, the Christians, who were encouraged 
by Wneslaf, retired fighting to the hill of Hostinof, which they 
beleagured. The Christians defended it bravely, and cut down twenty 
trees, whose trunks they rolled down upon the Tartars as they advanced. 
There was, however, no spring on the hill, and the garrison began to 
suffer from thirst, nor were the prayers they offered to the Virgin 
answered ; and, beginning to despair, they thought of surrendering, 
when Wratislaf renewed his entreaties at her altar, a violent thunder- 
storm then came on which fed the rivulets on the mountain. Soon 
after a general muster of the people of the surrounding districts came to 
the rescue, the battle was renewed, and the Tartars were beaten, or, as 
the story says, " the Hanna was freed from the Tartars." Wolff has 
pointed out the anachronisms in this story, the mention of Kublai, whose 
name was not known probably in Central Europe until the end of the 
thirteenth century, the murder of his daughter, which is clearly another 
edition of the story told above of Batu's daughter- The story of the 
split canes, which was perhaps, as Wolff suggests, derived from Marco 
Polo. The hill of Hostein is marked by a considerable spring of water, 
so that the thirst of the Christians is not accounted for. The district of 
Hanna is some distance from Hostein, and not far from Kremsir, where 
the river Hanna flows. Nor does the description of Hostinof in the 
poem agree with the facts as they occur on the real hill of Hostein. For 
these and other reasons Wolff deems the whole story a romance, con- 
structed by some Bohemian contemporary of the old German epic 
writers.* I have already mentionedt the case of the third Saga, relating 
to the capture of Olmutz, which has been so admirably dissected by 
Wolff, and shown by him to refer to the Comans and not to the 

We may take it that after the great fight near Lignitz, Baidar and his 
army proceeded to waste the eastern fringes of Bohemia and the western 
of Silesia, including the towns of Heinrichau, Ottmachau, Glatr, 
Hotzenplotz, Leobschutz, &c., and broke into Moravia in the first week 
of May, 1 241, by the valley of the river Oppa and the town of Troppau.§ 

I have already related how Moravia was devastated, and given the 

* Wolff, ai5-22i. ^ Ante, vo\. i. 145. | Wolff* op, cit., 219-241. 

§ Wolff, 24'- 


names of the towns which chiefly suffered.* The whole country, from 
the river March in the east to the towns of Orlava and Iglava on the 
west, seems to have been harried.t Roger tells us that the Tartars 
passed into Hungary by the Hungarian gates, and as we know from old 
documents that the towns of Trentschin, Neutra, and Tyrnau were 
devastated, Wolff has concluded that by this expression he means the 
Hrosinka pass, which crosses the Carpathians south of the mountain 
Yawomik from Ungarsch-Brod and Banof on the Olschawa, a tributary 
of the March, to the valley of the Waag.J Thence this division 
doubtless joined the main army under Batu, which was then encamped 
north of the Danube. 

Let us now turn to Batu himself with the main army. It would seem 
that besides his grievance against the Hungarian king Bela, in that he 
had given an asylum to his enemies and had not answered his summons, 
he was also invited to invade Hungary by Dimitri, a voivode of Kief 
who was a prisoner in his hands, and who hoped to turn aside the 
terrible scourge from his own land, and accordingly aroused the 
suspicions of Batu by representing Bela as collecting a large army to 
attack him.§ Batu apparently advanced by way of Kremenetz, in 
Volhynia, which he captured. || He then seems to have traversed 
Gallicia, skirting the Carpathians, and at length arrived at the famous 
pass, which leads to the districts of Ungvar and Munkatz, in North- 
eastern Hungary. The same route, according to Von Hammer, was 
followed by the Magyars themselves in invading the land. II Batu's 
army was preceded by a body of 40,000 men, who cut roads and acted 
as pioneers through the terribly difficult country.** The incredible 
speed at which the Tartars marched, and which was no doubt one 
secret of their successes, is shown by the fact that in three days they 
covered a distance of nearly seventy German miles, and suddenly 
appeared in the neighbourhood of Pesth ;tt but this was clearly only a 
body of videttes or skirmishers, for the great fight took place a con- 
siderable distance from Pesth, on the river Sayo, about half way between 
Munkatz and the capital, and close to the modern town of Miskolcz. 
While Batu himself, with the main army, skirted the Eastern Car- 
pathians on their outer flank, he apparently detached an army under his 
cousin Kadan, the son of Ogotai, which marched upon Kamenetz, in 
PodoUa, and Chernovitz, in the Bukovina,tl and thence over the Borgo 
pass into Northern Transylvania. This pass was also called the pass of 
Rodna, from the town of that name, the centre of the gold mining 
enterprise in these districts, which was formerly occupied by Saxon 
colonists, but now by Roumans, who have displaced them. Ruins of 

* Ante, 145. f Id., 344. I Id., 349, 350. } Karamzin, iv. 15. 

II Karamzin, iv. 15. H Golden Horde, iig. ♦» Id. Note, 4. 

tt Golden Horde, iJo. II Wolff, 154. 


the old town of Rodna still remain, especially massive debris of the 
church, proving its former importance. 

At Rodna, we are told the Tartars found the garrison so threatening 
that they made a feigned retreat, whereupon the too confident 
Christians returned in triumph, and not only discarded their arms, but 
also, according to the monk Roger, an Italian, and no lover of strong 
drink, " got drunk in the wild Teutonic manner." (Theutonicorum furia 
is his phrase.) While in this condition the Tartars returned and captured 
" the town of the gold mines." They were assisted, we are told, by a con- 
tingent of 600 Germans, under Count Ariscald. The invaders were 
apparently divided into various bodies, and not only ravaged the various 
towns of Transylvania, as I have mentioned,* but also the neighbouring 
districts of Hungary, and in a document of King Ladislas IV., dated in 
1277, we are told how the districts of Marmarosch, Szathmar, and 
Solnoker still remained desolate from the devastation they had suffered 
at the hands of the Tartars.t It would seem that they marched into 
Hungary by the Meszez pass, by way of Zilah and Somlyo, and directly 
upon Great Varadin or Wardein, of which Roger, the author of the 
Miserabile carmen, was archbishop, and of whose devastation he was 
an eyewitness. 

Great Wardein, like most mediaeval towns, was built of wood, with 
wooden towers on its walls. The town itself was doubtless open, 
but was protected by a strong citadel or fortress. It was easily 
captured and destroyed, and as it had resisted, its inhabitants were, 
according to Mongol fashion, destroyed. The captors then retired for 
some distance, and when the garrison in the citadel thought they had 
finally retreated, and returned once more to their houses, they went back 
and surprised many of them. They then bombarded the citadel with 
seven balistas until they breached its walls, and finally stormed it. The 
cathedral and other churches were inside the citadel, and there the 
women, old and young, had taken refuge. As they could not force an 
entrance into these buildings the Tartars fired them, and their inmates 
perished miserably. Women were ravished in the churches, while the 
leading inhabitants were conducted outside the town and there 
slaughtered, the tombs of the saints were desecrated, and the vessels of 
the altar defiled ; nor did the Tartars fail to return again and again to 
search among the ruins and the corpses for some new victims who 
should have hidden away in the woods and returned in the false hope 
that the storm had passed away.t Roger tells us how, when he escaped 
from Wardein with a number of his people, he went to Thomas' Bridge 
on the Black Koros, where the German garrison refused them permission 
to cross, and wished to insist upon their stopping to defend it. They, 
however, hurried on to an island where the people of Agra, Waydam, 

• i<n«#, vol. i. 146. t Wolff, 333. t Wolff, 3a4-3a6. D'OhMon, ii. 149, 150. 



Geroth, &c., had taken refuge. It was probably such an island as 
Athelney, surrounded by marshes, and, we are told, was approached 
by only one narrow way, which was protected by fortifications and 
barricades. There he determined to stay, but having heard that the 
Tartars were close by, the archdeacon prudently slipped away secretly 
and made his way to Czanad. The very next day Czanad was attacked, 
as Roger says, by another body of Tartars, who had invaded Hungary 
from another side.* It would seem that the contingent under Kadan, 
having laid waste Northern Transylvania and North-eastern Hungary, 
rejoined Batu's main army after the great fight on the Sayo, and pro- 
bably in the rich country of Tokay. 

Let us now turn to the doings of this army. According to Wolff, it 
was led by Subutai Baghatur and Kuyuk,t but, as I have said, Kuyuk 
took no part in this expedition, and Rashid distinctly gives the leadership 
of this army to Bujek, the son of Tului ; and it is probable that it was 
led by the latter and Subutai in conjunction. It seems to have marched 
through Moldavia, inhabited by the Vlakhs or Roumans, who were 
styled Kara Iflah by the Osmanli Turks, and Kara Ulugh by Rashid.J 
This army having crossed the Sireth, attacked the south of Transylvania. 
It was this division which chiefly ravaged the various towns of Tran- 
sylvania, as I mentioned in the former volume.§ I notice that there is a 
town in the district of Gyergyo which is still called Tat&rhago, which 
name is probably a souvenir of their passage. This army seems to have 
followed the valley of the Maros, while that of Kadan marched along 
that of the Koros. It was probably the contingent commanded by 
Subutai which suddenly appeared before Czanad while Roger was 
sheltering there. 

Let us continue his story. He tells us he was deserted by two of his 
servants, and having heard of the storming of Thomas' Bridge by the 
ruthless enemy and the slaughter of its inhabitants, he returned once 
more to the island or marsh, which was probably situated in the marshy 
district between Bekes and Gyola, where he counselled the people to 
fortify their retreat, but he himself, according to his own confession, soon 
left again, and hid away in the woods, where he bade his servant bring 
him food. The island was captured, and a horrible slaughter ensued, as 
I have It was not till after several days that Roger 
ventured to visit it, and he gives a most piteous account of the horrors 
which he saw, and describes the inhuman skill of the Tartars in finding 
out fresh victims in their hiding places as like that of hounds when 
hunting boars and hares. They issued orders that those who surrendered 
freely should, after a short time, once more return home. A large 
number of people, driven by hunger, accepted these hollow promises, and 

* Wolff, 327. t Op. cit., 155, 156. I Wolff, 156. D'Ohsson, ii. 628. 

♦ Vol. i. 146, i/rf. 


the district was more or less repeopled and divided into sections, each 
under a petty chief. The Tartars had in fact determined to winter there, 
and required food. It was harvest time (July, 1241), and the returned 
fugitives were allowed to reap their harvest, but they frequently had to 
purchase a respite in their lives by surrendering their wives, sisters, and 
daughters to the lustful Tartars, who ravished them before their eyes. 
The Tartars appointed officers, whose duty it was to see them suppUed 
with food, clothing, arms, and horses. There were about a hundred of 
these bailiffs, and the one under whom Roger lived had authority over 
nearly a thousand villages. These bailiffs were men of taste, and furnished 
themselves with the fairest girls ; those who brought them such were 
rewarded with presents of sheep, oxen, horses, &c. They generally met 
together weekly, and Roger tells us that, in the hope of learning more of 
their way of living, of becoming acquainted with some of their grandees, 
or of finding a way of escape, he used to attend these meetings with his 
bailiff. On one occasion the inhabitants of the various villages were 
summoned to meet the bailiffs and to bring presents. Suspecting some 
evil play, Roger at length hired himself as a slave to a Hungarian prince. 
His fears were well founded, for, having appropriated their gifts, the 
Tartars collected the poor people together and slaughtered them. 
They now brought together all the provisions they could collect, having 
determined to winter there, and afterwards devastated the whole 
province, and made a hideous slaughter of the inhabitants. They would 
not allow them, doubtless, to consume the winter provisions they them- 
selves needed. In the spring of 1242 they once more set out, and, as I 
have mentioned,* destroyed Perg with a vast mass of people, only two 
girls and those who feigned death amidst the corpses of their relatives 
and were stained with their blood, escaped. They then stormed the 
monastery of Egres, where they seem to have spared some women and 
monks.t This division of the Tartar army seems to have passed the 
summer of 1241 on the Theiss, and then probably made its way 
towards the middle Danube, in which neighbourhood Batu himself was 

The story of the fatal battle on the Sayo is told with some graphic 
details which I have not related in my previous notice, both in the 
Jihankushai and the Chinese annals. In the former we are told that 
Batu sent Sheiban with 10,000 men to reconnoitre, and that he returned 
in a week reporting that the enemy had a superior force. This was 
probably the advanced division to which I have already called attention.! 
When the two hosts faced one another Batu retired to a hill for a day 
and night to implore divine assistance. He had also ordered all the 
Mussulmans in his army to pray to heaven. Next day he detached 
Sheiban with some troops to cross the Sayo, but their attack was 

• Vol. i. H7. t Wolff, 331, 33a. I Ante, 48, 


unsuccessful, their numbers having been too small. The main body then 
rushed upon the Hungarians, and penetrated to the camp of their kelar 
{i.e., kiraly, the Hungarian name for a king), and cut the ropes of his 
tent, upon which his troops fled. The Yuan shi assigns the command of 
the advance guard to Subutai, who in face of the strength of the enemy's 
army had recourse to stratagem. While Batu crossed the river where it 
was shallow and where there was a bridge, Subutai crossed it lower 
down where it ^was deeper, and buiU a bridge by fastening beams 
together. Meanwhile Batu had been engaged, and had lost thirty men, 
including one of his adjutants styled Ba ha tu. Batu began to be 
discouraged and would have retired, but Subutai insisted that they 
should go on, and completely defeated the enemy. Some time after 
Bature proached Subutai, and said, " while we were fighting together on 
the river Tiuming I lost my Ba ha tu because of your tarrying." Subutai 
replied, "that while Batu crossed easily at a shallow place, he was 
delayed by having to build a bridge over a deep one." At a feast, on 
another occasion, Batu did more justice to his brave general, and gave 
him the credit of the victory over the Hungarian king.* 

After the battle on the Sayo, Bela fled to the woods Dios gior, thence 
he probably escaped by way of Szomolnok and Leutschau to the castle 
of Piewnicza, south of Sandecz, almost directly north of the battle field, 
where he met his son-in-law Boleslaf, of Cracow.t There he did not 
tarry long, having doubtless heard of the terrible march of Baidar 
through Cracovia, but, adopting the disguise of a pilgrim, he fled along 
the Carpathians towards the frontier of Austria, doubtless to rejoin his 
family at Oedenburg. A body of the Tartars followed him sharply ; it 
marched through the defiles of Zips or Spisky, in the central Car- 
pathians, west of Piewnicza and, doubtless mistaking his traces, fell 
upon Cracow, which had so recently been devastated, and then marching 
through the districts of Auschwitz and Teschen, reached Hungary again 
by the Yablunka pass.J Bela reached Neitra in safety, and was escorted 
thence to the Austrian frontier by the German colonists. They were 
afterwards, namely, in 1258, rewarded for their fidelity by being made 
free burghers of Stuhlweissenburg.g He was made to pay a heavy 
ransom by the Duke of Austria, as I have mentioned. || Having rejoined 
his wife and young son Stephen, he made his way to Agram, in Croatia. 
The Duke of Austria, it would seem, had also insisted, as a part of the 
ransom, that Bela should surrender three of his provinces (probably those 
of Wieselburg, Oedenburg, and Eisenburg are meant). H He now seems 
to have invaded them, and thus took advantage of the dire necessity of 
Hungary to spoil her further.** 

The terrible battle of Lignitz and the rapid march of the Tartars 

• Bretschneider, 91-94. D'Ohsson, ii. 620. t Wolff, 310. I Id., 311. 

\U. M»'«vol. 1.150. f Wolff, 3K. ♦♦/</. 319. J 


through Poland and Moravia had naturally aroused much feeling in 
Germany, and measures began to be concerted there for the defence of 
the empire. At the wish of King Wenceslaus of Bohemia, and of Henry 
Raspe, the Landgrave of Thuringia, a meeting of princes and prelates 
took place at Merseburgh, north of the Platen Sea, where it was decided 
that old and young should take the cross, and all capable of taking arms 
should set out, those who were rich and not so capable, paying for others 
who were. This scheme broke down, however, through the fierce 
strife between Kaizar and Pope which was then raging, and to which I 
shall presently refer ; but as the Tartars continued their march, and 
threatened to overwhelm the empire itself, even the fierce combatants of 
church and state respectively drew nearer to one another. Konrad IV., 
the emperor's son, a boy of but thirteen years, and therefore but little fitted 
to cope with these troubled times, convoked a meeting of notables at 
Eslingen, on the Neckar, for the 19th of May, 1241, where a pact 
was made that until the feast of Saint Martin, i.e., the loth of November, 
and longer if necessary, they should unite in a common crusade against the 
Tartars, not compromising meanwhile any of their intentions in the civil 
strife just named, and that an army should be assembled at Nuremberg 
to march against the invaders, while the Franciscan friars who had been 
sent by Pope Gregory IX. to excommunicate the emperor, his sons, and 
supporters, were to preach the crusade. This was allowed to be preached 
within their dioceses by the Bishop of Costniz, the Archbishop of 
Mayence, and the Bishop of Augsburgh.* Presently the news of the 
Tartar doings reached Rome, and the Pope himself sent orders to the 
heads of the two great orders of friars, and also to the abbots of the 
Cistercian monasteries in Germany, to preach the same holy war. The 
Tartars were informed by their spies of these movements in Germany, 
and we accordingly find that Batu, who was encamped in the country 
about Comorn, north of the Danube, sent a detachment to the borders 
of Austria, where, according to a letter of the Austrian Duke Frederick 
II., dated the 13th of June, 1241, he claims that his people slew 300 of 

The Tartar invasion was synchronous with the terrible strife between 
the civil and religious powers — between the emperor and the pontiff — 
which caused so much damage and scandal to Christianity. The Kaizar 
was the redoubtable Frederick II., and the Pope was Gregory IX. The 
former was master of Naples and Sicily, and was determined to put his 
foot on all the land beyond the Alps. The Pope, who was equally vigorous 
and determined, would not submit to have the land overshadowed by the 
double-headed eagle, and the strife had grown very envenomed. While 
the Tartars were ravaging Russia, Poland, and Hungary, namely, from 

' Wolff, 246. t M., ajo. 


August, 1240, until April, 1241, Frederick was laying siege to the papal 
city of Faenza, which he at length captured. On his side, the Pope had 
excommunicated him on the 20th of March, 1239, being Palm Sunday, 
and had a year later permitted a crusade to be preached against him ; 
and, lastly, he had created a party among the princes of Germany, who 
were banded together against his great enemy. These consisted of the 
treacherous Duke of Austria Frederick II., Otto II. of Bavaria, Otto the 
younger and John of Brunswick, Henry II. of Silesia, and the Landgraf 
Henry Raspe, all headed by Wenceslaus of Bohemia ; and the Pope had 
even gone so far as to decree the dethronement of the Kaizar, and to 
nominate another in his place, a claim which was far beyond his rights, 
which did not go beyond the crowning of the prince who should be 
elected by the rest.* With such an enemy it is not to be wondered at 
that Frederick, who was the great mediaeval champion of the civil power, 
should have been most careful not to let his rival have a chance of 
escaping. It was, consequently, a terrible time of feud and dislocation 
for any effort to be organised against the common foe of all, who 
threatened to stamp both Kaizar and Pope underneath his heel. When 
Bela, the Hungarian king, reached Agram in his flight he despatched the 
Bishop of Waitzen with a letter to the emperor and the pope, setting out 
the devastation of Hungary, and promising the former to acknowledge 
him as his suzerain if he would come and help him.t These letters were 
dated the i8th of May, 1241. The bishop first repaired to Rome, where 
the pope, who possibly mingled benevolence and diplomacy in his acts, 
and who did not wish to see Hungary become an imperial appanage, 
took Bela under the immediate protection of the holy see, offered the 
same indulgences and immunities to all who would march against the 
Tartars as were offered in the case of the crusades, and ordered the 
Hungarian clergy to help their king.J From Rome the bishop repaired 
to Spalatro, where the emperor was then staying. The emperor replied to 
him, "That if he left Italy before the war there was ended, that Germany 
would lose the benefit of the blood and treasure it had poured out in his 
support, and that if he marched against the Tartars he would expose his 
own states {i.e., Naples and Sicily) to attack, since the pope was so much at 
issue with him, but he hoped before long to restore peace to the Christian 
world ; and, having pacified Italy, he said that he would march at the 
head of a great force against the invaders."§ Well might Matthew Paris, 
in his commentary on these proceedings, say that God must have been 
at enmity with the Christians to permit such feuds in face of the Meanwhile, however, the emperor wrote to his son 
Konrad, and to the Swabian princes and dukes to aid in repelling the 
barbarians, and he also wrote to the other European sovereigns, 

• Wolff, 194-196. t Id., 257 and 314. D'Ohsson, ii. 167. 

I Wolff, 314, 315. S D'Ohsson, ii. i66, 167. Wolff, 315, 316. B Wolff, 317. 


entreating them to make common cause against the enemy. The letter 
which he sent on the 3rd of July, 1241, to his brother-in-law, Henry III. 
of England, has been preserved by Matthew Paris. He implored him to 
render assistance in the work of repelling the invaders, " for," said he, 
" if the Tartars penetrate into Germany and find no barriers to their 
progress there, other nations will suffer from the terrible scourge which 
divine justice, as we believe, has allowed to appear to punish the world 
for its crimes, and on account of the decay of piety. He bade him there- 
fore use diligence in affording his help, for this people, he said {i.e., the 
Tartars), have left their own country with the intention of subjugating all 
the west, and of destroying the faith and the name of Christian ; but we 
have faith in Christ, who has hitherto enabled us to vanquish our 
enemies, and will cause their pride to fall, and the Tartars to be once 
more remitted back to Tartarus."* 

Matthew Paris tells us the emperor ordered his sons Konrad and 
Henry to march against the Tartars. The latter was at the head of 
4,000 horsemen and a crowd of foot soldiers, and encountered the 
Tartars near Devin, on the river March. Wolff contends that Matthew 
Paris is here mistaken, and that the confederates were not the sons of 
the emperor, but the bishop of Costniz and the bishop of Freisingen, 
who had been promoters of the crusade I have mentioned.t In this 
battle, which is mentioned by Haithon, the Armenian, and by the 
Dominican Bieul, the Tartars were defeated and driven away.| It was 
apparently fought in the autumn of 1241. Batu's army having spent 
that season north of the Danube, and having been rejoined by the con- 
tingents under Baidar and Kadan, began to move again in December, 

One division, under Batu himself, marched upon Gran, perhaps by 
the valleys of the Sayo and the Ipoly. It was an unusually severe 
winter, and the Danube was frozen over. To test whether it would bear 
their army or not, the Tartars abandoned a number of their cattle on 
the opposite bank, and then made pretence of retiring altogether. After 
waiting three days, the Hungarians crossed over to secure what they 
deemed their booty, upon which the Tartars crossed it also.§ They 
crossed on the 25th of December, 1241. I have already described the 
siege and capture of the town.|| One incident of the sack is a grim 
epitome of the horrible barbarities committed by the captors. Three 
hundred of the first ladies in the town were captured in one house. 
Dressed in their richest garments they presented themselves before 
Batu and implored his pity, offering to become his slaves. He ordered 
them to be disrobed and then beheaded. Pity was not to be found in 
the code of the ruthless Tartar, whose draconic sentence upon every 

• D'Ohsson, ii. 168. t Wolff, 260. I /i., 260, a6i. S D'Ohsson, ii. 153. 

g AnU, i. i5o> 


town which resisted, was destruction. After the destruction of Gran, 
Batu apparently spent a considerable time in its neighbourhood. His 
people, however, were not idle, and were engaged in desolating 
the valley of the Danube, advancing north of that river as far as 
Niunburg or Kronnenburgh, two German miles north of Vienna, where 
they slaughtered many Christians ;* while south of the Danube they 
advanced, as I have described,t as far as Neustadt, south of Vienna, 
where they suffered a check at the hands of the Archduke of Austria, the 
King of Bohemia, the Patriarch of Aquiha, the Duke of Carinthia, and 
the Margrave of Baden who had assembled a considerable army.J But it 
would seem that altogether the country west of the Danube fared better 
than that east of the river, and that several towns, such as Oedenburg, 
Presburg, Neitra, Trentschin, Comorn, Turotz, &c., successfully resisted 
the Tartar attack. § 

While Batu and the main army remained near the middle Danube, a 
contingent was sent under Kadan in pursuit of Bela, as I have The latter had sent his wife Maria and young son Stephen, 
in the spring of 124 1, into Dalmatia, and confided them to the care of 
the people of Spalatro, but the queen was nervous, and, with a number 
of widows whose husbands had been killed by the Tartars, and with her 
husband's treasure, she took refuge at the strong fortress of Clissa, a 
short distance from Spalatro. H Bela himself remained for a while in 
Croatia, and he complains in a document still extant of the way in which 
he was deserted by his grandees ; but he seems to have been of a 
vacillating disposition, and neither conciliated enemies nor made many 
friends. The clergy alone behaved handsomely to him. Inter aliu we 
are told how the monastery of Mons. Pannoniae made him a present of 
800 marks of fine gold. In the early part of February, 1242, having 
heard of Kadan's pursuing march, he fled to the Dalmatian coast, and, 
having removed his family from Clissa, went to Spalatro. Kadan 
pursued him sharply, as I have described.** The Tartars seem to have 
left a considerable portion of their forces near Verbacz, where pasturage 
was abundant, and to have hurried on with the light troops through the 
barren and inhospitable mountains of Croatia, where they pitilessly 
slaughtered the inhabitants, without regard to age or sex. Fancying that 
Bela was taking refuge at Clissa, they poured a shower of arrows upon 
it, and finding this of little use, they dismounted and began to clamber 
up on hand and foot, and were met by the garrison rolling down great 
stones upon But Bela had gone to Trau, as they learnt there, 
and thence shipped his wife and family to the neighbouring islands of 
Lesina and Brazza, while he himself remained on board ship. The two 
islands were granted the privilege of having their own bishops and their 

♦ Wolff, 340. + Antt, i. 152. 1 Wolff, 344. S Id., 339. 

I Vol. i. 151, &c. f Wolff, 350- ** Ante,uiii. tt Wolff, 331. 


own Zupan (the latter, however, to be of the family Geviche), in 
recompense for the refuge they thus afforded the royal family * The 
Tartars advanced to the outskirts of Trau, and finding it unassailable, 
they sent a messenger to summon the town, who spoke in the Slavonic 
tongue : *' Kadan, the chief of the unconquered army, bids you know, 
if you do not wish to share in the penalty earned by one who is a 
stranger in blood to you, deliver the enemy into our hands."t No 
answer, at the wish of the king, was given to this arrogant message. 
The Tartars then retired. They spent nearly the whole of March, 
however, in the neighbourhood, and several times visited the coast towns, 
but afterwards returned to Verbacz. 

Several documents are extant showing how Bela rewarded the various 
grandees who had faithfully served him during this terrible time. Inter 
alia we read how the count Detrikus, son of Matthew, was made Ban 
of Slavonia. Similar rewards overtook other Croatian notables. The 
most important of his friends at this time were the Frangipanni counts 
of Veglia, who put not only their men and ships at his service, but also 
made him an advance of 20,000 marks. It would seem that they 
assembled a considerable fleet from the neighbouring coasts, which acted 
as an escort to Bela, when on the i8th of March he set out from Trau. 
It was overtaken by a storm on the open sea, between the canals of Zara 
and Quarnero, and a portion of the fleet was driven on to the coast of the 
peninsula of Nona. A terrible struggle ensued between the castaways 
and the Tartars, who were lying in wait on the shore, but the latter 
were badly beaten. We are told that on this occasion three young 
champions, named Krecz, Yegerlich (called Kupissa), and Raak, with 
thirty-eight followers (who came from Syrmia, in Eastern Slavonia, and 
of whom twenty-five perished in the struggle), distinguished themselves. 
The fight took place before the king's own eyes, and the description is 
enlivened by some graphic touches, the Tartars being hemmed in and 
slaughtered, we are told, like " geese on a fish-pond." They were at 
length defeated and driven beyond the Kerka, near Brezcza.J 

The Frangipanni, who had behaved so loyally, were handsomely 
rewarded by the king. By a deed of the 5th of April, 1251, they were 
granted the counties of Vinodol and Modrus, in Croatia ; and by a deed, 
dated four years later, he made over to them the town of Zeng, with 
Zubehor, ZoU, &c. ; while in 1263 he heaped fresh honours upon them, 
and gave the castle of Zkrad, in Croatia, to the brothers Philip and 
Bartholomew Szkalyk de Lyka, who had supplied a contingent of 

Let us turn once more to Kadan and his Tartars. Finding he could 
not reach Bela, he set out at the end of March, 1242, and passed through 
Turkish Croatia and the Herzegovina. When he had reached as far 

•Wolff, 338. M*. I M., 363-365. fM.,36o,36i. 



south as Drivasto, in Albania, he received orders from Batu to return, 
the death of the Great Khan Ogotai having summoned the various 
princes back again to Asia. He accordingly marched east through 
Bulgaria to meet him. 

Batu had remained apparently, as I have said, in the neighbourhood 
of Gran. When the news of Ogotai's death reached him he set out 
eastwards. This was probably about the end of March. The army 
marched with a large convoy of waggons and troops of cattle and horses. 
The forests were tramped through on foot, so that the insatiable Tartars 
might glean the few victims who escaped them as they advanced into 
the country. In Transylvania the ravage had not been quite complete 
before, and many towns and inhabitants still remained. These were 
trodden under and destroyed. The Tartars then crossed over into 
Wallachia, and thence into Bulgaria. This was about the beginning of 
June, 1242,* and about the same time Kadan reached Bulgaria and 
rejoined Batu with his contingent. On his passage through Bulgaria, 
Batu did not fail, in Mongol fashion, to lay waste the whole land. The 
King of Bulgaria, Kolowan, appealed to his suzerain, Baldwin II., the 
Emperor of Constantinople, for help. Allying himself with the Comans, 
who had migrated from Hungary in 1241, he defeated the Tartars in a 
first engagement, but was defeated and his country subdued in a second 
more unfortunate fight.t It was while in Bulgaria that Batu assembled 
the various prisoners whom he had captured, and after he had given 
them permission to return home made a great slaughter of them, as I 
have mentioned.^ At length, in the winter of 1242-43, the Tartars 
once more crossed the Danube. 

When the Tartars invaded Gallicia its prince, Daniel, fled westwards 
and found refuge with Konrad, Duke of Mazovia and Cujavia, where his 
rival Michael of Kief had preceded him.§ When the Tartars passed into 
Hungary he returned once more to his principality, and, turning aside 
from Brest and Vladimir on account of the pestilental odour emitted by 
the corpses there, he settled at Kholm, a town which he had himself 
founded, near the ancient Cherven. It had escaped the general ravage, 
and was inhabited by a mixed population of Germans, Poles, &c. It was 
beautifully built, and adorned with gardens, an oasis in the general 
desert, and from it Daniel commenced the work of restoring prosperity 
once more to the devastated country. He was opposed, however, by the 
Gallician boyards, who had tasted in his absence a little liberty, and who 
seized the salt mines of Kolomna, the dues from which went to support 
the princely exchequer. They also intrigued with Rostislaf, the son 
of Michael of Kief. Michael had been well treated by Daniel, who had 
ceded to him the principality of Kief, to which he had returned. 
Daniel defeated the treacherous conduct of the boyards and of the 

•Wolff, 368, tM.,366. }Ante,vo\.i.i53- S Wolff, 381. 


bishops of Galitch and Pereislavl, drove Rostislaf away from the town 
of Galitch, defeated the Poles, from whom he captured Lublin, and 
made himself powerfully felt. He is styled Grand Prince by some, and 
had certainly in South-western Russia an equivalent position to Yaroslaf 
in Central Russia at Vladimir.* 

When Batu crossed the Volga he sent the Poloutzian Aktai to apprise 
him that he had returned from his campaign in Hungary, and that he 
should send his commanders Memmen and Balai with an army against 
him if he did not send in his submission.t He then continued his march 
towards the Volga. 

We have now completed the story of Batu's great campaign. And 
what a terrible story it is, what a picture of utter destruction and 
desolation. From the German frontier to the Volga hardly a town 
survived the passage of the tornado. If towns were an eyesore to 
Mongol eyes, as many of their graphic sayings attest, then assuredly 
they had done credit to their aesthetic training ; and if the presence of 
settled inhabitants, and of those who reap and sow, who knit and weave, 
was a menace to the roving soldiery, whose grass needed no tillage, and 
whose wealth was in their flocks, they had had their fill of satisfaction. 
They had few local ties and scruples, and were on a gigantic scale what 
the Turkoman and Kazak frontagers of Persia are on a small one, devoted 
to that licentious liberty which is incompatible with town life, and that 
obstinate independence which deems most laws the yokes of slaves. If 
it be true that man was first a hunter, then a nomade, then a settler, and 
that between these forms of life there is perpetual war, and that although 
the victory goes unfailingly to the last, that it has to be won at the 
sword's point, and is only won when its enemy is entirely extirpated ; 
then we have a raison d'etre for much which crowds these volumes, and 
we may accept the campaign of Batu and its results as one chapter in 
that mighty warfare between the nomade and the agriculturist, which is 
now waning, because the nomade has had his day, but which was then in 
the balance, for assuredly, but for the lucky death of Ogotai and the 
consequent recall of the Tartar leaders, there is no good reason why an 
acre of land in Europe should have escaped being trampled upon by 
Tartar troops, and should have been scorched accordingly. I have in 
the previous volume collected some of the reasons why the Tartar march 
was so successful, others remain. The first and most obvious cause 
was that the Tartars were a perpetual standing army. " The nomade 
nations," as one historian of Russia says, " are armies, irregular indeed, 
but easily put in motion, prompt, and always on foot ; whatever 
they leave behind them can be guarded by old men, women, and 
children. To such nations war is not an event, for long marches 
produce but little change in the habits of a wandering people, their 

♦ Karamzin, iv. 21-24. t Von Hammer, 136. Wolff, 381. 


houses, their provisions, march along with them ; and this is of some 
importance in uncultivated plains and uninhabited forests."* There was 
no distinction among the Tartars between civilian and soldier, all were 
warriors who could carrj- arms, save perhaps a few Shamanist medicine 
men. On the other hand, what do we find in Europe at this time.'' In 
the first place, it was so divided in interests and other respects by its 
feudal institutions, that its patriotism was parochial and its strength 
frittered away. In the next place, in Russia, and probably in Hungary, 
the possession of arms was reserved for nobles and freemen only, and 
from these we must deduct the traders and clergy. Now, as the author 
just quoted says, speaking of Russia, " continual wars had so much 
increased the number of monks, hired servants, and slaves, and so much 
diminished that of freemen and landholders, that there remained scarcely 
warriors enough to make head against the Poloutzi." These were the 
natural warriors, who were trained to arms ; besides them each of the 
petty chiefs kept paid guards of mercenaries. These in former times 
had been Varangians and Norsemen, but in later days they had also 
taken Turkomans into their pay, and we read of Berendeens, Turks, 
&c., being in the service of the Russian princes, but these guards had 
greatly diminished in numbers. "About the year iioo the guard of the 
Grand Prince was only 800 men, and he lost it."t These frail materials 
formed the only soldiery in the country, and the crowds who were 
collected to repel a sudden invasion were necessarily but a very indif- 
ferent militia, and disappeared like chaff in the fire before the terrible 
Tartar cavalry, so well disciplined and with such admirable tactics. 
Badly armed foot soldiers, with little training or discipline, have never 
been a match for such opponents, and especially when they have come in 
such multitudes as the soldiers of Batu. Again, not only did they excel 
in discipline, training, and numbers, but also in weapons. Here let me 
quote from a historian who is too little appreciated. He says, " It is 
unnecessary to expatiate upon the influence exercised by military arms 
in organisation and discipline, and in the general science of war, upon 
the history of comparatively modern times. . . . The system organised 
by Gustavus Adolphus turned the tide of victory against the Imperial 
arms in Germany, and on more than one hard fought field in England, 
when used by Fairfax and Cromwell against the ill-regulated valour of 
the supporters of King Charles. . . . The dagger screwed into the 
muzzle of the musket first placed that weapon on a footing with the pike 
at close quarters ; the bayonet attached to the end of the barrel com- 
pleted its efficiency without interfering with its use as a firearm. The 
firelock and the iron ramrod each made a mark, however small that mark 
may have been, upon some portion of the history of the last two 
centuries."! The same very learned author then proceeds to discuss the 

'.Kelly's Russia, i. 68. t Id., 69. I Robertson, Historical Essays, iz. 


superiority of the Frank weapons over those of the Roman colonials, 
and of the Normans at Hastings over those of the English, in both cases 
awarding the victory to the well equipped. Now, in the case of the 
Tartars we have every reason for believing that they were in every way 
better armed than their opponents. In the magnificent collection of 
armour at the Palace of Peterhof there are some specimens of the body 
armour of the Mongols, made with scales of iron overlapping one 
another, which testify to the skill of their smiths, and are marvels of 
workmanship compared with any contemporary armour then in use in 
Eastern Europe. As to the Tartar weapons they have been described 
for us by one of the chroniclers. Their armour, he tells us, was made of 
buffalo hides, with scales fastened on it. It was impenetrable, and formed 
a capital defence. They wore iron or leathern helmets, crooked swords 
(?>., sabres), quivers, and bows. The heads of their arrows were four 
fingers broad, longer than those used in the west, and were made of iron, 
bone, or horn, and the notches were so small that they would not pass 
over the strings of western bows. Their standards were short, made of 
black or white yak's tails, and having balls of wool at the top . Their 
horses were small, compact, and hardy, and submitted to almost any 
hardship. They rode them without stirrups, and made them jump like 
deer over rocks and walls.* 

It will thus be seen that in weapons and armature also, the invaders 
were superior to their opponents, and we cannot wonder, when we gauge 
the respective qualifications of either side, that the Mongols should have 
been universally successful in the open field. Their engineering skill 
was also very superior to anything then known in Europe. We have 
pictured for us in the accounts of the Mongol campaigns in China the 
elaborate mangonels and other kinds of artillery which they had at 
command, and which enabled them to break very readily the more or 
less frail barriers of wood or stone, which were then deemed formidable 
fortifications ; and we accordingly find that when they had enough time 
they were seldom foiled in attacking towns. Towns had this additional 
weakness in Russia, that they were so far asunder and so separated by 
forests and deserts that they could not help one another. All the odds, 
in fact, were in favour of the invaders ; and, as if this was not enough, 
the princes both in Russia and Hungary were, if not in actual conflict, 
engaged too often, to use a graphic colloquial phrase, in " paddling their 
own canoes." The Grand Prince of Russia was a very feeble person, 
Karamzin, who is ever tender to princes, speaks of him as having taken 
no measures for the defence of Russia, but as having the virtues of his 
century, " he decked the churches, made presents to the monks, and 
his memory was blest by the people,"t which is fiercely translated by 
another writer, " He was an idiot, . . . was solely occupied in 

* Thomas of Spalatro, Wolff, 334. t Op. cit., iv. 3. 


adorning the churches, perpetuating mendicity by alms, and fattening 
the monks." 

In Hungary, Bela was also marked by feeble qualities, and, as I 
showed in my former volume, had exasperated or alienated large numbers 
of his people. We need not wonder, therefore, at the completeness of 
the Tartar success, and if we find cause of admiration from the military 
point of view, it must be as an engineering feat, for the marvellous 
rapidity with which the land was won, and the ease with which such a 
large force was moved and provisioned, and the admirable strategy by 
which the whole campaign was marked ; and in gauging this we must 
remember that in Hungary, at least, it is probable the Tartars were 
assisted by the Comans as guides and counsellors, for they also had a 
grievance against the Hungarians, while it would seem from the narrative 
of Roger that both Magyars and Germans did not scruple to join the 
ranks of the ruthless invaders, driven as much perhaps by terror as by 

With these advantages the success of the Tartars was inevitable, and 
when we consider their mission, it is only too easy either to be cynical, 
or, if our method be not that of Diogenes, to stand aside and despair 
entirely of solving the riddle of history ; but we surely may do better 
than this. It is not a mere phrase when we speak of the tide of human 
progress, and thus postulate for it an ebb as well as a flow ; and the ebb 
has its ends and uses no less than the flow. And there was one result at 
least of the Tartar invasion which was lasting and most useful, and in 
this it was similar to the terrible invasions of the Danes in the further 
west at an earlier day. Through the process of parcelling out the kingly 
inheritance a considerable danger was overhanging Europe, every 
province was becoming a rival of its neighbours, and all the countries of 
the west were in consequence disintegrating. It required the sharp iron 
of the Danes to weld together the fragments of England into one land, 
to make men feel that they had a common heritage to guard, and 
common interests to gather round, or, if we would have a more modern 
example, we cannot doubt that all the romance and fervid sentiment 
which surrounds the term Fatherland in Germany, which has in that 
disjointed mass of little principalities formed a public opinion too strong 
for any provincial loyalties to withstand, and which has demanded unity 
and strength under one head, has been born of the roll of misfortunes 
and troubles which division and mutual strife have entailed on her 
children, and have made her an ever easy prey to her unscrupulous 
neighbours. So it was with the Russians, only in a much greater degree. 
That union, that obedience to authority, that terrible patience and 
dogged perseverance, which we recognise as the great Russian virtues, 
were born doubtless of the terrible troubles which befell the land in 
the Tartar and earlier period. So dislocated an^ bfqken to pieces was 


the whole fabric of the State in the early thirteenth century, that nothing 
but blood and iron, the two remedies of a strong-fisted statesman, were 
capable of welding it together, and these were supplied copiously enough 
by the Tartars. The need of union against the common enemy created 
Russia, out of a patchwork of small rival States with ignoble ambitions. 
This at least was one result of the struggle, others will suggest them- 
selves as we proceed. 

There is a question, however, which forces itself upon us at this 
point which is certainly very curious, and that is a comparison of Batu's 
conduct in the campaign and his conduct afterwards ; and this is so 
much in unison with what the Mongols did elsewhere that it has no 
doubt a common explanation. During the war the very spirit of destruc- 
tion seems to have accompanied him; after it was over this policy ceased. 
Tribute and homage were exacted, and also obedience, but otherwise the 
victims were treated with comparative leniency, and seldom disturbed at 
home. This was quite in character with the precepts of Jingis, " In war 
tigers, in peace doves.^' War with the Tartars was no play time. It meant, 
as it logically means, the destruction of the enemy and all that belongs to 
him. At all events, the running of no risks for the sake of sentiment, the 
exacting of the most terrible punishment. Rather than leave a 
population behind which might grow into an army, everybody who could 
embarrass the communications or the retreat of the army was destroyed ; 
rather than keep a great mass of prisoners, who must be fed and clothed, 
and who would hamper the movements as well as the commissariat of 
the army, their throats were cut ; no walls and houses which could be 
converted into fortresses were to be left standing ; and following out the 
grim notion that war means a terrible struggle for existence, and not a 
sentimental game, they deemed everything fair. With your enemy at 
your throat, every treacherous method was deemed honest, every cruel 
expedient, justifiable. Resistance brought destruction at once, while 
submission only purchased safety when it was not compromising 
in any way to the victors. The girls and boys, the artisans and handi- 
craftsmen, who could be made into slaves and otherwise employed, were 
spared and sent to Mongolia in some numbers, otherwise the decree 
upon an enemy's land was that it must be desolated. The issue is no 
doubt awful, but it is at least logical, and is certainly contrasted with that 
decrepit philanthropy which, when two combatants are determined to 
fight it out, supplies plaster and medicine to enable them to continue the 
struggle longer. When the war was over, then the necessity for such 
menaces ceased also. So long as the victors had plenty of broad lands 
for pasture, and an occasional opportunity of replenishing their harems 
and houses with wives and trinkets by a plundering raid, they left their 
neighbours alone, and eventually became demoralised by contact with 
them and by the enervating effects of luxury and ease, while their 


former victims were knitting their strength together until they over- 
whelmed them, a process which we shall follow in the succeeding 

Of the various districts of Russia one portion alone now remained 
independent of the Tartar arms, and that was the principality of 
Novgorod, whose fame is widely spread as a member of the Hanseatic 
league, as the mother of modem republics, and as the seat of power of 
Alexander Nevski, the son of the Grand Prince Yaroslaf, who ruled 
there when Batu's army swept over Southern Russia, and whose good 
fortune and happy reign form for a few years a bright relief to the 
generally dismal annals of Russia at this epoch. 

Let us now turn once more to Batu and his Tartars. Batu and his 
army had been recalled from the campaign in Europe by the death of 
Ogotai, a death which it was suspected in some quarters had been caused 
by poison, but which was much more certainly the result of hard 
drinking. The death of Ogotai opened up serious questions of 
succession. Among the Mongols a man was not succeeded by his son so 
long as he had brothers living. When the brothers were exhausted the 
inheritance reverted to the family of the eldest brother. Thus, on the 
death of Ogotai, whose last surviving brother, Jagatai, died in 1240-1,* the 
rightful heirs to the throne were the sons of Juchi. It is true that 
Ogotai, on accepting the throne, had exacted a promise that it should 
be continued in his family, but such promises, when made in the face of 
the custom prescribed by antiquity, are seldom acquiesced in, and we may 
beUeve that on his death the sons of Juchi looked forward to a reinstate- 
ment of their family. Matters were further complicated by the fact that 
Ogotai had made a will in which, like his father, he had displaced his 
own son from the heritage, and had named his grandson Shiramun to 
succeed him. 

His chief widow was Turakina, a strong-minded woman, a Merkit, 
and therefore, as I have shown, probably a Turk by origin, and having 
sympathy also, as it would seem, with the creed of Islam. She was 
jealous of the three sisters Siurkukteni, the widow of Tului, Abika, 
and Bekutemish, the widow of Juchi, and she determined to secure 
the throne for her son Kuyuk. 

• Under these circumstances, it is a curious and striking proof of the 
rigid discipline of the Mongols and their very loyal attachment to law, 
that no attempt should have been made to fill the throne immediately, 
but that a regency should have been constituted until " the grand army '' 
could return from the west and the princes could be assembled to elect 
their chief in proper form. Of these princes Batu was certainly now the 
most influential. Although he had an older brother, Orda, to whom he 
acknowledged his subservience, his wonderful success and his command 

* Abulghazi, is^i Note, t 


of the army gave him a predominant position. He was doubtless 
informed pretty accurately by his aunt Siurkukteni of what was passing in 
Mongolia, and of the intrigues which went on at the regent's court, where 
there must have been much fear and jealousy of himself, nor would he 
like to trust himself there without a strong escort. Besides these general 
considerations there was a further one, that he had a personal feud with 
Kuyuk, which only intensified his feelings towards that rival. The origin 
of this quarrel is thus described in the Yuan-chao-pi-shi. We are told 
that Batu sent an envoy from Kipchak to his suzerain Ogotai with the 
following message : — 

"By the favour of Heaven and an auspicious fate, oh emperor, my 
uncle, the eleven nations have been subdued. When the army had 
returned, a banquet was arranged, at which all the Mongol princes were 
present. Being the eldest, I drank one or two cups of wine before the 
others. Buri and Kuyuk were incensed, left the banquet, and mounted 
their horses, at the same time reviling me. Buri said : ' Batu is not 
superior to me ; why did he drink before I drank ? He is an old woman 
with a beard. By a single kick I could knock him down and crush him.' 
Kuyuk said : ' He is an old woman with bow and arrows, I shall order 
him to be thrashed with a stick.' Another proposed to fasten a wooden 
tail to my body. Such is the language that was used by the princes, 
when after the war with the different nations we had assembled to 
deliberate on important matters ; and we were obliged to break up 
without discussing the affairs. Such is what I have to report, oh 
emperor, my uncle." 

Ogotai on hearing this news got very angry, and at first refused to see 
Kuyuk (who had in the meantime arrived from the west); but when those 
around him interceded, he severely rebuked his son, and gave him to 
understand that the subjugation of some tribes of Russians attributed to 
him afforded no reason for boasting, the whole merit being due to 
Subutai. As to Buri's case, Ogotai ordered that Batu should apply to his 
father Jagatai for judgment.* This incident, which is to some extent 
confirmed by Rashid and Rubruquis, doubtless happened in the interval 
between the campaign in Central Russia and the attack on Hungary, 
and was perhaps a weighty reason for Kuyuk returning to Mongolia. 
We can see how it would embitter the feeling of Batu towards him. 

For these ample reasons Batu did not hasten his return to Mongolia, 
but loitered in his own proper country. As Juchi had been given the 
various towns and camping grounds of the Kankalis, which he had 
himself conquered, together with Khuarezm, which was apportioned to 
him for conquest, so Batu acquired by the same right the dominion over 
the wide steppes of the Comans or Kipchaks. These became his 
camping ground, while the various Russian princes became his 

* Brctscbneider, 94, 95. 


tributaries. His elder brother Orda retained his father's portion on the 
sea of Aral and Jaxartes, and to him Batu was feudally subservient, a 
subservience more nominal than real doubtless, since the importance of 
his government much outweighed that of his brother. Other brothers, 
as we shall see presently, were provided for elsewhere. 

In order to realise the kind of authority which Batu exercised, we 
must think of him, not as the sovereign of a settled community, ruling 
over cities and agriculturists with fixed settlements, but as the leader of a 
great nomadic host, whose herds required wide prairie lands to feed them, 
and who moved about as the exigencies of these herds demanded. 
We still have in miniature among the Kalmuks and Kazaks, conditions 
which answer to this description. Now the greater part of Russia proper 
in the thirteenth century, almost all the country in fact, which had 
been occupied and settled by Slavic settlers, and whose kernel is known 
to us as Great Russia, was in every way unsuited to the life of a nomadic 
race. For the most part covered with wood and morass, the towns were 
mere clearances in the forest, and were separated from one another by 
wide stretches of forest and bog. Such land as had been reclaimed was 
under the plough, and was not grass land. This offered few temptations 
to the invaders to settle in, especially as the climate was harsh and 
severe. This great kernel of Central Russia, however, was bounded on 
the south and south-east by a very different kind of land. There were 
huge flat plains covered with juicy grasses. The excellence of the 
pasture of these plains is best proved by their being the homes of the 
famous breed of Ukraine cattle, the famous fal-tailed sheep, and the 
hardy Cossack horses. Here were no interminable forests or quagmires, 
no boundaries or limits. These steppes or pampas were in effect a very 
paradise for a nomadic race, and have from the earliest recorded history 
been the homes of tribes of Scyths and Huns, and Turks and Kalmuks. 
Here then the Tartar conquerors settled down. The vast prairies which 
stretch from the Carpathians to the Balkash sea are threaded by some 
famous rivers, and it was on these rivers that the main encampments of 
the Tartars were fixed. Batu himself settled down on the Volga, which 
waters probably the finest pasture lands in the world, while other and 
subordinate hordes were settled on the Yaik or Ural, the Don, and the 
Dnieper. As was the universal habit in these districts, there was an 
annual migration up and down the river. In summer the camp was 
fixed in the north, and as winter came on there was a gradual movement 
further south. Except in winter there was probably little actual halting. 
During that season a more permanent camp was formed, which, as 
civilisation overtook the Tartars, took the form of a small city. The 
camp was gathered round the chief's golden tent or sira ordu, whence 
the whole encampment, and from it the whole race took its name of the 
Golden Horde. This golden tent was styled a serai or palace, and 


what' was once but a magnificent yurt became the nucleus of a con- 
siderable town, and is well known as Serai, the capital of the Golden 

It was lucky indeed for Russia, and probably also for Europe, that the 
Tartars thus planted themselves without its borders, and did not, 
as in Persia 'and China, actually occupy the land itself and become 
incorporated with the natives. As Karamzin says, if they had done so, 
Russia might still have been a Mongol possession. In other places 
a fertile soil and a genial climate won the nomades eventually to 
settled habits. The hard conditions of hfe in Russia repelled the 
invaders, who remained perforce nomades, and they occupied only the 
grass steppes where the Comans formerly dwelt, and gradually encroached 
upon those border districts still occupied at a much later day, not by 
Slaves, but by Finnic races, by Mordvins, Cheremisses, &c. The Oka 
was the great frontier river between the Tartars and their protegtsy 
the Russians, and many a fight will be recorded in these pages as 
having occurred there. 

During the absence of Batu in Hungary, the Tartars who were left 
behind, probably under his brother Singkur, put to death Mitislaf, the 
Prince of Rylsk, in the Ukraine.* On his return [Batu summoned the 
Grand Prince Yaroslaf Vsevolodvitch to meet him. The latter accord- 
ingly went, and also sent his young son Constantine to the court of 
Batu's son Sertak, on the Don.t He himself was well received by 
Batu, who confirmed him as suzerain over the other Russian princes, 
and gave him authority over Kief, whose prince, Michael, had fled 
to Chernigof. The example of Yaroslaf was followed by the petty 
princes of Suzdal.t Two years later Yaroslaf was summoned to 
attend the Imperial court in person, and to assist at the inaugu- 
ration of Ogotai's successor Kuyuk, a journey from which he did 
not return. The same inauguration was attended by the Franciscan 
friar Carpini, who has left us an admirable picture of the state of the 
Mongols at this time. King Bela of Hungary had scarcely returned to 
his country again when fresh rumours arose as to another attack of the 
Tartars. Pope Gregory died on the 21st of August, 1241. Celestin 
only ruled for a few days, and the chair of St. Peter was vacant until the 
25th of June, 1243, when Innocent IV. became Pope. Bela wrote to 
him to have compassion on his kingdom, and to order a crusade in his 
defence. The patriarch of Aquilia was accordingly ordered to stir up 
the German princes to go to the aid of the Hungarians ; but Bela's fears 
proved groundless. The council of Lyons met two years later, and 
among the objects there debated was the necessity of taking some 
precautions against the Tartars. Solemn prayers were ordered, towns 
were to be fortified, roads to be obstructed ; and finally, it was decided 

* Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 136. Wolff, 383. t Golden Horde* laC. I Karamzin. iv. 37, 38. 


to send missionaries in the name of the pope to try and convert the 
barbarians, and to prevent them shedding more Christian blood.* To 
this policy we owe the work of Carpini, whose narrative has been edited 
with capital notes by M. D'Avezac, for the collection of old travels 
published by the French Geographical Society, from which I shall quote 

John of Piano Carpini was one of the earliest among the Minorite or 
Franciscan friars, and was a companion of St. Francis himself. He was 
probably born about 1182. He was doubtless an Italian, and belonged 
to the lords of Pian di Carpine, in the district of Perugia.t He is first 
met with in 122 1, as one of the companions of Cassar of Spire, the 
celebrated Franciscan preacher ;{ and we find him mentioned with 
others as undertaking " a Revival " series of services in Southern 
Germany, and especially in the cities of the Upper Rhine. In 1223 he 
was appointed custodian of Saxony,§ the following year he was sent to 
Cologne, and in 1228 was made Provincial of Germany, and was 
renowned as a most active missionary. In 1230 he was made Provincial 
of Spain. There he probably came in contact with the Moorish 
Mussulmans, and he would seem to have been also intrusted with a 
mission to Tunis by the pope. In 1241 we find him again presiding in 
Germany, and employed in arousing a crusade against the Tartars, 
who had recently won the battle of Lignitz. He was therefore a 
person of great experience and dignity, and as such was no doubt chosen 
by Innocent IV. to go and interview the terrible Tartars, and seek to 
convert them to Christianity. With him went Stephen of Bohemia and 
Benedict of Poland. They started on their dangerous mission on 
Sunday, the i6th of April, 1245, from Lyons. They traversed Germany, 
where they met and received some assistance from the Cardinal Legate 
Hugh de Santocaro,|| and then went on to Wenceslaf, the King of 
Bohemia, from whom, as an old friend of his .master's, he asked counsel 
as to the best route he should adopt. He advised them to go by way of 
Poland and Russia. He gave them letters and paid their expenses 
during their transit through his country and as far as that of his nephew 
Boleslaf, the Duke of Silesia. At Bre^Iau he met his companion 
Benedict of Poland. Boleslaf imitated his uncle in paying the expenses 
of their route until they reached the territory of Konrad, Duke of Lenczy 
or Cracow, where he met Vassilko, Duke of Vladimir of Volhynia, and 
brother of Daniel, Duke of GaUicia (who was then at the court of Batu). 
From Vassilko he learnt some facts about the Tartars, which showed 
him what kind of men they were. He accordingly spent some of the 
money which he had given to him as alms in buying some furs of 
beaver and other animals. Duke Konrad^ the Duchess of Cracow, the 

* D'Obnon, ii. z;3, 173. t D'Avezac, 468, 469. ' IM.,470. 

{ 14., 473. I ^^•' 48i' 


bishop of the same city, and some knights gave him others ; and they 
further commended him to the good graces of Vassilko, and asked him 
to do what he could for him. Carpini now went on to Vassilko's capital, 
Vladimir of Volhynia, where, being delayed for some days, he improved 
the time by trying to induce the Russian bishops to accept the supremacy 
of the pope, but a ready excuse was found in the absence of Daniel, 
without whom nothing could be done. Vassilko now sent him on, on his 
way to Kief, sending a servant with him to protect him from the attacks 
of the Lithuanians, the population there being small, the Russian 
inhabitants having been killed or carried off into captivity by the Tartars. 
At Kief the friars had an interview with the Mongol commissary or 
baskak, who counselled them to leave their horses behind, and to get 
Tartar horses, which could find food for themselves by brushing the 
snow away with their noses, and not to trust to their western horses, 
which must starve in a country where there was no garnered hay or other 
provender for cattle. They followed this advice, and left Kief two days 
after the feast of the Purification of the Virgin, that is, on the 4th of 
February, 1246, and entered the country immediately subject to the 
Tartars, the first village they reached being Kanief (Karamzin translates 
it "town of the Khan"). There Stephen of Bohemia fell ill, and John of 
Carpini and Benedict had to go on alone.* Leaving this they reached 
another village, where an Alan named Mikheas ruled, who is described 
by Carpini as " full of malice and wickedness." He refused to furnish 
them with remounts unless they paid him black mail, which they were 
accordingly constrained to do. Leaving him on the 19th of February, 
they arrived on the 23rd of the same month at the first encampment of 
the Nomades. The Tartars came round them terribly armed, and 
demanded who they were and what was their business. " We told them," 
says Carpini, " we were envoys of the Lord Pope, who was Lord and 
Father of the Christians, who had been sent to the sovereign and chiefs 
of the Tartars to exhort them to become Christians, and to remonstrate 
with them for having made such a slaughter in Hungary, Moravia, and 
Poland, whose inhabitants had done them no harm." They replied that 
in regard to these matters they must depute the friars to their chief 
Corenza,t and furnished them with horses for the journey; as usual, 
taking black mail in the shape of " demanded gifts."| It would seem 
from Benedict's narrative that the number of Tartars in this camp was 
8,ooo.§ They then went on to the camp of Corenza, who commanded 
the Tartar garrisons on their western frontiers. These were planted on 

• Id., rjs. 

t Benedict calls him Curoniza. (Op. cit., 775.) Von Hammer makes it a corruption of 
Khurremshah, and adds the valuable note from Pallas, that Khoremshah is still the title of a 
commander of troops among the Kalmuks, so that the name is probably an official and not a 
personal one. (Pallas' Reisen, i. 402. Golden Horde, 139. Note, i. 213. Note 11.) 
I D'Avezac, 739. S Id. Note of M. D'AvecAC, 483. Note, '3. Appendix, m. 


the right bank of the Dnieper, and numbered 60,000 men. Before they 
had an audience, he sent some of his men to ask in quaint terms how 
they meant to conciHate him, i.e., what presents they had brought. They 
rephed, " The pope had sent no presents, but they were willing to give 
him somewhat of what they had." This being accepted, they were taken 
to his tent, and told how they must bend the left knee three times before 
the threshold, and take care not to put their feet on it, i.e., on the cord 
which fastened the tent door. " This," says Carpini, " we were careful 
to obey, for a breach of the rule is punished with death." Having 
entered, the friars, on bended knees, repeated the exhortations they had 
previously made and presented their letters, which none however could 

After this they were supplied with three attendants and with horses to 
take them on to Batu. They left Corenza's camp on the 26th of 
February, and rode from dawn till evening, and often during the night, 
changing horses three or four times, traversing the whole land of the 
Comani (i.e., the steppes of the Nogays), crossing the Dnieper, on whose 
right bank Corenza governed, while its left bank was controlled by a 
greater chief named Maucy ; then the Don, on whose banks there 
wandered a chief called Kartan, who had married a sister of Batu's ; and 
then the Volga, where Batu himself ruled. The two banks of the Yaik 
or Ural were controlled by two other chiefs. 

During the winter the sea was frozen for some distance from the shore, 
and the friars travelled over the ice. Before they arrived at Batu's camp 
two of the Tartars were sent on to apprise him of their journey. They 
had been five weeks in crossing the steppes of the Comani, on whose 
eastern borders Batu's camp was placed. The friars encamped about a 
league away. Before having an audience they were made to pass 
between two fires, so that any bad intentions or any poison they might 
carry with them might be counteracted by the fire. Before entering the 
tent they were again enigmatically called upon to give presents by 
Eldegai (probably Edegu or Idiku), a kind of chamberlain of Batu's. 
They made the same reply they made to Corenza, and, as before, 
seem to have given presents when admitted to the Khan's presence. 
They asked for interpreters, with whose assistance Carpini says the 
letters of the pope were transcribed into the Ruthenian {i.e., Russian), 
Saracenic (/.<?., Arabic), and Tartar {i.e., Uighur) writing. The 
letters were then presented to Batu, who had them carefully read. 
The friars were afterwards conducted back to their tent. Carpini 
complains that they were not given any food except on the first night 
of their arrival, when they had a little flour (millet) in a little 
dish.* Batu himself at the audience was seated aloft, on a kind of 
throne, with one of his wives. His brothers, sons, and other grandees 

* D'Avezac, 745. 


had seats on a bench on a lower level. The inferior people sat on the 
ground. The men on the right, the women on the left. The tent, which 
was made of fine linen, belonged formerly to the King of Hungary. 
Except his relatives none entered the Khan's tent without permission, it 
did not matter how high in rank they were. As was customary with 
envoys, the friars were seated on the left; on their return from the Imperial 
ordu, however, they had seats given them on the right of the tent. In 
the midst was a table with golden and silver cups containing drinks. 
Whenever Batu or any of the Tartar princes drank, the musicians 
played and sang. When he went abroad on horseback an umbrella or 
canopy was held over him, and similarly with the greater princes 
and their wives. Batu, Carpini describes as genial and kind to his 
people, by whom he was much feared ; but he says that he was 
exceedingly savage in war, in which he was very skilful, having had a 
long experience.* 

Benedict, in his narrative, adds little to the relation of Carpini; he 
tells us the friars' presents to Batu consisted of forty beaver skins and 
eighty badger skins, and that the gifts as well as the givers had to be 
purified by passing between fires. After this the friars had to pay 
honour to the car in which the golden statue (or probably the golden 
tablet) of the Khakan was contained, which they contented themselves 
with honouring by a mere inclination of the head. 

At length, on the 8th of April, they set out again for the Great Khan's 
court. Before leaving they sent some letters back for the pope, but 
these were retained until their return, by Mauci. They were in a very 
weak state, having fasted during all Lent, and having eaten only some 
millet dissolved in water with a little salt, and drank only melted 
snow. So weak were they that they were tied on their horses. This is 
explained by M. D'Avezac as a practice much used in the east to prevent 
fatigue in rapid riding, and consists in putting the legs in bandages.t 
The friars rode hard, changing horses five or seven times a day, except 
in crossing the desert, where they were mounted on more enduring 
animals. They were eight days in reaching the eastern boundary of 
Comania, namely the Yaik, which was probably also the eastern boundary 
of Batu's special ulus. They then entered the land of the Kangites, i.e.^ 
the Kankalis, a terrible waste of salt marshes and desert, which, as well 
as Comania, Carpini describes as strewn with human bones, and he tells 
us that many of the Russians who accompanied Yaroslaf on his journey 
to the Mongol court perished there. Its inhabitants, the Kankalis, who 
were nomades, had been conquered and reduced to slavery by the 
Tartars. After crossing the wastes of the Kankalis they entered the 
land of the Besermans, i.e., the Mussulmans,^ the Turkia of Carpini's 
companion Benedict. This land was governed formerly, according to 

* Id. 484. t Op. cit., 485. Note. t D'Avezac, op. cit., 501-304. 


Carpini, by Alti Soldan, who was destroyed by the Tartars, i.e., by Ala ud 
din, the Khuarezm Shah, and he tells us many ruined castles and towns 
were situated there. By it he means undoubtedly the empire of Khuarezm. 
They entered this country on the 17th of May, having no doubt 
skirted along the northern shores of the Aral sea ; and then reached the 
valley of Jaxartes and the town of Yankint,* i.e., the well known Yanghi- 
kent or new town on the Jaxartes.t Besides this town, Carpini mentions 
also Barkhin, i.e., the Barkhalikent of the Persians, Omas, which is clearly 
Urgenj, and Lemfinc (? a corruption of Jend). Carpini tells us the valley of 
the Jaxartes was marked by ruined and deserted towns. In the borders of 
this empire, the same friar tells us, dwelt Buri or Burin and Kadan. He 
calls them brothers, but this was not their relationship, Buri was a grand- 
son of Jagatai and Kadan a son of Ogotai's. As Rubruquis tells us that 
Talas or Taras was part of Burl's domain, we may locate them in the 
valley of the Taras.| North of their land lay a portion of Kara Khitai, 
which was subject to Batu's brother Sheiban.§ Having crossed a portion 
of this they entered Kara Khitai proper, and were entertained at Omyl 
or Imil, a town not long before built by Ogotai, and whose ruins still 
remain at Chuguchak, on the Imil. It was apparently the capital of 
Ogotai's special ulus. 

Leaving Imil they skirted a lake containing islands, near which was a 
gorge through which in winter there blew a very strong wind. This is 
described by other authors, and the lake has been identified beyond 
much doubt with lake Alakul. Carpini, however, seems to confuse 
this lake with the lake Balkash, unless both were in fact one at 
this time, for he tells us he skirted it for several days, keeping it to 
the left, and that it was fed by many streams on whose banks were 
woods. This doubtless refers to the great plains east of lake Balkash. 
There, he tells us, was the camping ground of Ordu, the eldest brother of 
Batu. II The travellers now passed the first ordu or camp of the Great 
Khan, i.e., one of the encampments of one of his wives, for each wife had 
her separate ordu or camp. Having stayed a day there they entered the 
country of the Naimans on the 28th of June. Carpini says they were 
pagans. Their land was mountainous and cold, and even in the midst 
of summer, when he passed, there was a fall of snow. Having traversed 
the Naiman country, they at length arrived, after three weeks hard 
riding through the country of the Mongols, at the ordu or great camp of 
Kuyuk, i.e., at Karakorum. Their escort had pushed them on very 
rapidly, so that they would arrive in time for Kuyuk's inauguration.^ I 
have extracted some of Carpini's statements about his intercourse with 
the Great Khan in my former volume, and will now supplement that 
account by other details which I omitted. The friars had not an 

• Benedict, in op. cit., 777. t W., 513. I D'Avezac, 505. § Vidt infra. 

I This seems to be a mistake. (Viit infra, ch. iv.) % O'Avezac, 753, 


immediate audience as Kuyuk had not been elected ; they forwarded, 
however, the translations of their letters which had been made at Batu's 
court. After waiting five or six days, they were summoned to an 
audience by Kuyuk's mother, i.e., Turakina, in a vast tent of alba purpurea 
(? white damask),* capable of holding 2,000 people, which was surrounded 
by a wooden dado, painted with various figures.t This was the tent in 
which the ceremony of installation was held. Carpini observes more than 
once that Yaroslaf, the Russian prince, and himself and his companion, 
the envoys of the pope, were especially honoured among the guests. 

Among the other magnificent presents which he enumerates were a 
splendid state umbrella or portable tent, covered with jewels ; numerous 
camels, housed with Baudekin or rich stuff from Baghdad, and on 
them howdahs or raised seats; and many horses and mules protected 
by armour, some of leather and some of iron. There was also a splendid 
tent of red cloth, which had been made in China. In this was the 
Imperial throne, which was made of ivory, marvellously carved and 
ornamented with gold, precious stones, and pearls. It was placed on a 
circular platform, around which were ranged benches for the grandees, 
and below these again others for those of inferior rank. Besides the three 
state tents, there was another made of white felt, used by Kuyuk's wives. 
Carpini says that this was divided into two parts. In one of which the 
Khan dispensed justice, while the other pertained to his mother, i.e., to 
the harem. He tells us that among the victims to justice was one of the 
Khan's aunts, who was accused of poisoning Ogotai, and who was put to 
death, a fact of which we have no other evidence, but which the friar 
can hardly have manufactured. About the same time the Grand Prince 
Yaroslaf also died. It was supposed he was poisoned, since he sickened 
and died after partaking of some food from the hands of Turakina, the 
empress mother. She afterwards wrote to his son Alexander to go and 
receive investiture of his father's kingdom, but he deemed it prudent to 
stay away. After some delay the friars were conducted to the Imperial tent, 
but were remitted back to the Khan's mother. The reason for their not 
being admitted, Carpini was told, was, that the Khan was preparing an 
expedition against the west, and did not wish them to know. The delay 
was most unwelcome to the friars, whose money was consumed, while 
the greedy Mongols let them have little to eat ; and they would have 
perished but for the good offices of a Russian named Cosmas, who was 
the Imperial goldsmith. It was he who had made the ivory throne. He 
had also carved the Imperial seal, and explained to them its inscription. 
It was from him, and from certain other Russians and Hungarians, 
who knew Latin and French, and who, having been three years there, 
also knew Mongol well, that the friars learnt so much about the internal 
economy of the court. 

• D'Avesac, 524. Note, a. t /<<., 734. 755. 


They at length received orders, through Chinkai, to communicate what 
they wished to say in writing. After some days they were interrogated 
by the chancellor Kadak and his deputies, Chinkai and Bela, through 
the medium of a Russian interpreter named Timur, whose name points 
him out as of Turkish descent. They were asked if the pope had any 
people by him who understood Russian, Saracenic (?>., Arabic), or 
Tartar. They replied, " No, but that whatever was told them should be 
faithfully translated and forwarded." This was at length done, and the 
Khan's message was duly translated into Latin in the presence of his 
officers. This letter has been pubhshed by M. D'Avezac,* and runs as 
follows : — 

" Dei fortitudo, Cuyuc can omnium hominum imperator, magfno Papae. 
Litteras certissimas atque veras, consilio habito pro pace habenda 
nobiscum, tu et cuncti populi christiani qui in occidente consistunt, nobis 
per tuum nuncium transmisisti ; qui, sicut ab ipso audivimus et ut in tuis 
litteris habebatur, pacem veUetis habere nobiscum. Igitur si pacem 
desideratis Iteuere nobiscum, tu papa, imperatores, reges omnes, 
cunctique potentes civitatum, et terrarum rectores, ad me pro pace 
diffinienda nuUo modo venire differatis, et nostram audietis responsionem 
pariter et voluntatem. Tuarum continebat series litterarum quod 
deberemus baptizari et effici christiani : ad hoc tibi breviter respondemus 
quod non intelligimus qualiter hoc facere debeamus. Ad id etium quod 
in tuis htteris habebatur : quod miraris de occisione hominum et maxime 
christianorum ac potissimS Hungarorum, Polonorum et Moraviorum ; 
tibi breviter respondemus quod etiam hoc non intelligimus. Verumtamen 
ne hoc sub silentio transire videamur, taliter tibi duximus respondendum: 
quia precepto Dei et Chingiscan non obedierunt, et malum consihum 
habentes nuncios nostros occiderunt ; quare Deus eos deleri praecepit ac 
manibus nostris traduxit. Alioquin nisi Deus fecisset, homo homini quid 
facere potuisset ? Sed vos, habitatores occidentis, Deum adoratis, et 
solos vos christianos esse creditis, et alios contemnitis ; sed quomodd 
scitis cui gratiam suam conferre dignetur ? Nos Deum adoramus et in 
fortitudine ipsius ab oriente usque ad occidentem delebimus omnem 
terram. Quod si homo fortitudio Dei non esset, homines quid facere 
potuissent ? " 

The Khan wished to send some of his people back with the friars as 
bearers of his letters, but they dissuaded him from doing so for several 
reasons which are set out. 1st, they were afraid they would see how 
disunited the Christians were ; 2nd, that they would be spies upon their 
land ; 3rd, they were afraid that violent hands might be laid on them, 
and thus bring destruction upon the Christians, for it was a Mongol 
maxim to have no peace with those who killed their envoys, &c. At 
length on the day of St. Brice, i.e., the i Sth of November, they took their 

• Op. cit., 594- 


departure, bearing with them the Khan's letter duly sealed. The seal 
bore a legend, which was thus translated by the Russian jeweller 
Cosmas : — " God in heaven and Kuyuk on earth, by the strength of God? 
the seal of the emperor of all men." They went to bid good-bye to the 
queen mother Turakina, who gave them and their servant each a cloak 
of fox skin and a kaftan of honour.* They set out with the envoys of the 
Khahph, but after fifteen days parted company with them, the latter 
trending southwards.t It was winter, and the friars suffered much from 
the cold. It was the 9th of May when they once morp reached Batu's 
camp. On the 2nd of June they arrived in that of Mauci, and, passing 
once more that of Corenza, reached Kief on the 9th of June. They 
were received with great honour by the Dukes Daniel and Vassilko, 
whom they induced to acknowledge the supremacy of the pope. They 
then proceeded onwards through Poland, Bohemia, and Germany, 
crossed the Rhine, and went on to Lyons, where they delivered the 
Great Khan's letters to Innocent IV., who shortly after made Carpini 
Archbishop of Antivari and Metropolitan of Dalmatia.J 

From Carpini's narrative we gather that in 1 245, when he traversed the 
Kipchak, Batu himself, with his main horde, was encamped on the Volga. 
His brother-in-law Kartan, otherwise written Karbon and Tyrbon,§ com- 
manded on the Don. On the east of the Dnieper was Mauci or Maucy, 
who has been conjecturally identified by M. D'Avezac with Mauchi, the 
second son of Jagatai ; while on the west of that river was Corenza or 
Curoniza. || As we shall see presently, Batu's brothers had appanages in 
other districts close at hand. Those of the Western Horde were no doubt 
immediately subordinate to himself, while those of the Eastern Horde 
were subordinate to Orda. He also seems to have had commissaries in 
the various towns where the dependent Russian and other princes held 
their Courts. These latter were effectually cowed. In 1244 we find four of 
them, namely, Vladimir Constantinovitch of Uglitsh, Boris Vasilkovitch 
of Rostof, Gleb Vasilovitch, and Vasili Vsevolodvitch at Batu's court. 
They deemed it more prudent to seek the patronage of the Tartars than 
to make common cause against them. The next year Constantine, son of 
Yaroslaf, with his brother and nephews, Vladimir Constantinovitch, his 
nephew Vassilko of Rostof, with his sons Boris and Gleb, and Vsevolod, 
with his son Vasili, were there. In 1246 Sviatoslaf, Vsevolodvitch, and 
his brother Ivan, with their sons, also wcnt.U 

These dependents were treated with considerable rigour, and in some 
cases with marked severity, as in the case of Michael, the Prince of Kief 
and Chernigof. He had put to death the Mongol envoy who had 
summoned the former city when the Tartars first marched westwards. 
He had then fled to Himgary, but being received very coldly there, he 

' * D'Avezac, 596 and 779. t /<*•. 779- I'<*-.598. |W.,588. 

I Vidt ante, 69. H Von Hunmcr, Golden Horde, 137. 


made his way back to Chernigof. When he arrived the Mongol officers 
were engaged in taking a census of the inhabitants for the poll tax. By 
them Michael was ordered to repair to the Tartar court. He went 
there, accompanied by his grandson Boris of Rostof, and one of his 
principal boyards named Feodor.* When summoned before Batu, he 
was made to pass between two fires, and was then ordered to prostrate 
himself before the tablets of Jingis Khan. He replied that he did not 
object to do obeisance to Batu himself or to a living prince, but to adore 
images of dead men was repugnant to a Christian.! As he persisted in 
his refusal, Batu ordered him to be put to death. Karamzin says he 
accordingly took a consecrated wafer from his pocket, which he divided 
with Feodor, and sang aloud the Psalms of David. In vain the young 
Prince Boris entreated him to comply, and the boyards of Rostof offered 
to take the sin on their own shoulders and to perform expiatory penance 
for it. " I will not lose my soul for you," said the prince, and throwing 
off his mantle, he said, " Take these worldly vanities, I wish to gain 
eternal glory." He was then put to death, and his head was cut off by 
an apostate from Putivle named Doman. Feodor shared his fate, while 
Boris was allowed to return home. The two victims were made saints 
by the Russian church.| Carpini, in describing the death of Michael, 
merely says he was kicked in the stomach, and his head was then cut 
off.§ He tells us another story which shows the brutal way in which the 
Tartars treated their dependents. He says that Andrew, Duke of 
Cherneglove, i.e., of Chernigof, || was accused before Batu of stealing 
Mongol horses and selling them elsewhere. Although the charge was not 
proved, he was put to death, upon which his widow and younger brother 
went to ask that the Khan would not confiscate the principality. Batu 
ordered the young prince to marry the widow, according to the Mongol 
custom ; both parties refused from religious scruples, but were violently 
compelled to submit.^ 

This was not, however, the universal treatment received by the vassal 
princes, thus we are told that Daniel, Prince of Gallicia, having been 
summoned to Batu's court, was admitted to an audience without the 
preliminary ceremonies. Batu, addressing him, said, " You have for a 
long time refused to come, but have effaced your ill conduct by your 
obedience." Daniel diplomatically made obeisance before the Tartar 
chief, and saluted him with a draught of kumis. He was congratulated by 
Batu for thus conforming to Mongol customs. The latter was so pleased 
that he presented him with some wine, as he was not accustomed to 
drink kumis ; and after a stay of some days he sent him home. The 
patriotic Karamzin says he returned with the shameful titles of servant 

• Karamzin, iv. 40, 41. t D'Avezac, 621. 

\ Karamzin, op. cit., iv. 42, 43. $ Op. cit., 621, 622. \ D'Avezac, op. dt., 527 and 623. 

^ Carpini, op. cit., 623, 624. 


and tributary of the Khan.* This prince was with the horde when 
Carpini passed through on his travels. By his submission to the Tartars, 
Daniel of Gallicia acquired great authority among his neighbours, 
and Bela, the Hungarian king, who had been at issue with him, began to 
fear that his patrons would, in support of their protegi, make another 
raid across the Carpathians ; he accordingly proposed an alliance to him, 
and Leon, the son of Daniel, was married to Constance, the daughter of 
Bela. Daniel was also on good terms with the Polish princes.t He was 
a skilful statesman as well as a king, and before this had begun to look 
around for some aUies on whom to depend in case he should have to 
struggle with the Tartars. Byzantium, which was the metropolis of his 
faith, was then threatened by the Arabs, Turks, and Crusaders, and 
he accordingly turned his eyes further west to Rome, the common centre 
of Western Christendom. He sent word to Innocent IV. that he wished 
for a reunion of the churches, and that he was ready to march against 
the Tartars under the Latin banner. This was in 1245 or 12464 
Innocent sent him the title of king, named him his dear son, and 
ordered the Archbishop of Prussia to go to Gallicia to ordain some 
bishops there, and decreed that all the ceremonies of the Greek rite 
which did not conflict with Roman dogma should be preserved. 
Daniel replied, " he wanted an army, and that a crown was a useless 
ornament so long as the yoke of the barbarians was laid upon 
Russia," and he continued for some time to play a diplomatic game. 
The pope's legate became irritated and left the country, and it 
was only by the intercession of the Polish princes, who were Roman 
Catholics, and that of his mother that he submitted and agreed to accept 
the crown and royal insignia which the pope had sent him.§ It was on 
the 7th of May, 1253, that he was crowned at Drohiczin by the pope's 
legate, the abbot Opizo of Messana.|| Thenceforward Daniel styled 
himself king, and the pope issued a brief to the people of Bohemia, 
Moravia, Poland, and Servia, engaging them to assist the Gallicians 
against the Tartars. IT 

It was not only Daniel who had this correspondence with Rome. We 
find that Innocent also wrote to Alexander Nevski, reminding him 
that Yaroslaf, his father, had promised the friar Carpini, when he met 
him in Tartary, that he would join the Roman Church, and that he would 
have done so but for his death, and bidding him follow his good 
example. He ended by praising him greatly for not having acknow- 
ledged the authority of Batu, for the pope had not then heard of 
Alexander's journey to the horde, to which I shall refer presently. 
Having summoned a council of learned men, he replied in curt terms to 
the pope's advances, " We follow the true faith of the church, and neither 

♦ Karamzin, iy. 44. t /<<.,*45. 46. I W-i 61. Note, 7. $ U., 62, 63. 

II li, Wolff, 390. % Karamzin, iy. 63. 


wish to know nor adopt yours." The patriotic Karamzen dwells with 
pleasure over this emphatic answer.* 

On the death of the Grand Prince Yaroslaf, Alexander Nevski of Nov- 
gorod, who had not as yet acknowledged the Mongol supremacy, was sum- 
moned to the court of Batu. He went with his brother Andrew, and was 
well received ; but, like their father, they had to travel further and go to 
the court of the Grand Khan.t Yaroslaf, says Karamzin, had been 
succeeded as Grand Prince (at Vladimir), according to custom, by his 
brother Sviatoslaf, but during the absence of Alexander and Andrew, their 
younger brother Michael, Prince of Moscow, surnamed the Brave, drove 
his uncle Sviatoslaf from the throne. He was himself, however, shortly after 
killed in a battle with the Lithuanians. This was in 1248. Alexander 
and Andrew were well received by the Grand Khan Kuyuk. The former 
was given authority over all Southern Russia, including Kief, while 
Andrew was assigned the throne of Vladimir or Suzdal, and their 
dispossessed uncle in vain presented his complaints before the horde. 
He died two years after the return of the young princes, namely, in 1251, 
at Yurief.t Andrew was of a proud, independent temper, and more 
given to hunting and amusement than to good government. He seems 
to have given umbrage to the Mongols, who sent a prince named Nevrui 
(? Nurus) and two officers named Koliak or Kaitak and Alibuga against 
him. On their approach he fled. The Tartars accordingly spread 
over the province of Vladimir, and harried the cattle and the people 
there. They kiUed the Voievode of Pereiaslavl, as well as the wife of 
the young Yaroslaf, Yaroslavitch, and retired with a rich booty. 
Andrew fled to Pskof, and thence to Sweden.§ Meanwhile his brother 
Alexander Nevski repaired to the camp of Batu's son Sertak, who, now 
that his father was growing old, was taking the lead in affairs. He 
succeeded in conciliating Sertak, and obtained the grand principality of 
Vladimir, which his brother had so badly governed. He was received in 
that town with great The same year, i.e., in 1252, Oleg, 
Prince of Riazan, who had for some time been a prisoner at the 
Mongol court, returned home again.^ It would seem that the Tartars 
heard of the tortuous policy of Daniel of Gallicia, and of his intrigues 
with the Polish princes, for we find that in 1254 a Mongol army, com- 
manded by Nevrui, Kaitak, and Alibuga, laid waste the greater part of 
his dominions, as well as the districts of Sendomir and Cracow in 
Poland.** This expedition is mentioned in a letter of the pope 
(Alexander IV.) to the bishop of Cracow, and written on the 4th of 

Let us now turn once more to the doings of Batu. We have already 
given several reasons why he should have absented himself from the 

'/<<., 81, 82. t/rf, 80. lU. i Id., S3'85. ild.,85. 

H Von Hammer, 140. ** Wolff, 392. tt W. Note. 


Kuriltai where Kuyuk was elected Grand Khan. Nor did he after all attend 
it. The family of Juchi was represented there by some of his brothers, 
among whom Orda was one, for we find him with Mangu appointed to 
try their great uncle Utsuken for treason.* The election was held in 
August, 1246, but the reign of Kuyuk was not protracted. He died in 
April, 1248. There is some mystery about his death. He was marching 
westwards, and Siurkukteni had warned her nephew Batu of his 
approach. The latter was himself marching eastwards, and had reached 
the Alaktag mountains, as the authorities say, to do homage ; but it 
would seem that a struggle was impending between the two, and 
Rubruquis, whom we shall quote largely from presently, suggests that 
Kuyuk did not come by his death fairly. He reports that Brother 
Andrew said he died from having taken a certain kind of medicine which 
Batu had caused to be given to him. He himself had heard a different 
story, viz., that as Batu was on his way to meet him he sent forward his 
brother Stichan (? Sheiban), who went to meet Kuyuk, and should have 
presented the cup to him ; a quarrel arose, and in the struggle they killed 
each other. He further says that he himself stayed a whole day in the 
house of Stichan's widow.t This account seems very probable. 

An opportunity had now arrived for deposing the family of Ogotai 
from the over-chiefship of the Mongols, and Batu was determined to 
avail himself of it. He did not, as he well might, claim the succession 
for himself or his brother Orda. He felt, perhaps, that their special 
appanages were too far removed from the centre of gravity of the Mongol 
world ; but next to being king, the position of kingmaker is surely most 
welcome to an ambitious person. He accordingly selected the family of 
Tului, related to him both on the father's and mother's side, for special 
favour. They had the additional claim of having their special appanages 
in Mongolia itself. Batu accordingly fixed upon his cousin Mangu for the 
post of Khakan, and to secure his election he summoned a Kuriltai in his 
own country of Alaktag. Against this meeting the princes of the family 
of Ogotai protested, declaring it to be irregular to hold it anywhere 
except in the Mongol country proper ; but they nevertheless sent Timur 
Noyan, the governor of Karakorum, to subscribe in their name to what 
should be decided.^ The result of this meeting was the selection of 
Mangu as Grand Khan. It was decided to convoke a second Kuriltai 
on the banks of the Onon, where the ceremony of inauguration should 
be carried out, and meanwhile Ogul Gaimish, the widow of Kuyuk, was 
appointed regent. Batu sent his brothers Bereke and Tuka Timur with 
an escort to conduct Mangu to the borders of the Kerulon.§ The family 
of Ogotai, and Yissu Mangu, the de facto ruler of the Khanate of Ogotai, 
refused to attend this second Kuriltai, declaring that none had a right to 
the throne but the family of Ogotai. Batu and Siurkukteni sent many 

» Anie, i. 163. + Op. cit., 396. I D'Ohsson, ii. 246. ] Id,, 251. 


envoys to induce them to do so, and to argue with them that it required 
a grown and experienced man to govern such an empire ; but as they 
persisted in their refusal, he, after a delay of a year, ordered Bereke to 
proceed with the installation * This Kuriltai was held in February, 
I25i,t and Bereke and Tuka Timur received magnificent presents there 
for themselves and their brother Batu.J 

The ceremony was followed by the trial and punishment of several 
persons who had taken part against Mangu. Among these, we are told, 
was the famous general, Ilchikadai, who was arrested at Badghiss, in 
Khorassan, and handed over to Batu, who had him put to death.§ 
Buri, the grandson of Jagatai, who seems to have been a close ally of 
Kuyuk's, and against whom Batu had an especial grudge, as I have 
mentioned, was also handed over to the latter for punishment and put to 
death, II as is reported both by Rashid and Rubruquis.^ The latter's 
version of the quarrel is that Buri, not having very good and fertile 
pastures, one day when drunk addressed his men, saying, " I am of the 
stock of Jingis Khan as well as Batu ; why, then, cannot I pasture my 
herds on the Volga like he can?" This being reported to Batu, he 
ordered Buri's people to take him to him bound. When asked if he had 
spoken the words he confessed that he hnd, but that he was drunk at 
the time. "How dared you name me when you were drunk?" said 
the exacting Khan, and he had him decapitated.** 

It was shortly before this, namely, in 1247, that we read of Batu in a 
more tender light. Rusudan, the beautiful Queen of the Georgians and 
daughter of Queen Thamar, seems to have won his heart, or at least the 
repute of her beauty had reached him, and we find him sending her 
envoys and presents, and an invitation to go and see him. As she at 
the same time received other presents and another invitation from 
Baichu, the Mongol general in Persia, and dare not, probably, trust 
herself with either Lothario, she sent envoys in return to each, and sent 
in addition her son David as a hostage to Batu. Baichu, irritated at her 
refusal to go to him, set up her nephew David, the son of Lacha George, 
who was then an exile in Asia Minor, as a rival. Baichu sent for him, and 
then sent him on to Kuyuk, who ordered him to be put on the throne. 
Vahram, Prince of Cham'khor, in Asia Minor, accordingly conducted 
him to M tskheta, the ancient capital, where he was consecrated. After- 
wards, accompanied by the greater part of the Georgian princes, and the 
Armenian princes Avak, Chahanshah, and Alpugh, he proceeded to 

When Batu heard of this he sent his protege David, the son of 
Rusudan, with an escort to Kuyuk. Meanwhile the pretty queen was 

• D'Ohsson, \x. 252. . t'Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 134. Note, 2. 

J D'Ohsson, ii. 271. S Id., ii. 259. || Id., ii. 267. T Bretschneider, 95. 

*• Bretschneider, 93, g6. 


pressed again by both the Mongol leaders to go to them, and, fearing 
one as much as the other, she poisoned herself. Kuyuk decided that 
'^2i\XiS, protege should be subordinate to the other David,* a decision not 
likely to make the master of the Golden Horde more amiable. 

We have now reached a period when considerable light is thrown on 
Mongol affairs by the narrative of the Franciscan friar Rubruquis, which 
I partially used in the former volume, and from which I now propose to 
abstract some more facts. William Rubruquis has been supposed until 
lately to have been a native of Ruysbroeck, in North Brabant, but M. 
D'Avezac and Colonel Yule have shown good grounds for making him a 
native of Rubrouck, a commune in the canton of Cassel, arrondissement of 
Hazebrouck, in the department du Nord, ?>., in the district of French 
Flanders.t When Louis the Pious was in Palestine, rumours reached 
him that Sertak, the son of Batu, was a Christian. Deeming this a 
favourable opportunity for spreading the faith, he commissioned 
Rubruquis to go to the Mongol camp with letters from himself to Sertak, 
asking permission for him to settle in Tartary and there to preach the 
gospel. He set out from Palestine, accompanied by another friar named 
Bartholomew, of Cremona. Having embarked at Constantinople, they 
crossed the Black Sea and landed at Soldaia, in the Crimea, on the 2ist 
of May, 1253. There they had an interview with the governor of the 
town, who offered them choice of either wheeled cars with bullocks, or 
horses to transport their party in. They were counselled, however, by 
some merchants to buy carts of their own, such as were used in the 
transport of Russian furs. With these they would not have to unpack 
their baggage at every post, as they would if they took horses. They 
afterwards found, however, that the carts took two months to do a 
journey which might have been done on horseback in one month. They 
took with them some fruit, muscatel wine, and cakes, which they had 
bought at Constantinople, and which they were told would be very 
grateful to Sertak. Besides the two friars and their clerk Cosset, there 
also went with them a Turkoman convert and a boy named Nicholas, 
whom they had redeemed from slavery — five persons in all. They rode 
on horseback, while their baggage occupied four carts. They also took 
two men with them to take charge of carts and of the horses. Rubruquis 
tells us there were forty fortresses between Kherson and Soldaia, of 
which almost every one had its distinct dialect. Among others there 
were Goths there, who spoke the Teutonic tongue. North of this district 
there was a well wooded and watered country, and after that a plain 
extending for a distance of five days. It then became very narrow, and 
had the sea on either hand, and was traversed by a deep ditch. Our 
author's description clearly refers to the isthmus of Perekop. Here, he 

* Nouv. Journ. Asiat., xii. 210. 
t Marco Polo, and ed., ii. 536. AnU,v<i\,'\. Utroduction, xxiii. 


tells US, the Comans took refuge from the invading Mongols, and were 
driven to such straits that they even ate one another. On the borders 
of this steppe there were many salt lakes, whence the people of Russia 
chiefly drew their supply, paying- a tax to Batu and his son of two pieces 
of cotton for each cart load. A similar tax was imposed upon the export 
of salt by sea, which was carried on on a considerable scale. Three 
days after leaving Soldaia the travellers met with the Tartars, and, as 
Rubruquis says, he now seemed to enter upon an entirely new world.* 
He tells us how the Tartars surrounded them on horseback, and asked if 
they had ever been among them before. They then began to beg for 
food, and the travellers gave them some cake. When they offered them 
a flask of wine they asked for another, saying men could not walk on 
one leg. They then asked them the object of their journey, and whether 
they were going of their own free will or at the instance of some one 
else. The friars replied, they had heard that Sertak was a Christian, 
and that they were the bearers of letters from the king. They then 
wished to know what they had in their carts, and whether they had gold, 
silver, and precious garments with them. This Rubruquis refused to 
disclose. They then conducted him to their captain, named Scatai or 
Scatatai (probably Jagatai), who was a relative of Batu's, and to whom 
the Emperor of Constantinople had written, asking him to assist them. 
They provided them with horses and cattle for this journey, and ceased 
not to beg for everything they could see, and when they were refused 
called Rubruquis bad names; but they stole nothing.t The friar, whose 
notion of giving was somewhat mercenary, says it was no use giving 
them anything for they never made any return ; but he contradicts 
himself, for he says they gave him milk to drink. On leaving them he 
deemed he was escaping from the hands of devils. On the following day 
they arrived at the camp of Scatai, which was in process of migration, 
the yurts being placed on carts. The procession seemed to Rubruquis 
as large as a city. He was astonished at the number of horses and 
cattle and the flocks of sheep, and was told that notwithstanding he only 
had 500 herdsmen, of whom one-half were on another pasture. Their 
boy conductor went on to announce their approach, and presently 
messengers came to them to ask what presents they bore. They sent 
their master a flask of wine, some cake, and a dish of apples and other 
firuit, but he was vexed that they did not offer him any precious cloth. 
They approached him with fear and shyness. He was seated on a 
cushion holding a lute in his hand, and his wife sat beside him. The 
latter, Rubruquis says he believes, must have had her nose amputated, 
for she seemed to have none, it was so flat, and the place where it ought 
to have been, as well as her eyebrows, which looked very ugly, were 
coloured with some black ointment. Rubruquis told his message, 

* Op. cit., 220. i Id,, 238, 239. 


which, as he had been warned, he repeated the same terms. He asked 
Scatai to accept a small present, since he, as a monk, had neither gold 
nor silver to offer, and could only offer him some food as a blessing. He 
accepted it and distributed it among his followers. Rubruquis then gave 
him the letters of the Emperor of Constantinople, which, being written 
in Greek, had to be sent to Soldaia for translation. He was then offered 
some cosmas {i.e., kumis). This the priests of the Russians, Alans, and 
Greeks who lived there insisted upon their people not drinking, and 
deemed one who drank it no longer a Christian; and Rubruquis hints that 
to comply with this queer prejudice, which he elsewhere confesses pre- 
vented many of the people to whom kumis was almost indispensable, 
from being converted, like wearing trousers does in our own day among 
the negroes of Africa, he excused himself, saying he had plenty to drink. 
Scatai was inquisitive to know what their message for Sertak was, and 
what their letters contained. They explained that they went to speak to 
him of the word of God ; and as to their letters, as they were sealed, he 
could not disclose them, but they only contained a message of good will 
and friendship. Rubruquis then explained to his host, through an 
interpreter, whose stupidity he enlarges upon, the Christian message he 
bore, but Scatai did not answer, and merely moved his head. He tells 
us the people of these parts did not use money, nor would they sell their 
goods for gold and silver, but only bartered them for pieces of cloth, and 
when money was shown to them they rubbed it with their fingers and 
smelt it to see if it was copper. Scatai at length sent them on with a 
guide and two porters, and also presented them with a goat for food, and 
several skins of milk and kumis. The travellers set out northwards, and 
after some suffering crossed the well known Scythic dyke, which is 
mentioned by Herodotus, and which was then partially occupied by 
officers of the Tartars who collected the salt dues. Having given them 
some cake, they received in return another goat and several skins of 
milk, and were provided with eight oxen. They then entered the steppe 
again, and for ten days found no water except in certain stagnant pools 
and two rivulets. They then marched eastwards, with nothing to relieve 
the dreary steppe but the tombs of the Comans, with the sun oppres- 
sively hot, and their servants by no means too civil, and made their way 
from one post station to another. At length, a few days before the 
festival of Saint Mary Magdalene, they arrived at the river Don. At the 
point where they touched it the Tartars had organised a portage, the 
boatmen being Russians. They first took over the travellers, and then 
their carts, putting one wheel in one boat and the other in another, tying 
the boats together, and then rowing them over. Their cattle and horses 
were sent back by their guide to the former halting place, and when they 
asked for more they were told that in consideration of supplying the ford 
with boats the ferrymen were relieved of the duty of furnishing post horses. 


The travellers were consequently delayed there for three days- On the 
first they were given a borbota (?), on the second some rye bread and a 
little flesh, and on the third some stock fish. The river, says Rubruquis, 
was as wide as the Seine at Paris, and there was a second ford some 
distance further south, which was used in the winter. The streams were 
well stocked with fish, but the Tartars only ate those which were very 
large and could be carved hke sheep {i.e., no doubt sturgeons). At length 
the ferrymen became more accommodating, and supphed them with 
sumpter cattle. They themselves travelled on foot, and reached the 
camp of Sertak on the and of August. 

His camp was about three days journey from the Volga, and it was of 
considerable size. He had six wives, while his eldest son had two or 
three more. Each wife had a separate yurt and about two hundred carts 
or arabas. The friars were first taken to a man named Coiac {i.e., 
Kuyuk), a Nestorian, who was a kind of chamberlain. By him they 
were sent on to another named Jamia* or Jam, whose duty it was 
to receive envoys. . In the evening Kuyuk summoned them to his 
presence. " He was seated in his glory," says Rubruquis, " and had a 
lute played before him, and some people danced." The friars excused 
themselves for not taking him any presents on the ground that they were 
clerics, and neither gave nor received gold and silver and precious 
garments, and their only treasures were their books and the chapel in 
which they performed the service. He seems to have been conciliated 
by this answer, gave the travellers some milk, and asked them for their 
blessing. Rubruquis spoke to him of the emperor and of the King of 
France, whom he had heard of from a previous traveller named Baldwin 
de Hennonia.t He also met a Dominican, who had gone there from 
Cyprus, and told him many things. The friars presented their host with 
some muscatel wine and sweet cake, and were summoned the following 
day to go and see Sertak, taking with them their books and chapel in 
one cart, and bread and wine and fruits in another, many Tartars, both 
Christians and Saracens {i.e., Mussulmans), standing around. Rubruquis 
was clad in his vestments, with a cushion on his arms, and carried the 
Bible given to him by Louis, and the illustrated psalter given to him by 
the queen in his hands ; while his companions bore the missal and 
cross, and the assistant, dressed in a surplice, carried the thurible. Thus 
they approached the entrance to Sertak's tent. The hanging which 
generally closed it was raised so that he might see them. The interpreter 
and Nestorian, who accompanied them, prostrated themselves, but this 
ceremony was not exacted from them. They were warned not to tread 
on the threshold in entering or leaving the tent,J and told that they must 

* This is probably an official title; an ofiicial with a similar title is mentioned at Mangu's 
court. (D'Avezac, 253 and 310.) 

t i.e., Hainault. J Viit vol. i. 731. Note. 


chant a blessing. They accordingly entered singing the Salve Regina. At 
the entrance to the tent there was the usual sideboard with vessels of kumis 
on it. Kuyuk, the chamberlain, took the thurible with the incense from 
them, and showed it to his master. The latter and his wife also inspected 
the psalter, the Bible, and the cross. He asked if the image upon it 
was that of Christ. Rubruquis adds parenthetically that the Nestorians 
and Armenians did not put figures on their crosses, and suggests that 
they were ashamed of " the Passion." When they had been inspected, 
the friars handed Louis's letters and the translations of them into Arabic 
and Syriac, which Rubruquis had made at Acre. Having retired, Kuyuk 
and some interpreters went with them to translate the letters. These 
having been read to Sertak, he replied that before he gave an answer he 
must consult with his father Batu. Having left their books and vessels 
in charge of Kuyuk, they once more set out on their journey, and on the 
third day they reached the Volga. The route they traversed was a 
dangerous one, for Rubruquis tells us the Tartars owned a great number 
of Russian, Hungarian, and Alan slaves, who were in the habit of 
banding themselves twenty or thirty together, and escaping by night and 
concealing themselves during the day, supplying themselves with horses 
from the Tartar herds. These men were very dangerous to travellers, 
whom they were in the habit of attacking. At the Volga they found a 
similar ferry to the one they had passed at the Don, in charge of some 
Russians and Muhammedans. He tells us Batu lived on the further bank 
of the Volga, and from January to August moved northwards with his 
people, returning southward in the other six months of the year. The 
point where they crossed was the northern limit of this migration, and 
therefore probably Ukek, and as Batu had set out southwards, our 
travellers sailed down the river to Batu's camp, which Rubruquis 
compares to a great city, and to the old camp of the Israelites. He tells 
us such a camp was called orda, that word meaning middle, and it 
was so named because the chief was there encamped in the midst of his 
people, whose tents were strewed all about, except towards the south, 
where the entrance was, and which was open. The travellers found 
Batu in a large tent, and were bidden not to say anything until he spoke, 
and then to speak briefly, and were again warned not to touch the 
threshold. They went in barefoot, with their hoods off. Rubruquis says 
that Carpini, being a papal nuncio, had changed his habit, so that he 
might not be contemned. They stood in the midst of the tent while 
they could repeat a miserere amidst a general silence. Batu sat on a 
gilded couch, on a platform reached by three steps, and one of his wives 
sat beside him, while some of his followers were seated around. At the 
entrance was a sideboard with gold and silver vessels on it, ornamented 
with precious stones. Rubruquis tells us naively that he looked at Batu 
for some time, and that his appearance was like that of John of Bello- 


monte, for his face was covered with red spots. He bade them speak, upon 
which they were told to kneel down, and proceeded to urge upon him to 
become a Christian, telling him that those who would not believe would 
be lost. At this message he smiled derisively, and his companions 
jeered. He told him how they had heard that Sertak was a Christian, 
and how they in consequence had gone to him as envoys from the 
French king, and had been bidden to go to himself Batu. Batu then 
asked the name of the Frankish king, and why he was then at the head 
of his army, and was told that he had gone to fight against the Saracens. 
Batu then gave them some kumis, which was deemed a great honour. 
When they returned to their tent they were told that in order that they 
might have permission to stay in the country, it was necessary they should 
have the Khakan's leave, and that Rubruquis and his interpreter must go 
on to Mangu Khan at Karakorum, while his companions returned to Sertak. 
They naturally separated with great grief. They were provided with horses 
and food, and travelled with Batu down the river, for the space of five 
weeks, along the Volga. On the way the travellers suffered a good deal. 
They met with two Hungarians and a Coman, who had been baptised, 
and wrote out a copy of the Hours of the Virgin and of the Office of the 
Dead for them. By them they were supplied with some meat and other 
refreshment. The Coman told Rubruquis he had been baptised in 
Hungary, and that he had been much questioned by Batu in regard to 
the friars, and had told him the rules of their order. At length, on the 
feast of the Holy Rood, they were overtaken by a Mongol, who told 
them he had been deputed to conduct them to the court of Mangu Khan. 
He was a truculent person, and was very frank with them about the 
difficulties of the four months' journey there, and of the small scruples 
he should have in abandoning the travellers ; he overlooked their 
wardrobe, making them leave behind everything but necessaries, and 
they were furnished with a furred cloak and trousers, made of sheep's 
skin, with the wool still upon it, and boots, also felt socks and fur 
hoods; and at length the second day after Holy Rood they set out 
over the" terrible Nogay steppes, having the Caspian on the south and 
Great Bulgaria on the north. After riding twelve days from the Volga 
they reached the Yaik, which Rubruquis tells us flowed from Pascatir, i.e., 
the land of the Bashkirs. This steppe was then inhabited by the 
Cangli, ?>., the Kankalis. They changed horses three and four times 
a day, and sometimes travelled two or three days without meeting 
anyone. The friar quaintly tells us how he was provided with a strong 
horse, being corpulent, and how it behoved them to make no complaints, 
since they were lucky even to have horses at all.* He is nevertheless very 
querulous, and complains that there was no end to the hunger and thirst, 
the cold and weariness which he suffered, for his conductor gave them no 

• Op. cit., 376. 


meat except in the evenings, when they had a shoulder-blade of mutton, 
&c., and some broth. In the mornings they had only something to 
drink or a little boiled millet. Often they had to eat their meat nearly 
raw or half cooked, as they could not find any dried dung with which to 
make up their fires, for wood there was none. At first their guide 
contemned his charges greatly, but presently they became more respected, 
and, we are told, they were conducted by the camps of rich Mongols for 
whom the friars were expected to pray ; and Rubruquis regrets that he 
had not a good interpreter with him, to take advantage of his oppor- 
tunities for furthering his master's work. 

Having proceeded eastwards for a considerable time, the travellers 
at length on the eve of All Saints, ?'.<?., on the 31st of October, turned 
more to the south, and passed over certain mountain ridges (probably 
the high lands south of Akmolinsk).* Having gone southwards for eight 
days, and seen many wild asses on the way, they at length reached a 
fertile district bounded by high mountains {i.e., the Alexandrofski range), 
and on the eighth day after the feast of All Saints they reached Kenchat 
(that is Kenchak, not far from Merke).t There the governor came out to 
meet them, with ale (cervisia) and cups. It was the custom for the 
people of Mangu to thus treat those who came from Batu, and vice versa. 
The people of the country told him it was watered t)y a great river, 
whose waters were largely diverted by canals and sluices for artificial 
irrigation, and that it did not fall into the sea but was lost in the swamps. 
This river was doubtless the Chu. Rubruquis found many vines there 
and drank of the wine. As he passed this way Rubruquis made inquiries 
about the city of Talas and a colony of Germans, who had been settled 
there by Buri. The latter had been put to death, as I have already 
described, by Batu, while the Germans had been removed by orders of 
Mangu to Bolac, a town a month's journey from Talas («>., Pulad, near 
lake Sairam),t where they were employed in digging for gold and in 
making armour. Rubruquis tells us he passed within three days of this 
town in journeying eastwards, and soon after he entered the country 
subject immediately to Mangu, namely, the district of Kara Khitai. His 
journey onwards I shall consider when we write of the Khanate of 
Jagatai in a later volume. 

Having spent some time at Mangu's court, and been deputed by him 
to carry letters to his master Louis IX., he returned again. His return 
journey, he tells us, was made further north and in the summer. When 
he had travelled some twenty days he heard that the King of Armenia 
had passed by, and soon after met Sertak, who with his family was on 
his way to Mangu's court ; and after some diplomatic phrases, he 
learnt from Kuyuk, Sertak's dependent, that the books and other 
treasures he had left behind were safe. He arrived at Batu's court 

♦ Schuyler, i. 404. t Schuyler, i. 402. I Vol. i. 734. Note. 


the same day on which he had left it the year before, and met his 
companions, who had been well treated by the King of Little Armenia, 
whose journey I shall presently describe. He apparently found Batu 
encamped in his old quarters on the Volga, and having obtained 
permission to return home by land, the sea route being closed in winter, 
and being provided with a Uighur guide, he set out by way of Serai, 
which Rubruquis tells us had only recently been founded by Batu, on 
the east of the Volga, where it divides into three channels, and then by 
the town of Sumerkent, on the Lower Volga, and by way of the Eastern 
Caucasus into Persia. 

The mission of Rubruquis was followed by that of a more important 
person, namely, Haithon, the King of Cilicia or Little Armenia. He 
had succeeded to the throne on marrying Zabel or Isabel, the only child 
of Leo n. He was crowned in 1224, and abdicated in favour of his son 
Leo in. in 1269, when he became a monk.* He had sent his brother 
Sempad to attend the inauguration of Kuyuk, and, as we are told in the 
narrative of his journey, when Mangu Khan mounted the throne, the 
great " Basileopator " and general, Batu, who lived with a great multitude 
of people on the river Athil {i.e., the Volga), sent an invitation to Haithon 
to go and visit him, and also Mangu.t He had previously {i.e., in 1252) 
sent a priest named Basil as an envoy to Batu.J Having disguised 
himself for fear of the Seljuki Turks, whose sultan at this time was 
Alai ud din, son of Kaikobad, and who hated him because of his friendly 
intercourse with the Mongols, he at length arrived at Kars, where he met 
Baiju Noyan, the Mongol general, and other grandees, who treated 
him with honour. He next stopped at a village named Vardenis, at the 
foot of mount Arai, in Armenia, whose site is elaborately discussed by 
Klaproth.§ There, there was a palace of a prince named Kurth, a 
Christian Armenian, whose sons were named Vache and Hassan. He 
remained there until they brought him some of his treasures, which 
were necessary for presents, and which were sent him by his father 
Constantine, who was an old man. When the chief patriarch Constan- 
tine heard that Haithon was passing this way, he sent the abbot James, 
an eloquent and wise man, who had previously been on an embassy 
to the Greek Emperor John, the bishop Stephen, the abbot Mekhitar, of 
Skevra, as well as Basil, the priest, who had returned from Batu, Thoros, 
a priest, his companion, and Karapet, another priest, to him. He 
passed through the country of the Aghuvans {i.e., the Albanians), and by 
the defile of Derbend. Thence he went to Batu and his son Sertak, "who 
was a Christian." We thus see that the rumour of Sertak's having been 
a Christian, which Rubruquis had found to be so vain, had reached other 
ears besides those of Louis the Pious. Haithon was received with great 

• KUproth, Nouv. Journ. Asiat., xii. 272. t Id., 274. J Id., 212. 

§ Op. cit., 275. Note, 2. 


honour by the two, and was sent on to Mangu by a very long road 
beyond the Caspian. 

He set out on the 13th of May, and having crossed the Yaik, arrived 
at Hor, midway between Batu's and Mangu's camps, which is no doubt 
the river Or, giving its name to Orsk. It falls into the Yaik, He 
crossed the Irtish, and entered the land of the Naimans, and 
arrived at Kara Khitai on the 13th of September. This is probably a 
mistake for Karakorum, for Kara Khitai had been left long behind. 
The narrative goes on to say that on the festival of the elevation of the 
cross he had an audience with Mangu, who was seated in all his glory, 
and Haithon offered him presents. He was received with special 
honour. He was given a warrant or diploma, with a seal, to guarantee 
that neither himself nor his country should be molested, and also given 
a letter of enfranchisement for the churches of his kingdom. He left 
again on the ist of November, and returned by a different route. I shall 
have more to say about him when I treat of Khulagu. 

Two years after Mangu's accession, i.e., in 1254, Iz ud din, the joint 
sultan of Rum, was summoned to Karakorum. Afraid that his brother 
Rokn ud din, who had long been his rival, and to whom he had given a 
joint authority with himself, would take advantage of his absence to oust 
him from his position, he determined to send his third brother, Alai ud 
din Kaikobad, who accordingly set out (taking with him many presents) 
by way of the Black Sea and the Golden Horde. He was accompanied 
by one of the principal Seljuki generals named Seif ud din Tarentai, and 
by Shuja ud din, governor of the maritime districts. Iz ud din sent a 
letter to Mangu, in which he excused himself for not going just then as 
he had to make way against his enemies, the Greeks and Armenians ; 
he said that he hoped to be able to go before long, and that he had sent 
as his substitute a younger brother who had joint authority with him.* 

Soon after this party had set out, the partizans of Rokn ud din, who 
wished to circumvent his brother, despatched the chancellor Shems ud 
din and the Emir Seif ud din Jalish with a forged letter, purporting to 
have been written by Iz ud din to Tarentai, ordering the latter and his 
colleague to return to Iconium. They overtook the travellers at the ordu 
of Batu, with whom they had an audience, and to whom they explained 
that Iz ud din, having discovered that Tarentai had formerly been struck 
by lightning (and was therefore an inauspicious person), could not be 
presented to Mangu, while Shuja ud din was a doctor, skilled in magic, 
and carried with him some drugs with which to poison Mangu. He 
had therefore sent the two bearers of the letter to replace them. Batu 
ordered the baggage of the two former envoys to be examined, and there 
were in fact found among them some drugs and medicinal roots, among 
other things scammoni. Batu ordered Shuja ud din to take some of 

* D'OhssoD, iii. 95. 


these drugs himself, which he did except the scammoni, Batu was 
thereupon convinced that these things were not poisons but drugs. He 
decided that all four officers should go on to the ordu. The former two 
with their young master, and the latter two with the presents. Alai ud 
din, whose mother was a daughter of the beautiful Armenian queen 
Rusudan, died on the way, like so many travellers who had traversed the 
terrible route leading to Karakorum, and the officers went on alone. 
They pleaded their several master's cause, and Mangu ordered Rum to 
be divided between the two brothers.* 

Besides his authority over his special ulus, Batu had a joint authority 
elsewhere, and notably in the country south of the Oxus, which was not 
disposed of by Jingis Khan's will, and which was apparently meant to be 
a joint possession shared by the masters of the three great Khanates. 
Thus we are told that when Jingis Khan evacuated Persia, Juchi 
appointed Chin Timur as his deputy in Khuarezm. When in 1230 
Chormagun was ordered by the Khakan Ogotai to attack the Khuarezm 
Shah Jelal ud din, Chin Timur was ordered to follow him with the troops 
of Khuarezm to subdue Khorassan. He remained there as governor, 
and, we are told, had four colleagues ; Kelilat, nominated by the Khakan, 
Nussal by Batu, Kul Toga by Jagatai, and Tunga by the widow and son 
of Tului.t 

On the death of Chin Timur in 1235, Nussal, who was a very old man 
and almost a centenarian, took his place as governor of Khorassan.J 
Chin Timur's chancellor was a Uighur, named Kurguz, who, being a skilled 
penman, had been taken into Juchi's service, and had taught his children 
writing. When Chin Timur was made governor of Khuarezm, he was 
nominated his secretary and eventually his minister. This post he 
retained under Nussal. As the latter was practically incapable, there 
were two candidates for the post. Kurguz, who was supported by his 
countryman Chinkai, who had great influence with Ogotai, and Ongu 
Timur, the son of Chin Timur, who was supported by Chinkai's rival 
Danishmend Hajib. The quarrel between the two was protracted, and 
eventually both repaired to the Imperial court, where, after hearing both 
sides, Ogotai decided against Ongu Timur; "but," he added, "as you 
belong to Batu, I will remit the matter to him, and he will punish you." 
Chinkai thereupon interceded for him, saying, " Ongu Timur says ' the 
Khakan is the lord of Batu. Is it right that a dog like myself should be 
the cause of two sovereigns deliberating over me. The Khakan had 
better decide.' " " You speak well," said Ogotai, " for Batu would not 
spare his own son in a similar position to yours." The companions of 
Ongu Timur were thereupon punished as calumniators, and Kurguz was 
given the government of all the country south of the Oxus.§ 

When Khulagu set out to conquer Persia in 1253, each of the Mongol 

*/<J., 96-98. t /</., 103, 104. lid., 108. $ /rf., 109-115. 


princes furnished a contingent of troops for the work, due doubtless to 
their having common rights in Khorassan, and we are told the con- 
tingent sent by Batu was commanded by the prince Alakai,* son of 
Sheiban, with Kotar Oghul and Kuli.t It is probable that the rights of 
the heads of the several minor Khanates in Khorassan, &c., were not 
territorial, but that they were entitled to share a portion of the revenue 
drawn from thence. This was also the case in China, and we are told 
in the Yuan shi, under the year 1236, that the emperor {i.e., Ogotai) 
granted|to the empress dowager, the princes, and princesses appanages 
in China. Among these we are told that Waludo and Batu, i.e., Orda and 
Batu, received the department of P'ing Yang in Shansi. Yelu Chutsai, 
the famous minister of Ogotai, having presented a report in which the 
system of appanages was condemned, " the emperor ordered darughas or 
governors to be appointed over the places given as appanages, and that 
the princes and others should merely receive the revenues from their 

Batu Khan died in the year 1255 or 1256.§ The name Batu 
in Mongol means hard, He was entitled Sain Khan (/./., 
the " Good Khan "), and Marco Polo and the chronicler of Kazan 
make two distinct persons out of the two names.^ Herberstein has a 
curious story about his death, which is clearly fabulous. He tells us that 
according to the annals " Batu was killed by Vaslaf, king of the 
Hungarians (who on his baptism was named Vladislaus, and was enrolled 
among the saints), for he had carried off the king's sister, whom he had 
accidentally met with during the spoiling of the kingdom, and the king, 
moved by love for his sister and by the indignity of the deed, pursued 
him ; but when he made his attack upon Batu, his sister took up arms in 
cause of the adulterer against her brother, which so enraged the king 
that he slew his sister, together with the adulterous Batu." These things 
were done in a.m. 6745 (a.d. 1237).** I need not say that Batu did not 
die in 1237, and that St. Vladislaf of Hungary did not live until long 
before Batu's time, i.e., from A.D. 1076 to 1095. 

Frajhn has given three coins, without dates, as having been struck at 
Bolghari during the Batu's reign, but I deem it much more probable that 
they were struck during the reign of Bereke, who was a Mussulman 
and an innovator upon ancient Mongol customs. Among the earlier 
Mongols, as is well known, coined money was unknown. I shall refer 
again to these coins in the next chapter. 

* Bar HebrKus calls him Bulgai. 
t Golden Horde, 146. Note. I Bretschneider, 103. D'Ohsson, ii. 79. Note. 

$ Klaproth, Nouv. Joum. Asiat., xii. 274. Note, i. Abulghaii, 180. Note, 6. 

II Nour. Journ. Asiat., xii. 274. Note, i. Journ. Asiat., 4th ser, xvii. loS. Note, a. 

f Yule, ii. 493i 494» ** OP* «<•• "• 3X. 



For some time before his death Batu took little share in the government 
of the Khanate, which was intrusted to Sertak. He had, as we have seen, 
immediate command of the Mongols encamped between the Don and 
Volga, while his father lived on the Volga. Here, like the Grand Khan, 
he encouraged the priests of various religions, and it was probably some 
Nestorians who had been at his court who spread the news in the west 
that he was a Christian. This was reported by the Muhammedans, and 
the Pope sent him a letter in 1254 to congratulate him.* The Armenian 
historian Chamchean tells us that he had been brought up by Christian 
nurses, that he was baptised, and Uved like a Christian. He tells us, 
further, that he was permitted to do this by his father, that Christianity 
was tolerated, and that he forbade the churches to be taxed. He adds 
that it was by his and his father's influence that the Armenian and 
Georgian princes under the jurisdiction of the Mongol general Baiju 
were well treated.t Rubruquis was quite persuaded that the Christianity 
of Sertak was all a pretence. 

Batu, according to Rubruquis, had sixteen wives, each of whom had 
her own establishment. His chief wife was Borakchin.J She was 
probably the mother of his four sons Sertak, Tutukan, Andewan, and 
Ulaghji. As he left brothers, it is clear that according to Mongol 
laws of succession none of these sons were entitled to the throne, but 
rather his eldest surviving brother, who would appear to have been 
Bereke. Nevertheless we find Sertak named as his successor. It came 
about thus : Mangu Khan convoked a Kuriltai to meet in the spring of 
1256, in a place called Orbolguetu, where he entertained the various 
princes and others magnificently for two months, and gave them splendid 
presents. Apropos to this feast, D'Ohsson tells a story from the 
Yuan history, that in 1253 Batu had sent one of his officers named 
Tobdja to ask from Mangu a present of io,ooo golden ingots. According 
to M. Hyacinthe, no million silver roubles in value, of which he had 
need to buy a pearl. The Khakan sent him 1,000, saying, " If we thus 
lavishly squander the resources collected, by Jingis and Ogotai, how can 
we reward the princes ? "§ 

To this Kuriltai Batu sent his son Sertak, who set out in 1255, and 
was met on the way by Haithon. It was while on his way that news 
arrived of his father's death, and we are told that thereupon Mangu 
appointed Sertak as his successor, and dismissed him with magnificent 
presents. Von Hammer || and D'Ohsson^ both say he died on his way 
home ;** but the Armenian Chamchean, who was probably informed by 

* D'Ohsson, ii. 336. t Nouv. Journ. Asiat., xii. 211, 212. 

I Golden Horde, 143. D'Ohsson, ii. 337. § Op. cit., ii. 320. Note. || Op. cit., 142. 

H ii. 336. *♦ See also Fr«ehn Bull, St. Petersburgh Acad., iv. 933, 


the Armenian Prince of Khachen named Jelal, a resident for some time 
at Sertak's court, and who was his companion on his journey, says he 
was poisoned by his relatives Park 'hachah] and Parak 'hsar. Bar 
Hebrseus also says he was killed on the way. Klaproth has pointed out 
that in the names mentioned by the Armenian historian we find Bereke, 
the well known fourth, and Berekjar, the ninth son of Juchi.* The 
account is very probable, and I have no hesitation in accepting it. 

We are told by Rashid that on the death of Sertak, Mangu nominated 
Ulaghji (who was his brother, and not his son, as D'Ohsson says,)t to 
succeed him, and named his mother Borakchin regent.J This nomina- 
tion is doubtful, and so is the statement that he shortly after died. I 
believe, with Von Hammer, that he was the same Ulaghji who was 
appointed his lieutenant in Russia by Bereke, and who thus filled 
towards him much the same position that Sertak did towards his own 
father Batu. If he was nominated as Khan, it would seem, therefore, 
that he immediately gave place to his uncle Bereke, who was the rightful 
heir, and whose history we will reserve for the next chapter. 

Note I. — Since writing the above chapter, I have met with a passage which 
throws some light on a difficult part of the Mongol history of this period. It 
has always seemed strange to me that an obscure son of Juchi's like Singkur 
should have been chosen to command the armies of his ulus in the interval 
between the death of Jingis Khan and the great expedition under Batu in the 
west. I have nevertheless followed Wolff § and Von Hammer || in identifying 
the Suntay of Abulfaraj with Singkur, a view to some extent confirmed by 
Vassaf, who speaks of Suntay as the brother of Batu.«[ Let us now examine 
the ground more closely. At the great Kuriltai held by Ogotai in 1235, it was 
determined to send an army into the countries of the west, and we are told by 
Raschid that accordingly Kuktai and Subutai Bahadur were given command 
of an army of 30,000 men, and ordered to conquer the country of Kipchak, of 
Saksin, and of Bulghar.** This agrees with the Chinese authorities, whfch 
tell us that Ogotai in 1235 withdrew Subutai from China, where he had been 
very successful, in order to give him another Abulfaraj also tells 
us, in his Syriac chronicle, that when Ogotai sent an army of 30,000 cavalry 
under Churmaghun Noyan into Khorassan, he ordered a similar army to 
march against Kipchak and the country of the Bulgars, under the command of 
Sunati Agonista. In the Arabic chronicle of the same author he is called 
Sontay or Sitay Behadur. This conversion of Subutai into Suntai occurs also 
in some places in the narrative of Rashid, and is due to the confusion of 
diacritic points in the script. In the Armenian rescension of Abulfaraj, 
in which there is not a similar difficulty, the name is written Sapada 

• Nouv. Journ. Asiat., xii. 290. Note. + Golden Horde, op. cit., 143. J Id. 

S Op. cit., 124 and 266. y Golden Horde, 98, 99. % Golden Horde, op. cit., 98. Note, 7. 

** St. Martin, Memoires sur rArmtnie, a. Note, 4. tt D'Oti8800,U. 78,79. 


Bahadur. Agonista is derived from a well known Greek word signifying 
athlete or hero, and is a mere translation of Behadur.* This makes it pretty 
clear that Suntay is a corruption of Subutai, and that it was that renowned 
general, and not Singkur, who commanded the Tartars in their attack on 
Bolghari. The great expedition was despatched in 1235. The very next year 
the Dominican friar Julian was travelling, as I have said, on the Volga. His 
journey was an interesting one, and we may add a few more facts about it. 
There was a tradition among the Hungarians that their nation had come from 
the east, but they did not know whence. In 1230 they sent four brothers to 
explore, but after three years' fruitless search, they returned without finding the 
desired cradleland of their race. One of them named Otto, a merchant, 
reported, however, the existence of a nation in the east which spoke the 
Hungarian tongue, but he died shortly after. Bela IV., the Hungarian king, 
being interested in this question, despatched in 1234 four Dominican friars, of 
whom Julian was one, to explore. They traversed Hungary and Bulgaria, and 
at length reached Constantinople, where John of Brienne was then reigning. 
Thence they navigated the Euxine, and in three days reached the town of 
Matrika (near the modern Fanagoria), whence they passed through Zichia and 
Alania, i.e,, Circassia and the country of the Ossetes, of whose inhabitants Julian 
gives some account. There they could find no one to accompany them through 
ear of the Tartars, who were not far off. As they ran short of provisions, 
the friars determined that two of their number should be sold as slaves to 
enable the other two to continue their journey. But as they could not find a 
merchant, and did not understand the arts of ploughing and grinding corn, two 
of them determined to return, while the other two, Bernhard and Julian, 
persevered, and after a stay of six months, during which they suffered great 
hunger, living on a little millet, which they obtained in barter for some spoons 
and other objects which one of them carved out of wood, they at length 
found some companions, with whom they travelled for seven and thirty days 
through deserts, having only twenty-four cakes, baked in the ashes, to eat, and 
in constant dread of being killed by their companions, who suspected they had 
gold with them. Bernhard fell ill on the way, and wished Julian to leave him, 
but he succeeded with great trouble in conveying him onwards until, on the 
twenty-seventh day, they reached the land of the Saracens {i.e., the Muham- 
medans). The people who lived there Julian calls Veda. I believe them to 
be the Berdas or Merdas of other authors, who, we are told, were Mussul- 
mans. The travellers reached the town of Bunda. (?) There they found no 
shelter, and had to camp out in the fields in the rain and cold, but Julian and 
his companion received some alms from the prince and people, who were 
favourable to the Christians. Thence they went on to another town, where 
Bernhard died in the house of a hospitable Saracen, and Julian, in order to 
prosecute his journey further, became the servant of a Saracen priest and his 
wife, with whom he went on to Great Bulgaria. In a large city there, which 
possessed 50,000 warriors, by which no doubt Bolghari is meant, he learnt from 
a woman, whose husband had been there, that he was only two days' journey 

* St. Martin, loc cit. 


from Hungary {i.e., Great Hungary), the place he was]^ searching for. 
Following her instructions, he arrived in fact there. When the people learnt 
he was a Hungarian they entertained him in their houses, inquired about the 
king and people of their Christian brothers. He tells us they conversed freely, 
he understanding them and they him. They were heathens, and had no gods, 
and lived like wild beasts; they did not practice agriculture, ate horse and 
wolf flesh, drank milk, wine, and blood; had abundance of horses and 
weapons, and were very warlike. They knew the Hungarians had migrated 
from their country, but did not know whither they had gone. He doubtless 
refers to the Bashkirs. The Tartars were near neighbours of theirs. They 
had not been subjected by but had in fact beaten them, and had afterwards in 
alliance with them subjected fifteen kingdoms. He met some Tartars there, 
and also one of their envoys who could speak Hungarian, Russian, Cumanian, 
German, Saracenic (i.e.y Arabic), and Tartar. He said that the chief of the 
Tartars was five days' journey away, and was about to march against 
Germany, but was waiting for the progress of another army which was going 
to Persia. This was in 1236, and therefore the very year after the great 
Kuriltai, and the army referred to is doubtless that commanded by Subutai. 
On hearing the news of the march of the Tartars, Julian returned home by a 
nearer route through the country of the Mordvins.* In 1237, news having 
arrived in Hungary of the advance of the Tartar king, Bela sent Julian on 
another journey to explore and report. He again traversed Russia, and found 
that the Tartars had conquered Great Hungary and Great Bulgaria, and he 
gives a confused account of their further doings which is of small value.t 

Notez. — In his account of the various tribes of South-eastern Russia,Rubruquis 
speaks of the Moxel or Mokshas, a section of the Mordvins, and tells us their 
lord or sovereign, " with a great number of his people, were killed in Alemannia" 
(i.e.,Germany), " for," he says," the Tartars led them to the frontiers of Alemannia, 
where they offered to submit themselves to the Alemanniens, hoping in this 
way to free themselves from the Tartar yoke."J He implies that the Tartars 
destroyed them on account of this intrigue. This notice, which had escaped 
me, shows how the army of the invaders grew, snowball fashion, wherever 
it went through the incorporation of conquered tribes. 

Note 3.— My deceased friend, the late antiquary Thomas Wright, supplied M. 
D'Avezac with a copy of some verses taken from a poem written by John de 
Garlande, apparently soon after the Tartar invasion, and entitled, " De 
Triumphis Ecclesiae," from which I quote as follows : — 

" The seventh book opens with an account of the inroads of the Tartars ; 
he describes them as cannibals : 

" Gens est txva nimis, Sathanasque domestica, pestis 
Ecclcsia;, fidei dissona, ca:dis amans. 
Limpha. merum, panis, caro, piscis, friget, obundat, 

Incandit, nutrit; vivit in aede probrii. 
Excedit gens ista feras quod mundus abhorret ; 

Cur ? quia naturam calcat iniqua suam. 
Quaeris forti modum calcandi ; sanguinis haustu 
Emadet hamani, se furor iste bibit. 

• Wolff, 263-267. t /<*., 269-274. I Op. cit., 231, 252. 


Esuriens hominem'corrodit homo ; leo nuUus 

Carne leonin4 viscera laxa replet ; 
Non lupus ungue lupum lacerat ; gens ista colurnis 

In vepribus vertit membra veruta foco. 
Famam.V'irgilius monstrum depingit habere. 

Sub plumis oculos instabilesque gradus. 
Illi mille dedit linguas figmenta loquentes ; 

Falsis permutat sic modo vera loquax 
Fingitfama tamen quaedam conformia vero. 

Nam mihi pro certo presbiter ista tulit : 
Presbiteros terrae prosternunt, sic crucifigunt 

Illos prostatos, excruciantque diu. 
Matres occidunt, puerosque per ubera matriim 

Flentes, clamantes, ire, perire sinunt. 
Hac Feritate refert has fama bibisse medullas 

Humanas : feritas quid scelas ista timet ? 

* « » * • 

Pingaes et teneros et molles et generosos 

Et pulcros horum rex coquit igne sibi. 
Plebs vorat annosos, nigros, duros, scabiosos, 

Hirsutos, tremulos ; hoc non abhorret opus. 
Quod sequitur vere faciunt : muliebria truncant 

Guttura, post veneri corpoa juncta sua;. 

* * * • • 

Hi quia sunt diri nequeunt pietate poliri. 

His pericre Tyri Pergameique viri. 
Cor gustando ferum, foetus truncant mulierum, 

Sanctum (me miserum!) non venerantur Herum. 

* • • • » 

Istis Cnmani servire mali didecerunt, 

Qui vacui, vani, falsa dolosque ferunt. 
Hi sunt christicolse falsi, sine lege, severi. 

Hdc de fraude scholse proposuere quseri. 

** He goes on to speak of the Jews as holding secret correspondence with 
them, and believing their prince to be the expected Messiah : 

" Consimiles sacra dant judaeis sordida Divo 

Viscera ponendo, mundiiicant male se. 
Se mal6 mundificant ponendo viscera Divo 

Sordida judasis dant sacra consimiles 
DOm circumcisA pro pelle merentur Apelle 

Nomen, cognomen hoc valet esse suum. 
Hse gentes miserat mortem mis^re per orbem : 

Destructas leges pec mala cuncta leges. 
Quid referam plausus quoM perfida dat synagoga ? 

Nuntia quid promam, perfidiamque suam ? 
Munera pra:tereo qua: mittit clam vel apertd. 

Dum sibi Messyam credit habere suum, 
Spes sua messe caret : expectans tempore tanto 

Messyam, sterilem spem miseranda fovet. 

"After some religious reflections, this author again describes the devastations 
they committed wherever they came : 

" Prostratis monachis aras et templa cruentant 
Hisque boves statuunt, carnipedesque ligant. 
Impedit Eccleiiam fera dum discordia legum, 
Tartareoa acuit liber ad arma furor. 


In claustris sacrisque locis concumbere fceda 

Gens audens; voUit sancta sepulcra solo. 
Sanctorum capsas confringit, et eruit ossa ; 

Et gemmis, auro, fcemia moecha nitet, 
Mundis Ecclesicc pannis immunda perornat 

Membra, sacros calices trectat, et inde bibit. 
Catholici falsi comitantur eos, vacuusque 

Vespilio, cupidus fur, homicida, rapax."* 

Note^. — Abulghazit tells us that Juchi's capital was called Kok orda, ?.<;., the 
Blue Horde. This was probably the later Seraichuk. Klaproth tells us that, 
according to a short history of Jingis Khan and his family, written in Jagatai 
Turk, the camp of Batu was at a place called Utch kandak.J I cannot throw 
any light on this name, but it would certainly seem from the narrative 
of the friar Julian that before the great campaign in Europe, and before 
the conquest of the valley of the Volga, the ulus of Juchi had a fixed 
camping place, for he tells us in his second letter, describing his journey in 
1237, that the Tartars were then ruled over by Chayn, i.e., by Sain Khan or 
Batu, who lived in the great city of Hornah,§ It may be that by this the 
Ornas of other writers is meant, i.e., Urgenj, which was a city belonging until 
the time of the Great Timur to the ulus of Juchi, M. Wolff deems the word 
Hornah a corruption of Ordu.|| It will be well before passing on to say a few 
words about some of the towns founded by the Mongols on the Volga, and we 
may naturally begin with their famous capital Serai. It is first mentioned by 
Rubruquis, who tells us it was founded shortly before his passage through the 
country on his return home. The name is Turkish, and means a palace. It 
is a mere translation of the Mongol term Ordu. It occurs frequently 
elsewhere, thus the royal residence of the house of Jagatai was called Sali 
Serai.^ We also read of Arhenkserai and Zenjir Serai. Ak Serai was the name 
given to his palace at Kesh by Timur.** Baghi or Bakshi Serai, i.e., the 
Garden Palace, was the name of the capital of Krim. We are all familiar 
with the derivatives Caravanserai and Seraglio. The town therefore took its 
name from the Imperial residence around which it clustered. We must now 
consider its situation. This is by no means a simple matter, and the Russian 
authorities are at issue with two of the most ingenious and learned foreign 
authors who have treated of the question, namely J. H. Miiller and Colonel Yule. 
The latter has argued that there were two Serais on the Volga, between which 
we must carefully distinguish ; the one founded by Batu and the other by 
Janibeg Khan, each one answering in position to a famous cluster of ruins still 
existing, and he identifies the Serai of Batu with the ruins situated at 
Selitrennoi-Gorodok, or Saltpetre town, near Astrakhan. With this view I 
most cordially concur. In the first place, I may mention that Fraehn, the 
distinguished numismatist, has shown very conclusively to my mind that the 
Tartars of the Golden Horde had three mint places in whose names Serai 
occurs. Serai proper, Serai el Jedid or New Serai, and Seraichuk or Little 

♦ D'Avezac, op. cit., 528-530. Note. 

t Op. cit.,180. I Nouv. Journ. Asiat., xii. 274. Note, i. § Wolff, 273. 

\ Id. f Sherifuddin, Hist, de Timur, i. 2 and 21. 

** Muller, Ugrische Volkstamm, ii. 561. 


Serai. Seraichuk is a place whose site is well ascertained, and which was 
situated on the Yaik or Ural. Fraehn, in a special memoir, has argued very 
conclusively that Serai el Jedid is quite a different place from Seraichuk, and 
as both Serai and Serai el Jedid occur as contemporaneous mint places, it is 
clear that these two were also different towns. This view agrees exactly with 
that urged by Colonel Yule, that we must distinguish the Serai of Batu from 
the later Serai of Janibeg Khan, which was doubtless the New Serai of the 
coins. The statements of Pegolotti, that Serai was a day's journey from 
Astrakhan, of Abulfeda, that it was two days' journey from the outfall of the 
Volga, of the Persian geographer Sadik, that it was four days' journey from 
Derbend, of the chronicler Nikon, that it was two days' journey from 
Astrakhan by water,* and of Ibn Batuta, that he reached Serai in three 
days from the same city, are only consistent with the Serai mentioned by these 
authors having been situated near Astrakhan and not near Tzaritzin, and the 
Serai they mention is doubtless the old Serai. On the other hand, the ruins 
near Tzaritzin are actually called to this day the Serai of Janibeg Khan by the 
neighbouring Tartars.t Fra Mauro, as Professor Bruun and Colonel Yule 
have pointed out, puts two cities of Serai on the Akhtuba, calling the northern 
one, i.e., the Serai of Janibeg Khan, " Great Serai," while Pegolotti, having 
carried his merchant from Tana (Azof) to Gittarchan (Astrakhan), takes him 
one day by river to Sara, and from Sara to Saracanco, ?>., Sara Kunk or Great 
Serai eight days more.J The Saracanco of Pegolotti, I have no doubt, is the 
New Serai of the coins, whose extensive ruins near Tzaref have been so 
diligently explored by M. Grigorief. I shall have more to say about it in a 
future chapter. We will now confine ourselves to the Southern Serai, Its 
foundation by Batu was probably rather nominal than real, that is, he fixed its 
site, which was probably the place where his winter quarters were generally 
planted, and he probably built a number of wooden buildings, forming his more 
permanent palace or ordu. It was probably Bereke who became a Mussulman, 
and who is credited by one author (Jenabi)§ with the foundation of the 
city, who built its first imposing building in the shape of a mosque, while it 
was reserved for Uzbeg Khan, as we shall presently see, with the aid of his 
Egyptian workmen, to make the city one of the most famous and beautiful 
then existing. The remains at Selitrennoi-Gorodok are still very extensive, and 
I will abstract the account of them by Pallas. He sa>s : — 

" The abandoned saltpetre work called Selitrennoi-Gorodok is situated in the 
midst of a hilly tract, extending to upwards of ten versts in length ; here, along 
the banks of the Akhtuba, on a place from one to two versts broad, we 
discovered in every direction heaps of rubbish, traces of buildings, and tombs 
of brickwork, being the ruins of an extensive city of the Nogays. There had 
been a small fort erected on a hill, which unquestionably contained the 
principal and most elegant buildings of the place, and was surrounded by a 
strong wall ; but at present the fort, which was oiginally built for the pro- 
tection of the saltpetre work, is in a ruinous state, together with its dependent 
buildings. We particularly remarked the remains of two buildings, the most 

•MuUer, op. cit., 569. t Muller, op. cit., ii. 371. " I Yule's Marco Polo, i. 6, ii. 337, 

% Golden Horde, 130. Note, 3. 


magnificent of which has lately been cleared of its rubbish, with a view to 
discover treasures; the other, if we may judge from the existing ruins, appears 
to have been a dwelling-house with many apartments. The former of these 
buildings, as is evident from its foundation and sepulchral walls, has been the 
family mausoleum of a Khan, with a superstructure which probably was a house 
of prayer. 

" This venerable place, as we were informed, has been plundered of many 
treasures, and whole coffins covered with silver. The fabric forms an oblong 
square, in a direction from N.N.E. to S.S.W., about twelve fathoms long, and 
eight fathoms and a half broad, when measured on its southern point. We 
could distinctly trace two equal divisions, on the northern side, beneath which 
were the sepulchral vaults, as is obvious from the tombs that have fallen in ; 
while the southern division, especially on its portico, has been ornamented 
with Gothic pilasters, columns, and arches, the fragments of which are still 
distinguishable. Its foundation walls are nearly two .fathoms high, and 
upwards of two ells thick. In the whole brickwork, which consists of beautiful 
broad squares, disposed in the most regular manner, there is a degree of taste 
and elegance of which I have nowhere seen an instance among the ruins of the 
Tartars. The outside of the walls is not only embellished in all the interstices 
between the bricks with glazed earthen ornaments, of green, yellow, white, 
and blue colour, in triangular and other figures, but we also observed on the 
principal front of the building, the remains of Gothic stucco-work, which was 
decorated with glazed figures, such as artificial flowers, shellwork, nay, whole 
tablets in the Mosaic style. 

" But the tooth of time, and the depredations of the vulgar, have many years 
since converted these remarkable vestiges of antiquity into heaps of ruins. 
Formerly whole cargoes of bricks were carried from these buildings to 
Astrakhan ; though, on account of the excellent cement, the workmen who 
were employed in demolishing entire walls, were obliged to destroy at least 
two-thirds of the bricks. Tradition relates many extraordinary stories of the 
coins and precious relics which were formerly dug up and collected here in 
great quantities, but I doubt whether many of those antique treasures have 
been rescued from the plundering barbarians, and judiciously consigned to the 
antiquarian; or whether any of them have been transmitted to the Cabinet of 
Russian Antiquaries, which belongs to the Imperial Academy of Sciences."* 

The neighbourhood of these ruins is surrounded with a number of kurgans 
or mounds, proving that the site was that of a large city. F. H. Miiller tells 
us that not long before he wrote a number of these were opened by 
Rybuschkin, the director of education in the government of Astrakhan, at the 
cost of the State. In more than twenty places walls built of dressed stone and 
cemented with lime were found, as well as floors made of similar stones. In 
the graves were found silver and copper coins, petrified shells, pieces of marble, 
bones, and urns with ashes in them, as well as metal utensils.t Having described 
the site of the capital, let us now examine one or two other Mongol settle- 
ments on the Volga. Marco Polo, in describinej the travels of his father and 

• Pallas' Travels, i. 164-166. t Op. cit., ii. 576. 


uncle, tells us that on leaving Bolgara they proceeded to a city called Ucaca. 
which was at the extremity of the kingdom of the lord of the Ponent * 
Abulfeda tells us that almost midway between Serai and Bular (i.e., Bolghari), 
on the western bank of the Itil, and fifteen days' journey from each, was the 
little town of Ukek, as far as which, and no farther, extended the horde of the 
Tartars in the land of Bereke.t Ibn Batuta, in his journey from Astrakhan 
tells us he went to Ukek, which was ten days' journey from Serai, and one 
day's journey from the mountains of the Russians.J: These statements as to 
Ukek being a frontier town of Kipchak are illustrated by an extract from 
Antoniotto Usodimare, who wrote about the middle of the fifteenth century, and 
who tells us the empire of Uzbeg commenced in the province of Borgaria {i.e., 
Bulgaria), that is to say, with the town Vecina and ended with the town 
Cerganchi (i.e., Urgenj).§ According to Schmidt, Ukek in Mongol means a 
dam or fence of hurdles, whence and from the fact of its not being named 
before the Mongol invasion, it is probable that it was of Mongol foundation. || 
Colonel Yule says it was the site of a Franciscan convent in the fourteenth 
century, and it was finally destroyed by Timur.«[ It occurs as a mint place on 
coins of Tuktagha, dated 1306.** In Russian documents it is written Uwek 
or Uwesh, a corruption compared by Fraehn with that of Azak into Azof. This 
form occurs early, for in Wadding's fourteenth century catalogue of convents 
it occurs as Uguech. Anthony Jenkinson, in Hackluyt, gives an observation 
of its latitude as Oweke, $1.40, and Christopher Burroughs, in the same 
collection, gives it as Oueak, There can be little doubt that its site 
is marked by the village of Uwek, six miles south of Saratof, on the right bank 
of the Volga. Burroughs, who travelled this way in 1579, tells us there 
formerly stood there a fine stone castle, called Oueak, around which a town 
formerly gathered, which, according to the report of the Russians, was 
swallowed up by the earth by the justice of God for the wickedness of its 
inhabitants. Ruins of the castle and handsome tombs, evidently constructed 
for people of high rank, still survived ; on one of which, he says, could still be 
seen the figure of a man on horseback, who held a bow in his hand and had a 
quiver by his side. On another was an escutcheon with characters engraved 
on it which he took to be Armenian. On another stone was another kind of 
writing.Jt Armenian gravestones, as is well known, have been found at the 
neighbouring town of Bolghari. These ruins have all disappeared under the 
pressure of Russian Philistinism, and amid the sighs of Fraehn. Falk, on his 
journey through here in 1769, found only a grave and wall enclosing a large 
square space. He tells us that Tartar coins were found there by the saltpetre 
miners, of which he obtained some.§§ Erdmann visited the site of the town 
in 1815, and tells us that there were several mounds round it in which ruins 
and Tartar coins were found. II II Levchine, who also passed this way in 1769, 
found in several places holes where the inhabitants quarried ancient bricks, 
and also potsherds of a beautiful fabrique. Besides coins there were also found 

• Yule's Marco Polo, i. 5. t Frtehn, Mems. St. Petersburg Acad., 6th aer., iii. 78. 

: Id. 5 Id., 81. II Id., 74. U Marco Polo, i. 9. •* Frehn, op. cit., 77. 

+t Yule, loc. cit. II Frahn, op. cit., 83. §5 Falk, Beitrage, &c., i. 114. 

Ill Erdmann, Beitrage, &c., ii., part i, 71. 


rings, earrings, copper vessels, and even gold jewels, which were disposed of 
to the goldsmiths at Saratof, Frjehn has described a small find of seven 
coins, including three of Uzbeg Khan, one of Janibeg, and another of 
Berdibeg's, a copper seal, and a small silver figure, which were found 
there.* Abulghazi says that the Itil [i.e., the Volga) flows past Ukek, 
then reaches the village of Jemer, and thence passes on to Serai.t 
Von Hammer adds that Frashn, in the margin of the MS., has written that 
Jemer stands for Belshemen.| Jemer is undoubtedly the place called 
Sumerkent by Rubruquis, kent being the well known Iranian termination 
to topographical names, which has been illustrated by M. Lerch, of St. 
Petersburgh, and occurs so frequently in Transoxiana and Turkestan. § 
Rubruquis tells us how, on his return from his journey to the Great Khan, he 
on his way towards Serai struck the Itil where it divided into three 
branches ; one of these again divided into four lesser streams, so that he 
crossed seven rivers altogether. On the middle branch, he tells us, was the 
town of Sumerkent. It was unwalled, but when the river was inundated 
it was surrounded with water. He tells us the Tartars attacked it for eight 
years before they captured it, and that it was inhabited by Alans and 
Saracens {i.e., Muhammedans). Rubruquis visited the town, where he met a 
German and his wife, with whom his man Goset had spent the winter, having 
been sent there by Sertak that he might ease his court. Rubruquis tells us 
that Batu and Sertak, one on one side the river and the other on the other, 
were wont to descend as far as this place in their winter migration, but no 
further, crossing over the frozen surface of the Volga when they had occasion, 
and taking shelter among the woods on its banks in severe weather. He tells 
us a few sentences further on that Serai was situated on the eastern bank of 
the river, and implies that it was close to Sumerkent. || This description, 
which is that of a traveller who actually visited the town, is not quite con- 
sistent with the paragraph quoted from Abulfeda, and the latter seems to 
be a mistake. The Sumerkent of Rubruquis v/as situated at the lower 
extremity of the Volga, and within the Delta of that river. That it was 
further south than Serai, Batu's capital, is clear from his statement that it marked 
most the southern part of Batu's migration. The description is consistent 
only with the neighbourhood of Astrakhan, or rather with the ruins of old 
Astrakhan, and I have no doubt myself that Sumerkent represents the town 
which appears for the first time in the fourteenth century under the new name 
of Haji Terkhan, and which will occupy our attention on a future occasion. 
The facts mentioned by Rubruquis about its capture by the Tartars and its 
being inhabited by Alans and Mussulmans, and also its situation in the 
network of the Lower Volga, shows that it is the same town referred to by 
Rashid ud din and the Chinese authors, ruled over by Bachiman, the details of 
whose capture I gave in the former volume.*[ As I have said, it was virtually 
displaced by Astrakhan, which, together with another famous town on the 
Volga, namely, Bolghari, will occupy us in a future chapter. 

• Op. cit., 85-87. t Golden Horde, g. Note 4. Mems. St. Peters. Ac«d., 6th ser., iii. 78. 

I Loc. cit. i See also Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 343., Note 5. 

11 Op. cit., 379, 380. II Ante, vol. i. 138. 



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BATU had three brothers of the whole blood, namely, Bereke, 
Berkejar, and Bure, also called Muhammed. These three 
brothers all had the same mother, namely, Sultan Khatun,* 
and all belonged therefore to the same ulus or grand encampment. 
Bereke was present, with several of his brothers, at the inauguration of 
Ogotai as Grand Khan in 1229,! 

It was a Mongol custom to intrust the more skilful princes with the 
command of separate armies, and afterwards to make over to them as 
their special inheritance the districts they succeeded in conquering. 
When Batu set out on his great expedition westwards, we are told 
that Bereke went into the country north of the Caucasus to conquer 
the Kipchaks there. Ihe subjugation of the district north of the 
Caucasus, with its heterogeneous tribes and difficult topography, occupied 
the Mongols for a long time, and was not in fact ever definitely com- 
pleted. A few words may fitly be said here about it. It would seem 
that after Mangu had captured the city of Bachiman (/>., Sumer- 
kent), he rejoined Batu and took part in the capture of Riazan. 
After the campaign in Northern Russia, in 1237 and 1238, three 
armies were despatched to conquer the tribes of the Northern 
Caucasus. This was in the autumn of 1238. Mangu and Kadan 
marched against the Circassians, whose chief, Tukan or Mukan, was 
killed.! They would seem to have afterwards (namely, in 1238 and 1239), 
marched against the Ossetes or As, the Alans of other writers, who were 
the next neighbours and often the close allies of the Circassians, and 
after a siege of three months captured their capital Mokhshi (called 
Mangass or Mikass by Rashid). In the Yuan shi we are told that Sili 
ganbu conducted the assault.§ This town of Mokhshi, about which I 
shall have more to say presently, became a mint place of the Tartars. 
Rubruquis tells us expressly that the Alans were subjected by Mangu 
Khan himself, and that on his return he passed a castle of the Alans 

• Klaproth, Nouv. Journ. Asiat., xii. 290. Note. t D'Ohsson, ii. 8. 

I Rashid, quoted by D'Ohsson, ii. 626. St. Martin, Memoires sur rArmenie, ii. a6S. 

i Bretschneider, 83. 


which belonged to Mangu.* He tells us the Alans were skilled in 
metallurgy. Elsewhere he tells us that Zichia, i.e., the country of the 
Circassians proper, was not when he passed a part of the Mongol 
dominions.t It would seem that the country of the Ossetes was so, and 
further, that it was an especial appanage of the Khakan Mangu. This 
accounts for what is otherwise a very strange fact, namely, that so many 
Alans should be mentioned as serving in the Mongol armies in China, 
and as being otherwise in the service of the Great Khan there. 

While Mangu marched against the Circassians, Sheiban, Bujek, and 
Buri marched against the Merims, a portion of the nation Chinchak. I 
have suggested that these may have been the people of Murom,| but 
it is possible that by them the Lesghs, or else the Chetsentses 
are meant. The Lesghs were not completely subdued, however, and 
remained independent when Rubruquis passed this way.§ In the spring 
of 1239 Kukdai, we are told, was sent to capture Timur kahalia (lit the 
iron gate), i.e., Derbend, on the Caspian. || Rubruquis tells us how it was 
protected with high walls without ditches, and with towers built of great 
dressed stones, but that the Tartars battered down the tops of the turrets 
and the bulwarks on the walls, laying the turrets even with the walls.^ 
It was subject to them, and commanded one of the most important roads 
in the world, namely, the only really practicable trade route through the 
Caucasus. While these expeditions were prosecuting their work 
and during the winter of 1238-9 we are told that Bereke defeated the 
Kipchaks and made the chief of the Mekrits prisoner.** 

The term Kipchak or Coman has in my view received too wide a 
connotation. It was properly applied to the nomades who lived on the 
river Kuma, which district was the Kumestan of Edrisi. This was the 
Desht Kipchak proper, whence the Comans or Kipchaks extended their 
raids into the country of the Don and the Ukraine. When, after their 
defeat by the Mongols, a large body of the Kipchaks migrated into 
Hungary, one portion remained behind in their ancient camping ground, 
and it was against this section apparently that Bereke marched. The 
modern Kumuks probably descend from these Comans. The Mekrits, 
named by Rashid, bear a name which was borne by a Turkish tribe on 
the Selinga, and another in the country of the Uighurs. I think it 
very probable that it here meant the race which then occupied the 
Little Kabardah, that is, as I have elsewhere shown,tt the Malkars, 
&c., the broken Turkish tribes who now live in the mountains behind the 

Bereke afterwards subdued the steppe country watered by the Kuma 
and the Terek, an admirable camping ground for his ulus. There he 

* op. cit., 381. t/i.,2i6. I Ante, ^2, § Op. cit., 380, 381. 

Bretschneider, 83, If Op. cit., 382. ** D'Ohsson, ii. 626. Dretschneider, 83. 

"tt Journal Anthrop. Inst., 1874, 466, 467. 


apparently settled down, with his capital probably at Majar, on which 
more in the notes. The district was afterwards known from him as 
Desht Bereke. When Rubruquis passed through the Kipchak in 1253, 
he tells us Bereke had his camping ground towards Derbend. 

There he had levied contributions on the travellers who were on their 
way from the countries south of the Caucasus to the camp of Batu,* He 
tells us Bereke was a Muhammedan, and would not allow anyone at his 
court to eat pork, and that he had been ordered to transfer himself to the 
other side of the Volga, as Batu was unwilling that the Muhammedan 
ambassadors should pass through his camp, for he saw it was not for his 
profit.! On the inauguration of Mangu Kakhan in 1251, Bereke and his 
brother Tuka Timur were intrusted by Batu with the duty of seeing him 
properly installed. In this both the Persian and Chinese authorities are 
agreed. I 

On Batu's death Bereke became, according to the Mongol law of 
inheritance, his next heir, for in the East a man's son succeeds to 
the throne only when all his brothers are dead. Sertak's transcient 
reign, therefore, was an usurpation, and on his death Bereke was duly 
appointed chief of the Golden Horde by his cousin, the Kakhan Mangu. 
Abulghazi says he gave a great feast on his accession, and also sent 
presents to his suzerain. The same author thus describes his conversion. 
He says he was one day at Seraichuk, which had been founded by his 
brother, when he met a caravan from Bokhara. Having summoned two 
Bokharians, he questioned them about their faith. This led to his 
conversion. He then summoned his brother Tuka Timur, and persuaded 
him to follow his example.§ Other less trustworthy Turkish authorities 
make out he was converted by a dervish from Khuarezm, named 
Seifeddin.l We are told again that he long concealed his conversion, 
and it was only when Tuka Timur proclaimed his that he also acknow- 
ledged it, and persecuted those who would not become Muhammedans. 
The Tartars, who despised Islam, sent to offer Khulagu the crown of which 
he was unworthy.H He was the first Mongol ruling prince to adopt " the 
faith," and the fact was a notable one, for I believe that although the 
Mongol empire must inevitably have fallen to pieces eventually from its 
size andunwieldiness, yet the immediate cause of its collapse was the con- 
version of the western Khanates to Muhammedanism, and the consequent 
raising of a very powerful barrier between them and the eastern supreme 
authorities. In the case of Bereke, however, the conversion had no 
ieffect on his loyalty, which remained constant to his cousin Mangu. It 
is important to remember that he belonged to the Hanefitish sect, and 
was therefore a Sunni Moslem, like the Turks of Asia Minor, and 
not a Shia, like the Persians.** This accounts for much that is difficult 

* Op. cit., 263. t Id., 264. X Brotschneider, 106. % Op. cit., 181. 

Golden Horde, 150. H Id. Note. •* Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 150. 



in the after alliances of the horde. He collected at Serai many learned 
and pious men, and was tolerant enough to allow those of both the rival 
Moslem rites to live there. 

The Grand Prince Alexander Nevski, with his brother Andrew of 
Suzdal, and Boris of Rostof, son of Vassilko, went to the court of the 
new Khan with presents, to congratulate him on his accession. They 
were received by his lieutenant Ulaghji {i.e., by his nephew already 
named). Karamzin suggests that one object of their visit (a very 
hopeless one) was to save the northern parts of Russia from an invasion 
of Tartar tax-gatherers. Kuyuk had sent commissaries into Russia to 
collect taxes. It would seem that their operations were confined to the 
principalities of Kief and Chernigof * They first chose one out of every 
three children, who, with all the unmarried who could not pay the tax, 
were made slaves. A general tax was then imposed upon all — rich and 
poor, big and small, young and old — consisting of five skins for each 
individual, namely, the skin of a white bear, of a black fox, of a sable, a 
beaver, and a polecat.t After the accession of Mangu,J he sent, we are 
told, one named Bidje Bierko {i.e., Bierko, the secretary) to take a census 
of the people.§ He seems to have gone to Suzdal, Riazan, and Murom, and 
to have appointed head men over lo, loo, and i,ooo, i.e., decurions, cen- 
turions, and temniks. || Thus early did the Mongols begin that systematic 
bleeding of their victims by the tax-gather, which, far more than their 
swords and spears, laid waste and made desert the countries where they 
settled. According to Karamzin, it was only out of craft, and to secure 
them as allies, that an exemption was made in the case of monks and 
ecclesiastics.^ When Alexander Nevski returned from the Horde he was 
accompanied by Gleb, the Prince of Bielo ozero, who proved in person 
his nation's proud boast that it can assimilate very easily with other 
races ; by marrying a young Christian Tartar, " hoping," says the 
historian, " to secure some advantage thereby to his unfortunate 

Shortly after, the Grand Prince, with the Princes of Rostof, Suzdal, 
and Tuer returned once more to the horde, when they were told that 
Novgorod must also submit to pay tribute. That proud and rich 
republic had hitherto escaped the fate of Southern Russia, and was 
independent of the Tartars, but their peremptory orders could not be 
long withstood, and the great hero of the Neva had to go there himself 
with the unwelcome news. This was ill received by the Novgorodians, 
but after much turbulence and much pressure from the Grand Prince 
Alexander, they were brought to reason by the news that Bierko and 

• Karamzini iv. 91. t Golden Horde, 151. 

I The date is somewhat uncertain. The continuators of Nestor date it in 1255 and 1257. 
Nikon and another Russian chronicler in 1257 (Golden Horde, 151. Note, 3). The Yuan shi 
in 1253 (Bretschneider, 179). 1257 '3 the most probable date. 

{ Bretschneider, 179, {|Karam2in« iv. 91. T Id. ** Id,, 92. 


Kassachik* were oft the Volkhof with their forces. The Russian 
historian tells us that after this the Tartar officers went from house to 
house, register in hand, to number the people and to award the capitation 
tax.t The conquest of the Tartars opened the way for the traders of 
Khuarezm, who now invaded Southern Russia and farmed the imposts 
there. Their exactions were very cruel. Those who could not pay were 
made slaves, and the people became so exasperated that at Vladimir, 
Suzdal, and Rostof many of them were killed. Among the victims was an 
apostate named Zozimus, who, having been a monk had turned Muham- 
medan, and was then a protege of Khubilai, He distinguished himself by 
his cruelties to his former co-religionists. His corpse was thrown to the 
dogs. A Tartar publican named Buka, who lived at Ustiuge, and who 
had violated a young Christian girl named Mary, afterwards won her 
heart, and was persuaded by her to be baptised under the name of John. 
Karamzin tells us that he became famed for his virtues and his piety. 
While engaged in hawking he one day determined to build a church to 
St. John the Baptist. The site is still known as Sokolieou goriou, i.e., 
Mount of Falcons.J The death of the Khivan tax farmers irritated 
the Tartars, and to appease them and to secure exemption from 
supplying a contingent of troops, Alexander Nevski repaired to the 
court of Bereke at Serai, where the tolerance of the Khan had recently 
allowed the Metropolitan Cyril to found a fresh Eparchy, which 
took the name of Serai, and to which the see of the Southern 
Pereislavl was shortly afterwards added.§ Alexander's journey was 
successful, both in justifying the treatment of the tax-gatherers and 
in regard to the contingent, but he was detained at the Tartar court 
during the spring and summer, and died on his journey homewards at 
Goroditz, on the 14th of November, 1263. The news of his death was 
received with consternation in Russia, where his prowess had so often 
recalled to the Russians their ancient days of glory. In the words of 
the Metropolitan, " the sun of Russia had set." 

At this time Daniel, Prince of Gallicia, raised for a while the hopes of 
the Christians and the Slaves. I mentioned how he had submitted to 
the Pope, and had afterwards withdrawn his submission. In 1257 we 
find Alexander IV. writing to him and telling him how he had forgotten 
the wellbeing of the Church which had crowned and consecrated him, 
and threatening him with an interdict and the weight of the secular arm 
if he did not submit ;|| but like Frederick II. he braved such threats. 
He also braved more dangerous enemies. Twice he went to the succour 
of Bela, the Hungarian king, against the Emperor Frederick, and among 
the glories of his garniture his Greek dress decorated with gold lace 
his sword and saddle adorned with precious stones and work in relief, 
and his Tartar arms are mentioned.^ A feud had arisen in regard to 

* Karamzin, iv. 94. tM, 94-96. JOp. cit.,106. $ Karamzin, iv. 108. \ld.,^^. f/rf., 9;. 


the various claims to the heritage of Frederick, Duke of Austria, who 
was recently dead. Daniel had, as the ally of the Hungarians, ravaged 
Western Bohemia, and burned the outskirts of Troppau. He boasted 
that neither Vladimir nor his brave father had carried war so far into 
Germany. On the other hand, he was no less successful against the 
pagan Lithuanians who were at this time ruled by Mindug, the real 
founder of the Lithuanian power, who held court at Kernof, and to whom 
the petty princes of Lithuania were subject. Daniel had married his 
niece, but Mindug, who was jealous of Tortivil and Edivid, brothers 
of this princess, compelled them to escape to Vladimir of Volhynia. 
Daniel took up their quarrel, and persuaded the Poles and the Germans 
of Riga, i.e., the Livonian knights, as well as the barbarous tribes of the 
Yatviages and Samogitians, to take up arms against him. He also 
captured Grodno and other towns. Meanwhile Mindug, seeing the 
approaching hurricane, became a convert to Christianity, and put himself 
under the protection of Pope Alexander IV., who gave him the title 
of king, and otherwise incited him against Daniel, who was looked upon 
at Rome as an apostate ; but he could not make head against Daniel, 
whose son Roman captured the towns of Novogrodok, Slonin, and 
Volkovisk, while Schvam, another son of Daniel, married his daughter. 
Mindug again relapsed into paganism, and bitterly avenged himself on 
the borders of Livonia and Mazovia, and the Russian provinces of 
Smolensk©, Chernigof, and Novgorod.* 

These successes and the advice of the Poles and Hungarians 
encouraged him to cross weapons with the Tartars, whose enemy he 
declared himself to be ; they thereupon entered Lower Podolia and cap- 
tured Bakota, whence they were driven by his son Leo, who also captured 
one of their baskaks or governors, while their chief general in the west, the 
Khoremshah, whom we have already mentioned,! was foiled in an attempt 
to capture Kremenetz, This in turn encouraged Daniel, who rapidly 
captured the various towns between the Bug and the Teteref, which were 
governed by Tartar baskaks. He was about to besiege Kief when he was 
recalled from his victorious march by an attack of the Lithuanians. 
The Tartars were not long in returning, their new general, being the 
renowned and cruel Burundai,t who took part in Batu's Hungarian cam- 
paign,! the successor to the Khoremshah. They, too, as we have seen, had 
a quarrel with the Lithuanians, and demanded from Daniel if he was the 
friend or the enemy of their Khan. If the former, they bade him send an 
auxiliary army to march with them into Lithuania. This was sent under 
Vassilko, his brother, and the country was ravaged with fire and sword, 
the miserable inhabitants taking refuge in the woods. The Yatviages 
suffered the same fate. Pleased with his Gallician allies, Burundai now 

♦ Karatnzin, iv. 98, 99. + Ante, 69. 

J Th9 Burnldai of RasWd ud din. (Bretschneider, 85. Note.) ( Wolff, 124 and 396. 


retired, and South-western Russia had peace for a short time. Daniel 
determined to abide his time, and meanwhile to fortify his newly, built 
towns, but Burundai's suspicions were at length aroused. He entered 
Gallicia and bade Daniel attend him in his camp, or in default to expect 
due punishment. Daniel sent him his brother Vassilko, his son, and 
John, Bishop of Kholm, bearing presents. " If you wish to convince us 
of your sincerity," said the sagacious Tartar general, " then raze your 
ramparts to the ground." It was useless to disobey, and the towns of 
Danilof, Stoyek, Kremenetz, Lutsk, and Luof were stripped of their 
walls, or rather of their wooden ramparts, which were burnt. The 
burning of the walls of Vladimir in Volhynia, we are told, was a grateful 
sight to Burundai, who, having spent a few days in the palace there, went 
on to Kholm, whence Daniel escaped, intending to pass into Hungary. 
This town was for a second time saved from destruction ; on this 
occasion by the presence of mind of Vassilko. Having'^een sent with 
two Tartar murzas to persuade the inhabitants to surrender, he took a 
stone in his hand, and throwing it on the ground, said, " I forbid you to 
resist." The voivode of Kholm understanding his meaning, replied in 
simulated anger, " Begone, you are the enemy of our ruler." Vassilko 
knew how strong the place was, and wished it to resist, while the 
Tartars, who hated long sieges, passed on to Poland.* 

The Polish princes, who dreaded the impending deluge over their 
country, appealed to the Pope for help, and Alexander IV. issued an 
order on the 26th of June, 1258, to the Dominicans in Germany, 
Bohemia, Moravia, and Pomerania to preach a crusade against the 
Tartars, and on the 17th of December of the same year issued orders to 
the Teutonic knights to join their Polish neighbours ; but this crusade 
came to nothing. Central Europe was then torn asunder by feudal 
fights. Richard of Cornwall and Alphonso of Castile were struggling for 
the Imperial crown. Ottokar II. of Bohemia was at issue with the 
Hungarians. The Teutonic order had hard work to make headway 
against the heathen Prussians, while the Polish princes were themselves 
quarrelling, and Casimir of Kujavia had a^ispute with Boleslas of Great 
Poland.t It was at this juncture that the Tartars, led by Nogai and 
Tulabugha, appeared in Poland. The former was a famous chief, of 
whom wc shall have much more to say presently, and the latter a grand- 
son of Batu's, both of them no doubt very young men, and probably both 
under the control of Bunmdai. Vassilko, the brother, and Leo and 
Roman, the sons of Daniel, were with the Tartars. They passed the 
recently fortified town of Lublin, marched to the Vistula, destroyed the 
nunneries at Zavikhost and Lyssen, and approached Sendomir, where a 
crowd of people had found refuge. Its commander was Peter of Krempen. 
The Tartars promised, through the Russian princes who were with 

* Karamzin, iv. 100-193. t Wolff, 397. 


them, that if he surrendered the town, the inhabitants should be spared 
but they broke their promise and slaughtered them mercilessly. This 
was on the 2nd of February, 1259. Von Hammer gives a long list of 
the victims, who are known as the martyrs of Sendomir. Their 
bodies were buried in the church of St. Mary of Sendomir, and in com- 
memoration of their martyrdom Pope Boniface VIII. granted the church 
an indulgence.* The Tartars then went on to Cracow, which they also 
destroyed, its prince Boleslas taking refuge in Hungary. Having ravaged 
the country as far as Bythom in Oppeln, they retired with a crowd of 
Christian slaves.t 

The Tartars entered as a factor into the poHtics of other European 
kingdoms, nor can the history of the latter at this time be followed 
without postulating their influence. It would seem from a letter of Pope 
Alexander IV., written in 1259, that Bela, the Hungarian king, had 
received proposals for a treaty from them, and had written com- 
plaining bitterly of the want of sympathy Rome had shown in his 
sufferings. He had in consequence threatened to revenge himself by 
the new alliance. The Pope enlarged in his reply on the forlorn state 
which the Church itself had been reduced by the attacks of the 
Emperor Frederick. In order to protect itself and its children, it had 
incurred grave debts which embarrassed it. The Pope refers to the 
proposals which it seems had been made to Bela, that his son should 
marry a Tartar princess, and that he should surrender his daughter to a 
Tartar prince ; that one-fourth of the Hungarian nation should act as 
the advance guard to the Tartars in their proposed campaign against the 
Christians, in return for which one-fifth part of the booty should be 
surrendered to them ; that no tribute should be exacted from them, nor 
would the Tartars molest their kingdom, while they were to undertake 
that their ambassadors should not be escorted by more than one hundred 
persons. The Pope inveighed against such a monstrous policy, alike 
contrary to religion and honour, and bade him remember the general want 
of good faith shown by the Tartars. He told him that the calamities which 
afflict nations are a consequence and a punishment for their iniquities, 
and bade him ward them off by exhibiting a zealous care for piety and 
justice within his realm, and he ended by excusing his inability to supply 
him with 1,000 bahsteers, and by telling him that the indulgences he 
would offer for a crusade would be much more valuable to him than such 
a contingent.^ The Christians were kept in constant excitement by the 
dread of a new irruption. In a letter addressed to the Archbishop of 
Bordeaux in 1260, the Pope invoked the necessity of a common alliance 
amongst the princes to oppose the common danger, and denounced 
those who should make terms with the enemy. These facts should not 

' Golden Horde, 154, 155. t Wolff, 397. 398. D'Oh»8on,ii. 181-183, 

I D'Ohsson, ii. 174-178. 


be forgotten. It is the other side of the shield. We are too apt to 
remember in the history of Christendom of the thirteenth century only the 
fierce Erastianisni and worldliness of the struggle, and to forget that 
when Europe was a mere congeries of broken fragments, made so by the 
feudal system, that the only power which was respected by all was 
constantly raised in favour of common action against the terrible enemies 
who laid Eastern Europe prostrate for so long ; but the danger seemed 
as yet far off, and the only measures apparently taken in France were the 
ordering of processions, prayers, alms, and other meritorious acts on the 
first Friday of each month,* and nothing could apparently stop the 
insane rivalries and struggles of the various princes. Thus in 1260, 
while the ruins which the Tartars had made far and wide in Poland had 
hardly ceased smoking, we find Bela of Hungary and a posse of princes, 
including Daniel of Gallicia, fighting a bloody battle with Ottokar of 
Bohemia and some other confederates, in which 30,000 men perished on 
the side of the Hungarians alone.t 

A new crusade against the Tartars was preached by the Polish 
bishops in the autumn of 1263, and the Teutonic knights, who had a 
terrible work already on their hands in struggling with the Lithuanians 
and the Prussians, were ordered to assist.J Winter was the season 
chosen by the Tartars for their campaigns. The rivers were then frozen, 
and so were the marshes, and therefore the roads were good, the 
crops were harvested, and the booty, instead of being scattered over 
pasture and forest, was gathered in the homesteads and barns, ready for 
the plunderers. In the winter of 1263 and 1264, in alliance with the 
Russians and Lithuanians, they made a fresh inroad into PoIand,§ 
and in 1264, in alliance with Swarno, a descendant of Roman, 
who sixty years before had fallen on the field of Zavikhost, they 
invaded Poland, and were defeated at the battle of Puta Statt by the 
Voivode Peter of Cracow. || This proves that the Russians were already 
showing their capacity for assimilating themselves and were marching 
shoulder to shoulder with their masters. They were also beginning a 
fresh chapter in their intercourse with their closely related but inde- 
fatigable foe Poland, that vast plain without a single mountain rampart, 
and as open to attack on all sides as a helpless unarmed woman. It 
would have indeed fared badly with the Christian world if the Tartars 
had been able to give undisturbed attention to it, and had not had their 
energies distracted by quarrels among themselves. We have now 
reached a period when their colos;sal power began to show signs of this 
inevitable weakness. 

Bereke was faithful in his allegiance to Mangu as long as he lived. 
How faithful he was may be best gathered from the fact that on 
certain of the coins struck, as I believe, in his reign, we find on one side 

• D'Ohsson, ii. 179. t Wol£f, 399. I Id. ^ Id., 400. I! Golden Horde, xji. 


the inscription, " Mangu, Supreme Khan," and on the other, " Money of 
Bolghari,"* Bolghari was at this time apparently the only mint place of 
the Golden Horde. Marco Polo tells us that Serai and Bolghari were 
the two residences of Bereke Khan. 

According to Rashid ud din, Mangu Khan died in the beginning of 
I257,t but, as Von Hammer says, this is at least two years too soon. He 
really died in the spring of 1259. Notwithstanding the difficulties raised 
by the family of Ogotai at his accession, the prompt measures he took to 
secure order seem to have cowed opposition, and during his reign he 
was obeyed without question in all parts of the Mongol world. His heir 
according to Mongol law, was his next brother Khubilai, who was at the 
time of Mangu's death engaged in a distant expedition in China, from 
which he did not make haste to return. The position of the youngest 
son, or hearth-child, in the Mongol community was one of great 
importance. As in the ancient tenure of Borough English in England, 
he heired his father's house and immediate surroundings, while the other 
brothers had their portions elsewhere, and he consequently had immense 
influence with the courtiers and those immediately round the fountain 
of power. It was thus that Tului, the youngest son of Jingis Khan, 
acquired the influence which enabled his sons to eventually occupy the 
throne of the Mongol empire. It was the hearth-child who ruled during 
the interregnum between one Khakan and another, and who summoned 
the general Kuriltai to superintend the burial of the dead Kaizar and the 
inauguration of his successor. This Kuriltai was a very important 
element in the Mongol polity. Although there was a rule of succession 
recognised, yet no Khakan was deemed legitimately seated on the throne 
until he had been duly elected by the various representatives of the wide 
Mongol world meeting together in the old Mongol land. How rigid this 
rule was, may be remembered by those who have read the account of the 
accession of Mangu, and how obedience was refused to him although he 
had been elected at a Kuriltai, because that Kuriltai was a provincial and 
not a general one. 

We are accordingly told that on the death of Mangu, Arikbugha, his 
youngest brother, summoned the various princes to meet in the dead 
Khakan's ordu to elect a successor. Khubilai perhaps feared some foul 
play, or deemed it expedient to hurry matters forward, and on the plea 
that the princes of the houses of Juchi and Jagatai were too far off", he 
summoned a special Kuriltai at Kai ping fu, in China, and there, 
supported by his brother Muke, by Kadan, son of Ogotai, and Togachar, 
son of Utsuken Noyan, brother of Jingis Khan, he was elected Khakan 
on the 4th of June, 1260. 

This was clearly an illegal election, and precipitated matters. Kara- 
korum, the capital of the Mongol empire, the heart and centre of its 

* Prseho, Resc. Num. Muh., 196. t St. Martin Memoires.&c. 1277. Golden Horde, 139, Note, 3. 


administration, was controlled, as I have said, by Arikbugha, who had 
been appointed its governor. There can be little doubt that he was an 
ambitious person, and had determined to secure the throne for himself. 
He was supported by Kotoktai, the chief wife of Mangu, by the latter's 
three sons, Ustai, Yurultash, and Siregi or Shireki, by Alghui and other 
grandsons of Jagatai, and by Arkadai Oghul, the son of Kulkan.* 

One of his supporters, Dureji, was also in possession of Peking, so 
that he controlled both capitals of the empire. On the other hand, there 
sided with Khubilai the princes who assisted at his inauguration, arid 
also Utsuken, Jingis Khan's youngest brother, who must have been a 
very old man of between eighty and ninety.t Arikbugha appointed his 
cousin Alghui to take charge of the Khanate of Jagatai ; Khubilai 
nominated Apisga, son of Buri, to the same position. He was also sure 
of the support of his brother Khulagu. 

The policy of the Golden Horde and its chief Bereke has been, as I 
believe, entirely misunderstood by D'Ohsson and Von Hammer, who 
have followed the late authorities, Mirkhond and Abulghazi. It seems 
to me clear from two considerations that Bereke supported the cause of 
Arikbugha. In the first place, coins with Arikbugha's name were struck 
at Bolghari,! and no coins were struck there with Khubilai's name upon 
them. In the next place, it is very curious that in the list of the Khans 
of the Golden Horde contained in the Yuan shi the name of Bereke does 
not occur,§ as if he was not recognised by Khubilai's descendants 
in China. It must also be noted that Bereke had a long and severe 
struggle with Khulagu, Khubilai's very faithful supporter in Persia. 
These facts seem to me conclusive. 

The statement of Mirkhond about Bereke and Arikbugha having 
fought a great battle with one another is incredible when we consider 
that he names the river Kerulon as the site of the struggle. As Schmidt has 
said, the Kerulon, in the east of Mongolia, is an impossible situation for a 
fight with the chief of the Golden Horde. I hold then that in the 
struggle between Arikbugha and Khubilai, Bereke sided with the former; 
but this was a mere episode in the history of the Golden Horde. A 
much more serious matter was the feud that arose, as I have said, 
between Bereke and Khulagu. I have already mentioned how the 
Mongols, south and north of the Caucasus, had a rival policy in regard 
to Georgia and its queen, Rusudan, in the days of Batu, but the causes 
of quarrel were now much more potent. 

When Khulagu marched westwards into Persia, he was accompanied, 
as Batu was in Hungary, by princes belonging to the other Khanates, 
each of whom seems to have had command of a contingent of men from 

• Wassaf, 22. t Golden Horde, 160. 

I These coins bear on one side the inscription " The Great Khan Arighbugha," and on the 
other " Money of Bolghari." (Frtehn, loc. cit.) { Bretichneider, 106. 


his own people. The object of this probably was to act as a check upon 
the chief commander, and to prevent him using his army for the 
furtherance of his ambition rather than in the service of the cause. 
With the contingent from the Golden Horde went, as I have said, Kuli, 
the son of Orda ; Bulghai, the son of Sheiban ; and Kutar, the grandson 
of Tewel. On the march into Syria, Bulghai died at a feast, and Kutar 
was suspected of having caused his death. Khulagu sent him, in 
accordance with the Yassa of Jingis Khan, to Bereke to be tried. He was 
found guilty and remitted to Khulagu for punishment. Khulagu put him 
to death.* Soon after Kuli died, and Bereke suspected that he had been 
poisoned. The families of the three princes made a hasty retreat from 
Persia, and embarked at Derbend for the Kipchak. Another, and per- 
haps the most important grievance of all was the fact that Bereke, who 
was a Mussulman, was naturally much irritated at the conduct of 
Khulagu towards the Khaliph and the terrible slaughter of the faithful 
that occurred in his Syrian and other campaigns. 

Again, Bereke filled the post of agha or patriarch among the princes of 
the Mongols. That post, according to the laws of Jingis, carried with 
it the subordination in many ways of the other princes, and Bereke 
patronised Khulagu somewhat pointedly, and seems to have sent him 
some harsh messages. Lastly, Bereke claimed the provinces of Arran 
and Azerbaijan as belonging to the Khanate of Juchi, whose army 
sometimes wintered south of Derbend ; while they had been assigned to 
Khulagu ir> Mangu's disposition of the western lands, and in consequence 
a fierce strife arose about them. This is the statement of Wassaf,t 
which is confirmed by that of Marco Polo.t The increasing tension of 
the relations of Bereke and Khulagu was a warning to the contingents of 
troops belonging to the Golden Horde which had marched with the 
latter that they had better escape. They accordingly scattered, one 
section reached Kipchak by way of Derbend, as I have said ; another, 
under the generals Nigudar and Ongujia, traversed Khorassan, pursued 
by Khulagu's forces, and took possession of Ghazni and the neighbouring 
district ;§ a third body, two hundred in number, took refuge in Syria, 
then subject to the Mamluk Sultan Bibars, who ordered that they should 
be well treated and supplied with barley and other grain, robes of 
honour, sugar, «S:c., and on their arrival at Cairo he went out in person 
to meet them, assigned them quarters at Luk, outside Cairo, furnished 
them with horses, &c., and persuaded them to embrace Islamism. Their 
chiefs were given the titleof Emir, while the rest of them were incorpo- 
rated among the Mamluks.|| Bibars was a Mamluk. The Mamluks were 
a corps of soldiers originally founded by the Egyptian Sultan Salahuddin, 
and consisted of young Turks, chiefly from the Kipchak, who were 

* Voa Hammer, Ilkbans, i. 216. t Von Hammer's ed., 93. J Yule's ed., ii. 495^ 

{ D'OhssoD, iii. 379, 380. i| Makrizi, i. 181. 


bought as slaves. Salih VI., descendant of Salahuddin, rewarded them 
for their faithfulness by giving their corps the pre-eminence. When the 
Mongols overran the Kipchak, a great number of young Turkish captives 
were sold, and augmented this force considerably; they were much 
trusted by the Sultans, who chose from among them their chief officers. 
Their chiefs had now become Sultans of Egypt. Bibars had belonged to 
the Kipchak tribe of the Alborlis. He was the bitter enemy of Khulagu^ 
whom he had recently defeated and driven out of Syria. His full name 
was Rokn ud din Bibars el Bundokdar. He was a Kipchak Turk by 
birth, and had been sold by the Mongols to the Venetians, by whom he 
had been again sold at Sivas to the Ayubite Sultan Malik el Moassem 
Turanshah, who put him in the Life Guards, and gave him the title of 
Bundokdar, i.e., pillar of the faith. He was then in the service of his 
successor, the Mamluk Sultan Seifuddin Kotuz. It was by his advice 
that Khulagu's envoy was put to death in July, 1260, and it was he who 
defeated Khulagu's general Keitbuka on the 3rd of September of the 
same year, and recovered Syria for the Egyptians. When returning 
from this campaign, the Sultan having refused him the government of 
Aleppo, he killed him while hunting, and made himself Sultan.* Such 
was the truculent person who now ruled in Egypt, and under whose 
patronage the Khaliphate was revived at Cairo in the person of Abul 
Kasim, the uncle of -the last Abassidan KhaUph of Baghdad, Mostassim. 

As I have said, he received the Mongol fugitives hospitably, and they 
were converted to the faith. Having questioned them about their 
country, Bibars determined to send envoys to Bereke, and chose for the 
purpose an old employe (a jamdar) of the Khuarezm Shah Jelal ud din, 
named Seif ud din Keshrik, who knew the country and language, and 
the Jurisconsult Majd ud din, together with two of the Mongol fugitives.! 
These envoys were bearers of a letter, in which Bibars assured Bereke of 
his friendly feeling towards him, urged him to fight against Khulagu, 
boasted of the number of his troops, consisting of Turks, Kurds, and 
Arabs ; recounted the Mussulman and Frank princes who were his 
vassals, and ended by telling him of the recent arrival in Egypt of the 
fugitives, who had told him he was their master. He also sent him a 
solemnly certified genealogy of the Khaliph Hakim, whom he was about 
to have duly inaugurated. These envoys left with provisions for several 
months, but the doctor fell ill at Constantinople (probably of home 
sickness), and returned to Egypt.J 

Let us now revert to the quarrel between Bereke and Khulagu. The 
tension having at length become too great, a body of 30,000 men, under 
Nogai, the cousin of the murdered Kutar, was despatched by Bereke to 
attack his rival. Wassaf describes the advance of this army in 
very turgid phrases. The passage has been well translated by Colonel 

• Wolff, 403. 1 D'Ohsson, iii. 384. 385- I Makrizi, i. 188. D'Ohsson, iii. 38$. 


Yule. It runs as follows : — " In the winter of 662," i.e.^ 1262, " when the 
almighty goldsmith covered the river of Derbend with plates of silver, 
and the furrier of the winter had clad the hills and heaths with ermine. 
The river being frozen hard as stone to the depth of a spear's length, an 
army of Mongols went forth at the command of Bereke Oghul, filthy as 
ghuls and devils of the wilderness, and as numerous as the rain drops, 
their waves rolled over the frozen river with the speed of the wind and of 
fire. The rattling of their waggons and horses' hoofs was hke thunder 
and lightning. With the flaming fires of rage did they advance as far as 
the Kur. The army of Khulagu marched against them."* 

Nogai, having passed the defile of Derbend, encamped in the district 
of Shirvan. The army of Khulagu set out meanwhile from Alatak 
(his summer residence, situated in the mountains about the sources of 
the Euphrates). It was made up of contingents from the different 
provinces of Persia. His advance guard, under Shiramun, son of the 
great Chormagun, was completely defeated, but another body, under 
Abatai and Basmahgai, was equally successful near Shaburan or 
Shabran.t Nogai was put to flight. The forces of Khulagu thereupon 
having occupied Shamakhi, set out again for Derbend, the famous 
fortress defending the eastern flanks of the Caucasus. This was 
captured after a three days' struggle, and eight days later Nogai was 
again defeated. This was on the i6th of December, 1262. 

Khulagu had sent his eldest son Abaka to assist his two generals. 
When Nogai had been beaten, they begged him to return to his 
father, while they pursued the enemy ; but this he would not consent to 
do, and the army accordingly advanced, commanded by Abaka and nine 
other leaders, namely, Shiramun, Abatai, Turan Behadir, Batu, Saljidai, 
Chaghan, Belarghu, Kodos, and Ilkai Noyan.| They advanced to the 
Terek, and came up to Nogai's camp, which they found abandoned. 
The steppe was strewn with tents, horses, mules, cattle, and sheep, and 
also apparently with women and children. For three days the pursuers 
revelled in their booty, and made free with the maidens they found in 
the camp. 

While thus given up to debauchery, Bereke arrived with a large army 
from the north. A fierce fight ensued on the 13th of January, 1263, 
which lasted from dawn till sunset, and ended in the defeat of Khulagu's 
army, which in retiring across the frozen Terek broke the ice, and thus a 
great number of the soldiers perished. Abaka was pursued by Bereke 
as far as Derbend. Meanwhile let us revert somewhat. 

The envoys who had been sent by Bibars met on their way some 
ambassadors who were going to Egypt from Bereke. The former were 
well treated by the Emperor Michael Palaeologos, who paid the expenses 

• Yule's Marco Polo, ii. 496. Von Hammer's Wassaf, 93. 
t Journ. Asiat., 4th ser., xvii. 123. Note. X Golden Horde, 167. 


of their journey onwards. Their audience with the Emperor was at 
Aniah (/.<?., ^nia), whence they reached Constantinople in twenty 
days, and went on by Istambul to Deksaita (? Odessa), which was the 
port of embarkation for Sudak. The sea passage generally took ten 
days, but with favourable winds two days. Having arrived at the top 
of the mountain of Sudak, they found Tabuk or Taiuk, the governor of 
the district, who furnished them with horses and conducted them to 
Krim, which was inhabited by Kipchaks, Russians, and Alans. Having 
gone on a day's journey, they entered a great plain, where they met 
Tukbuka (? Tulubuka), who commanded the whole province, and was 
set over a tuman or 10,000 horsemen. After journeying for twenty days 
over a steppe covered with tents and herds, they reached the river Itil 
{i.e., the Volga), where the camp of Bereke was. They tell us the river 
was as big as the Nile, and was navigated by many Russian boats. The 
travellers had been supplied with sheep and other provisions on their 
route. On nearing the Ordu, the Vizier Shiref ud din, who was a native 
of Kazvin and spoke both Arabic and Turk, came out to meet them. He 
furnished them with very good lodgings and with meat, fish, milk, and 
other provisions. They were at length admitted to an audience, and 
rigidly observed the prescribed etiquette. Entering on the left side they 
delivered their letters, and then passed on to the right, where they 
knelt down. No one was allowed to enter the Khan's tent with a sword, 
knife, mace, or other arms. It was forbidden to tread on the wooden 
threshold of the tent, to remove one's armour except on the left side of 
the tent, to carry a bow which was strung or in its case, or arrows in a 
quiver, to eat snow, or to wash one's clothes within the camp. In all 
this the narrative of the envoys exactly confirms those of the Christian 
missionaries Carpini and Rubruquis. The tent of audience would hold 
100, or according to others 500 men. It was covered outside with white 
felt, and lined inside with rich silken hangings, decorated with pearls 
and precious stones. Bereke was seated on his throne with his legs 
propped up with cushions, as he had the gout. Beside him sat his chief 
wife Tagtagai Khatun. He had two other wives, Jijck Khatun and 
Kehar Khatun, but none of them had given him any children. He had 
but little beard, and his face was big and of a yellow colour. His hair 
was plaited into tresses hanging beside his ears, from each one of 
which there hung a precious stone of great value. He was dressed in a 
robe of Chinese silk, with his head covered with a cap. His boots were 
made of red velvet. He did not wear a sword, but had a gold belt 
decorated with stones, from which hung a purse of green Bolghari 
leather. In this girdle or belt were inserted some black horns, bent and 
incrusted with gold. About him were fifty or sixty emirs sitting on 
seats.* The envoys having been admitted presented their letters, and 

* Quatremere, Makrizi, i, 214, 215. Notes. 


the vizier was ordered to read them ; they then passed on from the left 
side to the right, and were placed against the wall of the tent 
behind the emirs. They were supplied with kumiz and cooked honey, 
after which meat and fish were handed them. After they had eaten, the 
Khan ordered that they should be lodged in the quarter of his favourite 
wife Jijek Khatun, and the following morning they were received by that 
princess in her tent. They had several audiences with Bereke, who 
asked them many questions about Egypt, about elephants and giraffes, 
and one day asked if the report was true that there was a giant's bone 
thrown across the Nile which served as a bridge. The envoys rephed 
that they had not heard of such a thing.* 

The Sultan's letter was translated into Turkish by the Kadhi of the 
Kadhis, who lived near Bereke. A copy of it was read before Bereke, who 
seemed much pleased with the contents. He at length sent the envoys 
back again, accompanied by an embassy of his own. They arrived 
safely in Egypt in the year 1263. They reported that each princess and 
emir at the court of Bereke had an imaum and a crier, who cried out the 
hours of prayer, and that the children in the schools were taught from 
the Koran.t While these envoys were on their way to Bereke the latter, 
in view of his impending struggle with Khulagu, had himself despatched 
two envoys, whose arrival at Constantinople I have already mentioned. 
These envoys were named Jelal ud din el Kadhi and the Sheikh 
Nureddin Ali. With them arrived the commandant of the Genoese, and 
envoys from the Emperor Michael, and from Iz ud din, Sultan of Rum. 
Bibars was then on his way home from an expedition into Syria, in 
which he had captured the town of Karak. They were received in a 
grand audience by the Sultan, and there Nureddin presented a letter 
from Bereke, in which he set out that he had become a Mussulman, 
together with his brothers, their children, and a great number of emirs, 
giving the name of each and the tribe to which he belonged ; that he 
was the enemy of Khulagu, against whom he intended to fight, in order 
to strengthen and restore the faith to its ancient grandeur, and to 
revenge the death of the Khaliph, the imaums, and other Mussulmans who 
had been put to death contrary to justice. He asked Bibars to send an 
army to the Euphrates to cut off Khulagu's retreat and recommended to 
his favour Iz ud din, the joint Sultan of Rum, and the rival of Rokn ud 
din, who was the /r^/^_^<? of Khulagu. Bibars received the envoys with 
great honour, gave them a splendid feast, and paid them visits every 

* In regard to this report, M. Quatreraere tells us it was founded on a very ancient Arabic 
tradition. In " The History of the Conquest of Egypt," written by Abd al Hakam, we are told 
that a giant named Auj, having been killed by Moses, his body fell across the Nile and made a 
bridge. Schiltberger, the Bavarian traveller, tells us that there was a bridge in Arabia made 
out of a giant's leg-bone, which united two rocks separated by a deep chasm. Travellers to 
Arabia had to cross this bridge. A toll was charged, from the proceeds of which oil was bought 
with which to oil the bone, and thus prevent it decaying. (Op. cit., 218. Note.) 

t Id., 215. 


Tuesday and Saturday, the two days on which he was accustomed to 
play at tennis.* 

The newly founded Khaliphate was then represented by Hakim bi amr 
allah, and we are told he caused the khutbah, or Friday state prayer, to 
be pronounced in the presence of Bereke's ambassadors. The names of 
Bereke and Bibars were mentioned together in the prayer, and after- 
wards the Khaliph had a conference with the Sultan and the envoys, in 
which various points of the faith were discussed. Some days after 
Bibars presented the envoys with some rich robes of State. On 
their return they were accompanied by two ambassadors from Bibars, 
namely, the emir Fares ud din Akush Masudi and the sherif Amad ud 
din Hashemi. They bore with them a letter written by the scribe 
Mohi ud din ben Abd aldaher. This letter was written on seventy 
sheets of paper of Baghdad. It contained, we are told, all the verses of 
the Koran, and all the traditions which urge that war should be made on 
the infidels ; then followed the passages and traditions referring to 
Egypt, an account of the shrines there to which pilgrimages were made, 
and of the mosques where prayers were said for the Sultan, with pro- 
testations of amity for Bereke, and a recital of all that could flatter that 
prince, irritate him against his enemies and increase the Sultan's import- 
ance in his eyes. The tale of the Egyptian army was told, and the results 
of its prowess were narrated. The letter was read over to the Sultan, 
who made some alterations and additions. The presents which Bibars 
sent form an interesting catalogue of what was then deemed most valuable 
in the East. Among them was a copy of the Koran, traditionally said to 
have been written by the Khaliph Othman. It was contained in a case of 
red silk embroidered with gold, and this in another of leather ; a throne 
decorated with carved ivory and ebony, a silver casket with a lock of the 
same metal, carpets for saying the Namaz or prayer upon, of different 
kinds and colours, curtains of different kinds, numbers of seats, cushions, 
and stands for torches, splendid swords with silver handles, musical 
instruments in painted wood wrapped in cases, silver lamps and candle- 
sticks, saddles from Khuarczm, bows from Damascus with silken cords, 
wooden spears of Kana whose iron heads had been tempered by the 
Arabs, beautiful arrows in leathern boxes, warming pots of the stone of 
Beram, great enamelled lamps with chains of silver gilt, black eunuchs, 
young girls skilled in cookery, parroquets of gorgeous plumage, Arab 
horses, dromedaries, swift and active mules, wild asses, and monkeys, 
saddles for the dromedaries, bits and bridles, woollen saddlecloths for 
the mules, silk dresses for the monkeys, and several giraffes with 
painted saddlecloths and bridles.t Among the presents there was also a 
turban which had been to Mecca, for Bibars had commissioned one of 
his officers to perform the pilgrimage to that town in Bereke's name.| 

* Id, ,315, Note. t Quatremere, op. cit,, 216. Note, I D'Ohsion, iii. 390, 391. 

• • 


Abul Kasim, the first of the Cairene line of Abbassidan Khaliphs, 
was the brother of Mostansir, the predecessor of Mostassim, the last 
Khaliph of Baghdad, who was killed by Khulagu. He had been defeated, 
and lost his life in a struggle with the Mongols on the 20th of 
November, 1261, when he was attempting to recover Baghdad,* and 
was succeeded by El Hakim bi emir illahi Abul Abbas Ahmed, who had 
escaped in the recent struggle with the Mongols, and found refuge in 
Egypt. He was the fourth in descent from the Khaliph Mostereshid, 
who had been killed by the Assassins in ii35.t On the 5th of August, 
1262, the new Khaliph pronounced the khutbah in presence of the Sultan 
and his courtiers, in the name of Bibars, ruler of Egypt and Syria, and 
of Bereke, ruler of the Kipchak. Bibars also sent couriers to Mecca 
and Medina to order the name of Bereke to be inserted after his own in 
this solemn Friday state prayer of the Mussulman world. The same 
thing was done at Jerusalem.t A copy of the khutbah was also 
sent to Bereke, and likewise the 200 Tartars who had sought refuge 
in Egypt. 

We can well believe that in this sumptuous hospitality there was 
something more than mere friendship on the part of the Great Sultan 
for a valuable ally and a recent convert to the faith, that it rather 
represented the patriotic yearnings of the Kipchak slave for his old land 
and its ruler, and that the Mamluk Sultan was only too pleased to be 
able to intervene in the affairs of his old land as the dispenser of the 
luxuries and surroundings of civilisation ; and it was from this source, as 
we shall see presently, that the Khanate of Kipchak received its culture, 
and was eventually converted from a mere camp of Nomades into a 
State with solidly built cities and a well organised administration. 
This culture acted no doubt beyond these limits, and among much that 
was deplorable gave a new life to the Russian form of Greek civilisation, 
and prevented it from dying of mere inanity, as it did at Byzantium. 

The envoys and their charges were shipped on a large vessel, with a 
great number of archers and arbalisters, with provisions for a year. The 
party was detained at Constantinople by the Greek Emperor, on the plea 
than Khulagu would be suspicious of their intentions, and that he was 
his ally. After fifteen months of delay, he allowed the Sherif to return 
to Egypt. Fares ud din Akush was detained for two years, during which 
time the greater part of the slaves and animals which he took with him 
perished, and the other presents were much spoiled.§ When news of 
this treacherous conduct on the part of the Greek Emperor reached 
Bibars, the latter summoned the patriarchs and bishops, and asked their 
canonical decision in regard to one who had broken his word. They all 
replied that he ought to be excommunicated. He then despatched a 
monk who was a Greek philosopher, a bishop, and a priest to the 

*Id.,36g. t/<(-i39i. I III' 3 Quatremere, op. cit., 217. Note. | MRkrui, i. 240. 


Emperor to convey their excommunication to him. He also wrote him 
a very severe letter. 

Meanwhile Bereke, who had [doubtless heard of the detention, had 
made an attack upon the empire, and approached Constantinople. 
Michael thereupon sent out Fares ud din Akush, who had probably been 
gained over, to say that the detention had been at his own instance, and 
that Michael wished to be the friend and ally of Bereke as he was of 
Bibars. Upon this the Tartars retired. Fares ud din was released, and 
allowed to continue his journey, and Michael sent an envoy with him on 
his own account, offering the Khan his friendship and a tribute of 300 silk 
robes. On his audience with Bereke, Fares ud din laid the blame of his 
delay on the Emperor, whereupon the Tartar Khan reminded him of his 
former story, and said he should inform Bibars and leave him to punish 
him, Iz ud din, the Sultan of Rum, had written to Bibars to inform him 
of Fares ud din's tortuous conduct, and telling him that he had been 
largely bribed by Michael. On his return to Egypt the latter was there- 
fore arrested, and the precious objects which he had received, and which 
amounted to 40,000 dinars, were confiscated.* 

Three months after the envoys of Bibars had left Cairo, there arrived 
there a body of 1,300 Mongols and Behadurs {i.e., warriors) who had 
migrated from Khulagu's kingdom. Soon after, we read that Hosam- 
eddin, son of Bereke, who had gone to Cairo to cement the friendship 
of his father and Bibars, died, and on the 9th of November, 1262, Bibars 
attended his funeral, marching on foot with the crowd.t The next day 
there arrived another body of Tartars, whose chiefs were Keremun, 
Amtaghiah Nokiah, Jerek, Kaian, Nasaghiah, Taishur, Bentu, Sobhi, Jau- 
jelan, Aj-Karka, Adkerek, Kerai, Salaghiah, Motakaddem, and Daragan. 
The Sultan went out to meet them. When they saw him they dismounted 
and kissed the ground before him. He received them well and gave 
them State robes, and then went to visit the tomb of Bereke's son. A 
third bcpdy of Tartars soon after arrived, and were also received with 
honour; their leaders were given the title of emir. At Bibars' solicitation 
they became Mussulmans and were circumcised.f 

In August, 1265, Bibars sent one of his chamberlains, Shuja ud din 
ben Daiah the Hajib to prevail upon Bereke to cease his incursions on 
the territory of the Greek Emperor, who had asked for his intercession. 
He also sent him three turbans that had been to Mecca, two marble 
vases, some balm, water from the wells of Zemzem, and three pictures 
representing the ceremonies of the pilgrimage to Mecca, drawn on gilded 
paper which he had made at Bereke's instance. § 

This contest with Byzantium has been described at some length by 
Pachymeres and Metrophanes. The former dates it in 1265 and the 

* Defremery, Makrizi, ai8. Note. t MakrizI, op. cit., i. 221, 33a. Ilkhans, i. 318. 

I Mnkrizi, i, 222. % D'Ohsson. iii. 393, 393- Makrizi, ii. 19. 


latter in 1264.* I have previously referred to the strife between 
the two brothers Rokn ud din and Iz ud din, who were joint 
Sultans of Rum or Asia Minor. The latter had allied himself 
with the Egyptian Sultan Bibars, and had incurred the jealousy 
of Khulagu. Pressed hard by his brother and the Mongols, he 
took refuge at Constantinople, where he was well received by Michael 
Palaeologos, who had recently won back for the Greeks the Byzantine 
crown, which for fifty-seven years had been usurped by the Franks. 
With Iz ud din there went his general Ali Behadur and his equerry 
Oghuslu. Michael was not powerful enough to quarrel with Khulagu, and 
was in fact negotiating with him for a marriage with his daughter, he 
readily, therefore, fell in with a suggestion of Iz ud din that he should 
make him a grant of land in Rumelia. He granted him the Dobruja, 
i.e., the land between the Danube and the sea, a name probably con- 
nected in etymology with the Dobiros of Thucydides. 

Iz ud din accordingly crossed the water from Nicomedia to Scutari, 
and took with him the Turcoman tribe Saltukdede, with some 
other Turk families, who all settled in the Dobruja. These were 
the first Turks who settled in Europe, and the date of the occurrence 
was 1263. The number of the emigrants was from 10,000 to 12,000 
families. One day a proposal was made to Iz ud din at a feast 
to dethrone the Emperor and seize the throne. News was taken 
to Michael, who seized the conspirators and imprisoned the Sultan 
and his son at the castle of Enos, on the south coast of Rumelia, 
fifty miles from Constantinople. Upon this Rokn ud din, the former 
rival of Iz ud din, sent messengers to Bereke begging him to invade the 
Byzantine dominions and release his brother. Iz ud din also found 
means to send Bereke a letter, and to conspire with Constantine, the 
King of Bulgaria and the protegd of Bereke. The latter sent a con- 
siderable army, which crossed the frozen Danube and marched to the 
Haemus, chased the Imperial forces from one place to another, and 
at length laid siege to Enos. The Emperor gained the hill of Ganos, 
whence he escaped by sea to Constantinople. The Bulgarians, under their 
King Constantine, assisted with a contingent at the siege. One section 
of the defenders was for surrendering the castle, the other for killing the 
Sultan Iz ud din. At length terms were made with Constantine, by which 
the Sultan was to be surrendered to him but not the castle. The Tartars 
retired with their prize. His mother, sister, and two young sons, 
however, were carried off to Constantinople, and his riches were con- 
fiscated.t The Turcomans who had settled in the Dobruja were 
carried off to the steppes of Kipchak. They were settled there, and the 
Sultan was granted an appanage in the Crimea. There he held the two 

* Stritter, iii. 1047, &c. 
t Von Hammer, Golden Horde, i;6-i79. Stritter, iii. 1046-1060. 


towns of Soljak and Sudak, where he died in 1279. A mosque in 
Moldavia, where he also had an appanage, bore his name.* 

Let us now revert to the strife between Bereke and his rival Khulagu. 
The latter returned to Tebriz in a very ill humour after the defeat of his 
troops, and gave orders for raising another army. He wreaked his 
vengeance on the merchants from Kipchak, who were then at Tebriz, 
whom he seized and put to death, and confiscated their goods. Wassaf, 
in a peculiarly business like tone, says that much that was seized did not 
belong to these traders, who were mere agents for people elsewhere. 
Bereke made reprisals, and put to death the merchants in his dominions 
who were subjects of Khulagu. Upon this the latter enlarged his opera- 
tions. Bokhara was at this time garrisoned by contingents from the several 
Khanates, and we are told that of the sixteen Hezarehs (or regiments) 
there, five belonged to the Golden Horde, three to the Emperor's mother 
Siurkukteni, and the rest to the Balghkul, i.e., to the common property 
of the Imperial family. Khulagu ordered the retainers of the Golden 
Horde at Bokhara to be driven out of the city into the adjoining plain. 
They were there slaughtered, their goods were plundered, and their 
women and children were reduced to slavery.! 

In the next year, />., 1264, rumours were abroad that another army 
was meditating an assault from Kipchak, and Khulagu sent the Sheikh 
Sherif Tebriz to Lesghistan to make inquiries. He was captured and 
taken before Nogai, who demanded of him bitterly why Khulagu had put 
to death mere traders and dervishes instead of attacking warriors and 
nobles. The Sheikh tried to excuse his master on the giound that he was 
much excited by the civil strife between his brothers Khubilai and 
Arikbugha. He also told him how the civil war had been quelled, and 
how Khubilai had named Khulagu, llkhan and Padishah of the country 
from the Oxus to the borders of Syria, and had sent him 30,000 youfig 
Mongols to reinforce his army. This news cooled the ardour of Nogai, 
and the Sheikh returned to Khulagu with the news that, although he had 
not secured peace, he need not fear any attack.j Khulagu died on the 
8th of February, 1 264, and was succeeded by his son Abaka, 

In 1265 Nogai, as the general of Bereke, made another incursion by 
way of Derbend. Yashmut, the brother of Abaka, who commanded the 
frontier from Derbend to Alatak, crossed the Kur and encountered the 
Kipchak army near the river Aksu. After a severe struggle, during which 
Nogai was wounded in the eye, the army of the Golden Horde was 
forced to retire in disorder to Shirvan. Upon this Abaka in turn crossed 
the Kur, but hearing that Bereke was on the other side with a formidable 
army, which rumour put at 300,000 men, he recrossed the river, broke 
down the bridges, and encamped on its southern bank. The two armies 
faced one another for fifteen days, and their archers practised across the 

• Golden Horde, 187. t Wassaf, 94. \ Ukhans, i. 221. 


river upon each other, when Bereke marched westwards, intending to 
cross near Tiflis ; but he died on the way, and his army retired. His 
body was taken to Serai, while his troops dispersed,* 

I must now revert a little to mention some other events of interest that 
happened during the reign of Bereke. Probably piqued by the family 
alliance that Khulagu had made with Michael Palteologos in agreeing to 
marry his daughter, Bereke aimed at a similar alliance, and proposed to 
Bela IV., King of Hungary, that either one of his own daughters should 
marry Bela's son, or that one of Bela's daughters should marry his son. 
I have already described how the King of Hungary deputed the question 
to the Pope Alexander IV., and how he decided that it would be 
scandalous to marry a Christian princess to a heathen. 

It was during the reign of Bereke that the elder Poli, uncles of Marco 
Polo, visited the Kipchak. The Poli were Venetian merchants, and had 
a house at Constantinople and another at Soldaia in the Crimea. In 
1260, we find that two of the partners, who were brothers and were 
named Nicplo and Mafifeo, setting out from Constantinople! on a trade 
venture to the Crimea. They laid in a store of jewels, and set forth from 
Constantinople, crossing the sea to Soldaia ; having stayed there a while 
they went on to the court of Bereke Khan, whose residences Marco Polo 
tells us were at Serai and Bolghari. He was esteemed, he tells us, as 
one of the most liberal and courteous princes that ever was among the 
Tartars. He treated the two brothers with great honour, and they 
presented him with all the jewels they took with them. When they had 
been a twelvemonth at his court there broke out the war, already 
described, between Bereke and Khulagu, who is called "Alau the Lord of 
the Tartars of the Levant" by him.} He has devoted four chapters to the 
struggle between the two Khans, but they consist merely of conventional 
phraseology, and furnish us with no details to add to the account already 
given. He tells us that in consequence of the war no one could travel 
without peril of being taken, at least on the route by which the two 
brothers had gone to Serai, so they determined to go onwards. Quitting 
Bolghari they proceeded to Ukek, and thence passing the great river 
Tigris {i.e., the Volga), they travelled across a desert for seventeen days' 
journey, meeting with no towns or villages on the way, but only with 
Tartar encampments, and at length reached Bokhara. § 

Bereke died, as I have stated, near Tebriz, in 1265. He left two 
sons, one of whom had four sons, the other one, but none of them 
succeeded to the throne. Abulfeda tells us they lived in the town of 
Saksin. The fame of Bereke was very wide spread. As over-lord of 
the Russian princes, as the ally of Bibars, and the rival of Khulagu, he 
fills an important page in history. His subjects long after his death 

* Golden Horde, 172. Ilkhans, 254. D'Ohsson, iii. 418. 
Yule's Marco Polo, Introduction, 14, 15. I Op. cit., text, 4, 5. $ Id., i. 5-10. 


called the steppe that lies between the Volga and the Ural after his 
name. It was known as the Desht Bereke. Even so late as the time of 
Abulfeda the Mongols of the Kipchak were called the Barkai Tartars. 
Bibars, the Sultan of Egypt, called his son, Muhammed Bereke Khan, no 
doubt after his friend and ally the chief of the Golden Horde. 

It was the intercourse which Bereke had with Egypt and Byzantium 
which first enabled the Tartars to secure sufficiently skilled artisans 
for the building of costly structures, while his conversion to Muham- 
medanism made his court the resort of the peddlars and merchants 
of Persia and other homes of Islam. This conversion was a veiy serious 
matter in other ways. It commenced a process of disintegration, 
in consequence of which it was found impossible presently to 
keep up even a formal obedience to the Great Khan. Islam is too 
proud a faith to yoke itself at the chariot wheels of peaceful Buddha or 
of the Fetishism of the Shamans ; and it is further, as we know in 
numberless other cases, a great civilising power among semi-barbarous 
races. We shall find that from this date, however well the Tartars 
of the Russian steppe kept up their renown for martial virtue, that 
they ceased to be the ferocious creatures they were but a generation 
before, when they desolated Khorassan. While they became, by 
accepting the law of the prophet, an important factor in the world of 
nations who were bound together by the freemasonry of the Crescent. 
That great brotherhood was as yet largely free from the fierce strife 
which separated Sunni and Shia at a later period, while in regard to 
literature and art the very heyday of its prosperity was fast dawning. 

Bereke, as the first important Mongol convert, becomes under these 
circumstances an important historical figure ; but we must on with our 


Bereke, judged by Western rules of succession, was a usurper, but 
according to the law of the East, which prevails with the Mongols and 
Turks, and prevailed also in the mediaeval times among the Russian 
princes, brother was succeeded by brother, at least until the nephews 
were sufficiently old to reign. It is the inevitable and probably 
the only feasible plan of succession among nomadic and predatory 
peoples, where the strong man is chosen to fill the place of chieftain. On 
Bereke's death his brother Berkajar survived him, but he did not succeed 
to the throne, nor did Bereke himself found a line of rulers. One son of 
his, named Hosameddin, is mentioned as dying in Egypt in 1262 ;* 

• Ilkhans, 218. 


another one, named Salah ud din, as among the leaders of the Mamluks 
there.* On Bereke's death the inheritance passed again into the 
family of Batu. 

Batu left four sons, Sertak, Tutukan or Toghan, Andewan, and Ulaghji 
or Ghulasji. Sertak is given a son named Kanju in Rashid's lists, 
but as he does not occur in history he was doubtless now dead. On the 
extinction of the line of Sertak, Tutukan's descendants became the heirs 
to the Khanate. Tutukan or Toghan, i.e., the falcon,t had five sons, 
Bartu, Mangu Timur, Burasinku, Tuda Mangu, and Udaji, of whom 
Bartu was probably at this time dead. The mother of Mangu Timur was 
sister to one of the wives of Khulagu. They were both daughters of 
Buka Timur, whose mother Chichegen was the fourth daughter of Jingis 
Khan, so that both on the father's and mother's side he was directly 
descended from the great conqueror.| We are told he granted the 
country of the Ak Orda or White Horde to Behadir, the son of Sheiban, 
and to Ureng Timur, the son of Tuka Timur, he gave the towns of Krim 
and Kaffa in the Crimea. Von Hammer, in pursuit of a strange theory, 
would make out that this Tuka Timur was the grandson of Orda, Batu's 
eldest brother, and further suggests that Ureng Timur was the grandson 
and not the son of Tuka Timur, thus removing him by four generations 
from Orda, an impossible theory. I have no doubt that Ureng Timur 
was the son of Tuka Timur, the youngest brother of Batu, the 
founder of the Blue Horde, to which I shall return presently. Orda 
and his family lived far to the east, and were far removed from Mangu's 

Mangu Timur was nominated to the Khanate of Kipchak by the 
Khakan Khubilai, but he did not long retain his allegiance to him. 
When Arikbugha submitted in 1264, his cousin Kaidu, one of his chief 
supporters and the heir to the pretensions of his grandfather Ogotai, 
refused to acknowledge Khubilai, and returned to the special ulus of his 
family on the river Imil. Endowed with considerable talents, he 
succeeded, we are told, in gaining the friendship of the princes who 
ruled the ulus of Juchi, and with their assistance recovered the country 
watered by the Imil which belonged to Ogotai and Kuyuk.§ 

Gaubil tells us that after the death of Mangu, Kaidu earned a con- 
siderable state for himself in the country of Ohmali {i,e., Almaligh), made 
himself popular among the people there, and among the chiefs of the 
tribes who camped north-north-east of Turfan and west and north of the 
Altai, and also won over several princes of his family. || That Mangu 
Timur was won over seems clear from the subsequent proceedings, and 
from the further fact that on his coins the name of Khubilai does not 
appear. Early in 1267, we are told that Bibars, the Sultan of Egypt? 

* Makrizi, ii. ai8. t Golden Horde, 248. \ Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 250. 

S D'OhsBon, ii. 360, 361. ] Op. cit., 471. Ante, vol, i. '74- 


wrote to Mangu Timur to condole with him on the death of Bereke, and 
to incite him against the son of Khulagu {i.e., the Ilkhan Abaka).* 

In 1269, we read of envoys of Mangu Timur being at Damascus, and 
there meeting those of the Greek Emperor and of Abaka, the Ilkhan of 
Persia.t Mangu Timur continued the struggle which Bereke had begun 
with Abaka, but we do not hear of any direct invasion of Persia, which 
was probably prevented by the rampart the Ilkhan had erected near 
Derbend. In the year 1270, according to Makrizi, the Egyptian Sultan 
received a letter from Bisou Nogai informing him of his conversion to 
the faith. He is called a relative of Bereke's and the commandant of his 
army, and was no doubt the Nogai previously mentioned.t 

Let us now turn to the intercourse of the Tartars with the Russians at 
this time. On the death of Alexander Nevski, in 1263, the grand 
principality of Vladimir fell to his brother Andrew, who, however, only 
lived a few months, and was in turn succeeded by his brother Yaroslaf 
of Tuer. The people of Novgorod were engaged in the early years of his 
reign in a very sanguinary war with the Danes and their allies the 
Knights of Livonia. This was not much favoured by the Grand Prince, 
but as his dependents at Novgorod were an obstinate race, they had 
their own way, and as further they got rather the worst of it in the 
struggle, he was constrained to assist them. 

The position of Novgorod at this time was a singularly interesting one. 
Perhaps the most important member of the Hanseatic league, its 
merchants were very rich and enterprising, and it possessed municipal 
liberties which might have been the envy of Lubeck and Hamburgh in 
later times. The Grand Prince, by a special treaty, had undertaken not 
to appoint any but natives as magistrates there, and they were to be 
personce gratce to the possadnik. The dues he received were not called 
a tax, but were styled presents. He even undertook that neither 
himself nor his boyards should acquire any demesnes in any of the 
possessions of Novgorod, namely, in Beyitzi, Volok, Torgek, Vologda, 
Zavolochia, Kola, Permia, or among the Petchorians or Yugrians. He 
was pervtitted to visit the town of Russa in the autumn. While at 
Ladoga only the officer who went for the fish and hydromel supplied to 
his table was admitted. He undertook that the citizens should not be 
transferred from their own lands, willingly or otherwise, nor seized as 
debtors, and that his grandees who visited the republic should pay for 
the horses, &c., which they used. The citizens on their part undertook 
to pay a customs tax of a squirrel skin for each small boat, cart, and bale 
of linen or hops,§ 

Novgorod at this time had a quarrel with its neighbour Lithuania. 
Mindug, the king of the latter country, as well as Tortivil, Prince of 

* M&krizi, ii. 48. \ Ilkhans, 258. D'Ohsson, iii. 426. I Makrizi, ii. 82, 

§ Karamzin, iv. 114- 11 6. 


Polotsk, his brother-in-law, had been assassinated in 1263. Tortivil's 
sons took refuge at Novgorod. Mindug's son Voichelg, after a reign of 
sanguinary cruelty at Novogrodok, had been baptised during his father's 
lifetime, had then retired from the world and founded a monastery on the 
banks of the Niemen, where he lived. On his father's murder he left 
his retreat, headed an army, and exacted a terrible vengeance. He was 
speedily acknowledged as king, and 300 Lithuanian families took refuge 
at Pskof, the younger sister of Novgorod. The citizens of Pskof put a 
relative of Mindug's named Dovmont, who had been baptised, at their 
head without Yaroslaf's consent, and ravaged the province of Gerden, 
a Lithuanian prince. It was at this time that the allied Novgorodians 
and Pskovians had a bloody struggle with the Danes, who were the 
rulers of Esthonia, and their allies the famous German Knights of 
Livonia. As I have mentioned, the struggle was a severe one, and many 
lives were lost, the balance of advantages being against the Russians.* 
The Grand Prince, although he disapproved of the war, agreed to assist 
his proteges, and his troops with those of his dependents, the princes of 
Suzdal, accordingly assembled at Novgorod. There also went Amragan 
or Arghaman, the chief Baskak or Tartar commissioner of Vladimir, and 
his son-in-law Haidar, who took part in the council, and approved of the 
Russians attacking Revel ; but the Danes and the Livonian knights 
were cowed by the preparations, and agreed to surrender the country on 
the banks of the Narva to the Russians.t 

Shortly after this, in the year 1270, the people of Novgorod quarrelled 
with and drove Yaroslaf away for his incapacity and tyranny. Like 
his brother Alexander, he seems to have been on good terms with the 
Tartars, and he now appealed to them for help, and sent Ratibor as his 
envoy to report how his master had been driven away, and how the 
people of Novgorod had determined to kill himself (Ratibor) and others 
merely because they had demanded the tribute which was due to the 
^han. The latter had already despatched an army, when it was recalled 
at the instance of Vasili, Yaroslaf's brother, who explained that the 
Novgorodians had good reason for expelling Yaroslaf, and that the story 
of Ratibor was untrue. Yaroslaf then marched alone against his 
rebellious subjects, with whom peace was at length made, at the inter- 
cession of Cyril, the Metropolitan of Kief. A treaty was drawn up 
between them, which is still extant in the Russian archives, and 
Karamzin tells us the deed is sealed with a leaden seal, and there is a 
note on the back stating that Schevgn and Banchi, the envoys of the 
Khan, had come in his name to reinstate Yaroslaf on the throne of 
Novgorod, showing, as he says, how servilely dependent the Russian 
princes had become. 

Meanwhile perfect tranquillity reigned in the Grand Principality, or, to 

* /({., I2I-I2S. 1 Karamsin, iv. laj, ia6. Golden Horde, 335, 256. 


use the phrase of Karamzin, " it supported in silence the yoke of 
siavery."* Gleb, the Prince of Bielosersk made a journey to the horde 
and returned safely.t On the other hand, Roman, the Prince of Riazan, 
had the temerity to speak slightingly of Islam, the faith the court 
had recently adopted. He was cut limb from limb, and his head, after 
being stripped of its skin, was exposed on a lance.f Notwithstanding 
(this severity, Christians were tolerated at the court. In 1269, Metro- 
phanes sent in a description of the bishopric of Serai. He is first 
named as Bishop of Serai in I26i.§ He apparently died in 1269, for we 
are told that in that year Theognost was nominated Bishop of Serai 
and Pereislavl by Cyril, the metropolitan of Kief.|| In 1272, the Grand 
Prince went with his brother Vasili and his nephew Dimitri Alexandre - 
vitch to the horde, but died on his way home. 

On the death of Yaroslaf, he was succeeded as Grand Prince by 
his brother Vasili, Prince of Kostroma ; his nephew Dimitri and he 
were both candidates for the suffrages of the Novgorodians. The former, 
however, prevailed, inasmuch as he controlled Suzdal, the granary of 
Novgorod, whence he had stopped the export of grain, and thus threatened 
a famine.*[ The authorities followed by Von Hammer would make out 
that Vasili, with the assistance of the Tartars, marched against and 
pillaged Novgorod, while his nephew Sviatoslaf of Tuer, ravaged the 
towns of Volok, Bejesk, and Wobogd on the Volga.** In 1275, Vasili 
went in person to the horde. 

Meanwhile let us turn to Gallicia. Daniel, the brave prince of that 
country, had died in the year 1266, after a reign which, although its latter 
days were overclouded by the terrible Tartar invasion, had shed great 
lustre on his kingdom, while he had by his various alliances made himself 
respected, not only by the Christians but even by the Tartar Khans, so 
that his country was far more free than the neighbouring Russian States 
from their oppression. tt After his death, his sons Leon, Mitislaf, and 
Schvarn became respectively princes of Peremysl : of Lutsk and Dubno, 
and of Galitch, Kholm, and Droguichin, while his brother Vassilko, as 
Prince of the Southern Vladimir, was acknowledged as their feudal 
superior by the young princes. Soon after this Voichelg, the Monk 
Prince of Lithuania, who wore a monk's hood over his royal robes, and 
was therefore known as the wolf in sheep's clothing, after uniting many 
of the petty principalities of Lithuania in his own hands, resigned h}s 
power in favour of the young prince Schvarn, already named, an4 
again became a monk. This so aroused the jealousy of Leon, that the 
latter assassinated Voichelg after treacherously inviting him to an enter- 
tainment. Schvarn did not long oytlive his promotion, and was 
succeeded as king of Lithuania by Jroiden, who was still a pagan. 

• Op. cit., iv. 133. t Golden Horde, aje. J Karamzin, iv. 133. 

{ Golden Horde, 173. 1 Id., 356. 

fl Karanuin, iv. i47i*»48. ** Op. cit., 856. ft Karamxin, ir. 138. 



Vassilko, who died shortly after, was succeeded by his son Ivan 
Vladimir, while Leon inherited Galitch, Kholm, and Droguichin, which 
had belonged to his brother Schvam, and fixed his capital at the new 
town of Lvof.* 

The Lithuanians did not naturally forget the outrage committed on 
their prince Voichelg, and we read how in 1275 they captured Droguichin, 
slaughtered most of its inhabitants, and then crossed the Dnieper 
and laid waste the inner recesses of the principality of Chernigof. 
Leon appealed to the Tartars for assistance against the Lithuanians. 
They accordingly sent an army, which was joined by contingents 
sent by some Russian princes, but the result was not successful, and 
the Tartars in retiring carried off the cattle, goods, and even clothes of 
their allies ; and, as one of the annalists says, " pointed the moral that 
an alliance with infidels is as bad as war itself. "t 

Irritated by the ill luck of the Tartar arms, Nogai sent a fresh army to 
attack Grodno, and ordered the Gallician princes to lay siege to 
Novogrodek. The former was defended by a garrison of Germans, who 
had been planted there by Troiden, as similar colonies had latterly been 
planted in the larger towns of Poland.^ The allies gained no advantage 
except that they carried off considerable booty. 

I have mentioned how the Grand Prince Vasili went to the court of 
Mangu Timur in 1275. He died on his return at Kostroma. During his 
reign the Tartar publicans made a fresh census, and levied new taxes 
upon Russia, but, as the Khans encouraged commerce and the people 
were growing wealthier, this was not much felt.§ The tax had hitherto 
been half a griwna, levied on each plough, which counted for two 
peasants, but it was now increased. || 

The Grand Prince Vasili was succeeded in 1276 by his nephew 
Dimitri, the son of Alexander Nevski, a name which is connected with 
a dreary period in Russian history. While he set out for Novgorod to 
receive the allegiance of that great city, the princes Boris of Rostof, Gleb 
of Bielo Ozero, Feodor of Yaroslavl, and Andrew of Gorodetz the brother 
of Dimitri, marched their troops southwards, at the command of Mangu 
Timur, to assist the Tartars in their campaign against the Yasses or 
Ossetes, who rivalled the usual fame of mountaineers in submitting 
uneasily to the yoke. The allies, on the 8th of February, 1278, captured 
the town of Tetiakof, situated on or near the site of the modern fortress 
of Vladikaukas. The grateful Tartars divided the spoil with the 
Russians.^ On another side we read how Mangu Timur sent Theognost, 
the Bishop of Serai, three times to Byzantium as his envoy to the 

Meanwhile Russia was suffering from the jealousies and quarrels of its 

• Karanuin, iv. 138-142. t Id., 149. J Id., 150. Lelewel Hist, de Pologne. i. jg. 

I Karamxin, iv. 151 and 156. | Golden Horde, 257. 

IT Karamzin, iv. 157. Golden Horde, 257. 


many princes, and the Tartars were naturally reaping the fruits of such 
disorder. We read that in 1278 they burnt Riazan. Gleb, Prince of 
Rostof, on the other hand, returned from a visit to the horde well laden 
with booty while his son Michael and Feodor, Prince of Yaroslavl, entered 
the Tartar service,* surely a degrading mercenary duty for Christian 
princes to be performing. In 1279, on the death of Boleslas, King 
of Poland, the Tartars and Russians in alliance devastated the districts 
of Lublin and Sendomir, and although they were beaten on the 3rd 
of February, 1280, at Goslic, near Sendomir, they returned home with 
their plunder. The following year Andrew, the brother of the Grand 
Prince, incited by some of the boyards, conspired against his brother, 
conciliated the Tartars by presents and flattery, and basely obtained 
from them the title of Grand Prince, and Mangu Timur sent his 
" voivodes " Kawghadi and Alchidai with an army to assist him, and with 
an order to the various dependent princes to join him with their troops. 
They dared but obey, and the Grand Prince seeing himself deserted fled. 
The Tartars then proceeded to react the part they performed in the days 
of Batu. Murom, the environs of Suzdal, Vladimir, Yurief, Rostof, 
Pereislavl, Tuer, and Torjek were ravaged, and they advanced as far as 
Novgorod. They burned and pillaged the houses, churches, and 
monasteries ; carried off the sacred images, the precious vessels, and the 
books with jewelled covers ; troops of people were marched off as slaves, 
and the nuns and wives of the priests were made the victims of Tartar 
lust, while the poor peasants who sought refuge in the deserts perished 
there from hunger. Pereislavl having'dared to resist them, received the 
most dire punishment, and, as one chronicler says, " There was not a 
survivor who had not to grieve the death of a son or a father, of a 
brother or a friend ;" Andrew, the son of Alexander Nevski, meanwhile 
fraternised with the Tartars and sent them back to the Great Khan with 
his acknowledgments.t Thus was Russia at this time the victim more of 
its own sons than of the ruthless foes whom they called in to their help. 

It was in the reign of Mangu Timur that the Genoese greatly extended 
their colonies in Southern Russia. They had hitherto shared the 
Crimean trade with the Venetians, but now determined to monopolise it 
altogether. With the consent of the Tartars, they founded factories at 
Kaffa, and built bazaars and shops there, and then surrounded the settle- 
ment with a rampart and ditch, and they rapidly monopolised the chief 
trade in corn, stock, fish, and caviare : the Venetians being limited to 
their small settlement at Old Tana. 

Architectural remains and inscriptions still survive to testify to their 
ancient importance. The Genoese retained their power and influence 
in these parts until the fall of the Eastern empire, when they were 
almost exterminated by the Turks. Marinis tells us, in 1665, 

* Golden Horde, ajS. t Karamsin, 160. Golden Horde. 239. 


that Genoese families still survived at Tanais or Azof. Among these 
were some of the famous name of Spinola.* The rise of the Genoese 
supremacy was probably due to the influence of Ung Timur, to whom the 
city of Krim had been granted, as I have said, by Mangu Timur. 

Krim was a neighbouring town to Kaffa, and from it the Crimea 
derived its name. It was one of the most prosperous towns of Asia. So 
large was it that a well mounted horseman could hardly ride round it in 
half a day. It is now represented by the poor village of Old Krim on 
the Churuxa, near Kaffa.t 

Those who know what the three months' journey from the Crimea to 
Khiva means will not fail to appreciate some of the benefits which the 
strong-handed Tartars conferred upon this district. We are told that 
although the people of Krim were rich they were also avaricious. They 
hoarded up their gold and neglected the poor, and they built mosques 
to make themselves a name rather than for the sake of religion. With 
Kaffa, Krim was the great entrepot of the slave trade, by which the 
supply of Mamluks, &c., was furnished ; and we are told that the 
Egyptian sultans obtained the privilege from the. Greek emperors of 
sending annually one ship for the purchase of such slaves in Circassia 
and the Lesser Tartary. Sometime after they possessed themselves of 
Kaffa, the Genoese also occupied Sudak, Balaklava, Azof, and Cherson. 
The Venetians took refuge at Old Tana, not far from Azof, which was 
their mart in these parts for a long time4 

I shall postpone the account of Nogai's intercourse with the 
Bulgarians to a later chapter, and shall now revert to the Eastern 
politics of the horde. 

Khubilai Khan had in 1265 nominated Borak to the Khanship of 
Jagatai, intending him to make head against his rival Kaidu. He, 
however, made friends with the latter, and seized on Turkestan, which 
was an Imperial appanage and did not belong to his Khanate. The two 
allies agreed to divide Transoxiana between them, but on Kaidu's 
withdrawal for a while Borak seized a portion of his friend's territory. 
Kaidu having returned, was defeated on the banks of the Sihun by his . 
treacherous friend. We are then told that Mangu Timur sent an army 
of 50,000 men, commanded by his uncle Berkejar, to assist Kaidu. 
Borak was beaten, but the three princes afterwards made peace and 
divided Transoxiana between them.§ Borak took two-thirds of Trans- 
oxiana, while the remaining third was divided between Kaidu and 
Mangu Timur. This peace was ratified in the year 1269. As Borak 
complained of the smallness of his heritage, it was agreed he should 
invade Khorassan. He accordingly did so in the following spring, but 
was badly beaten, and soon after died. This was in the year 1270.II 

« Karamzin, iv. 386. t Id., 145. I Von Hammer, 254, 335. 

S Ukbans, 359, 360. D'Ohsion, iii. 428-43I. I! D'Obsson, iii. 429 and 432. 


It would seem, as I have said, that Mangu Timur inherited Bereke's 
strife with the Ilkhan Abaka, and we are told by Wassaf that he 
marched an army of 30,000 men against him. Abaka in turn posted a 
considerable army close to the defiles of the Caucasus, and built the wall 
called Siba, at Derbend, to protect his frontier.* The two rivals seem 
then to have made peace, and, according to Abulghazi, were on amicable 
terms for the rest of their lives, and frequently exchanged presents.t 

We are told consequently that Mangu Timur sent to congratulate 
Abaka upon his victory over Borak, and offered him presents of 
gerfalcons and other noble birds. J Abaka outlived Mangu Timur, and 
died in 1282. It is probable that Mangu Timur was withdrawing 
from his older policy. We read that in 1275 Khubilai sent his sons 
Numugan and Kukju and some other princes to make head against 
Kaidu and his confederates, and appointed Numugan as governor 
of Almaligh. Among the princes sent with the latter was one named 
Toktimur, who proposed to Shireki, the son of the Khakan Mangu, 
to put him on the throne. The conspirators seized Khubilai's two sons, 
as well as the general Hantung. The former were handed over to Mangu 
Timur, chief of the ulus of Juchi, and the general to Kaidu. Khubilai 
having sent troops against the rebels, the latter were defeated, and 
Toktimur, discontented with Shireki, set up Sarban, the son of 
Jagatai, in his place, and sent messengers to inform Kaidu and Mangu 
Timur of the fact. Toktimur was himself shortly after killed by Shireki, 
to whom Sarban submitted.! Shireki, we are told, sent him to Kochi 
Oghul, grandson of Juchi, but on passing through the district of Jend 
and Uskend his escort was overpowered by some of his own retainers 
who nomadised there, and he was released. || 

This Kochi Oghul, grandson of Juchi, was assuredly no other than 
the Kapg6, son of Orda, son of Juchi, who is mentioned by Abulfeda, and 
who tells us he was the lord of Ghazni and Bamian and the neighbouring 
provinces, and that he died in the year 1 301. IF The direction taken by 
the escort, which in marching from the country of the Imil towards 
Kochi Oghul went by way of Uzkend and Jend, makes it nearly 
certain that they were bound for Ghazni. Now the history of Ghazni at 
this period is singularly obscure. As I have mentioned, in 1262, when 
the quarrel arose between Bereke and Khulagu, the contingent of the 
Golden Horde which marched with the latter scattered, and one of them 
under Nigudar and Onguja fled eastwards and seized upon Ghazni and 
other districts bordering on India.** There can be small doubt that it 
was over these emigrants that Kochi Oghul ruled, and his name is 
perhaps disguised in the Onguja above named ; but let us on with our 

* Wuiaf, 95. t Abnighasi, 183. I D'Ohsson, iii. 456. 

i D'ObuoD, ii. 45a-454- Antt, vol. i. 176. I Id., 434-4S5. T Op. cit., v. 179. 

•• Ante, 114. 


Story. Numughan is called Lemghan by Wassaf, who tells us further 
that Mangu Timur sent him back to his father with suitable state.* 

Mangu Timur, according to Novairi, died in the month rabi ul ewel 
679 {i.e,, in the year 1280), of a tumour in the throat, which he had 
pierced,t and he left nine sons, namely, Alghui (whose mother was called 
Chichek), Buzluk, Seraibuka, Toghrul, Bulakhan, Tudan, Tukta, Kadan, 
and Kutukan. Rashid names a tenth son Abaji. 

The Mamluk Sultan Kalavun had sent two envoys, named Shems ud 
din Sankur el Gutmi and Self ud din el Khas Turki, to the court 
of Mangu Khan with a present of sixteen sets of State robes, of which 
some were for Mangu Timur, others for Nogai, others for Aukji,J others 
for Tuda Mangu (who succeeded him on the throne), for Tulabugha, and 
for the Khatuns Chichek, Elchi, Tunkin or Tutelin, Kadaran or Tataian, 
Sultan, and Khutlu ; for Maou or Madua, the commander of the left 
wing ; for Tira, commander of the right wing ; for Kalik, wife of Kukji,§ 
and for the Sultan Ghiath ud din, son of Iz ud din, the late governor of 
Rum. The envoys also took with them all kinds of objects fit for 
presents, magnificent stuffs, beautiful robes, precious jewels, bows, 
cuirasses, and helmets, to be distributed to the grandees according to 
their rank. On the arrival of the embassy Mangu Timur was already 
dead, and the presents were given to his successor, by whom the envoys 
were magnificently entertained. They were afterwards received by Nogai 
and the other princes. || Mangu Timur, we are told, was styled Kilk, 
which means an embroidered cloth, and which Von Hammer connects 
with the English word quilt. 1[ He was the first of the sovereigns 
of Kipchak to coin money in his own name. On some of these coins 
he styles himself, " Mangu Timur the Supreme," and on others " the 
Just." They were nearly all struck at Bolghari.** The only exception 
is a coin mentioned by M. Soret, struck in the year 665, the first of 
Mangu Timur's reign, at 

* Wassaf, 127. t Makrizi adds that he died at Aktukiah. Op. cit. ii. 201. 

I Makrizi calls him the brother of Mangu Timur and styles him King, but Mangu Timur 
had no brother of that name. I believe him to be the person who lower down is called the 
agha or patriarch among the Mongol princes, and who was the grandson of Bereke 
D'Ohsson, in his translation of a passage of Novairi, calls him Edekyi. (Op. cit., iv. 750.) 
$ He is called Abaji by D'Ohsson, loc. cit. 
I Makrizi, ii. 200. Novairi in D'Ohsson, iv. 750, 731. f Golden Horde, 261. 

•• Fraehn, op. cit., 648. 
tt Frshn publishes a coin of Mangu Timur with a mutilated inscription, on which he read 
hypothetically " Moneta Cborasmii," but the two letters which alone remain of the name 
won't bear this reading. Nor is it probable that Mangu Timur exercised much, if any. 
authority in Khuarezm. It would seem in fact to have then formed part of the government of 
Transoxiania, which was under the control of the Imperial commissary Massud Bey, for in 1272 
the Ukhan Abaka, who was then at peace and on cordial terms with Mangu Timur, sent an 
army under Yussuf and Kargadai, the sons of Chin Timur, of Churgadai, and Ilabugha against 
Khuarezm. This army devastated Urgenj, the capital, and Khiva and Karakush, two of the 
chief towns of Khuarezm. (D'Ohsson, iii. 457, 458. Ilkhans, i. 271, 272.) This makes it 
exceedingly improbable that Mangu Timur should have had authority or struck coins at 



We now reach a period when, to use a French phrase, the solidarity 
of the Khanate of Kipchak was giving way. Nogai, who had become 
very powerful by his experience in war, by his alliance with the Byzantine 
empire, and by the number of tribes who obeyed him, held a separate 
court of his own, and was fast thrusting aside the feudal bonds which 
made him the servant and not the peer of the Lord of Serai, and events 
were ripening which made his path in this direction more easy. He had 
faithfully served both Bereke and Mangu Timur, although it would 
appear that he had not very cordially, if at all, adopted the faith of 
Islam, and remained attached to that cosmopolitan religion which was 
patronised by the early Mongol Khans. The Mongol law of succession, 
which was admirably suited to a pastoral or predatory life, gave rise to 
difficulties under more settled conditions, and was the ready means of 
intrigue. A sovereign who had once occupied the throne did not like 
the heritage to pass away from his descendants to the descendants of his 
brother ; and we have lately witnessed in Turkey the lever which may be 
made out of this natural prejudice for opening huge rents in the civil 
structure. Again, however reasonable it may be that brother should 
succeed brother where the children are still children, it loses much of its 
force when these children are grown men and themselves fit to take 
charge of the helm of the State. It was thus now. Mangu Timer's 
elder brother Bartu had a son, Tulabugha, who had, as I have mentioned 
already, distinguished himself as the companion of Nogai in the cam- 
paign in Lithuania. He was the eldest son of the eldest son, and was 
now quite old enough to rule, but the Mongol law of succession excluded 
him in favour of his uncle Tuda Mangu, the younger brother of Mangu 

I have explained how the Russian Grand Prince Dimitri was displaced 
by his younger brother Andrew, and how the latter was supported by the 
court at Serai. It would seem that on the retreat of the Tartar forces 
which had installed him, his partisans were overcome, for we find him 
once more repairing to Serai in the beginning of Tuda Mangu's reign. 
The Tartars were only too glad of such an opportunity, entered the 
province of Suzdal, and ravaged it in various directions, and also 
advanced in the same rwthless manner upon Pereislavl.* Andrew himself 
returned from the horde in company with the Tartar grandees, Turai 
Timur and Ali.t Dimitri thereupon repaired to the court of Nogai, and 
was by him reinstated on the throne of Vladimir. About the same 
time that potent chief married his daughter to Feodor, the son of 
Rostislaf, Prince of Smolensko and Pereislavl. On the other hand, we 

; KaranifiD, iv. 164. t Golden Horde, ajg. 


read of a visit paid by the'metropolitan Maximus to the court at Serai, 
doubtless in connection with the see there.* Tuda Mangu, who feared 
Nogai, was constrained to accept his decision in regard to the Grand 
Principahty, the two brothers Dimitri and Andrew made outward 
show of reconcihation, and even the turbulent people of Novgorod, who 
had espoused the latter^s cause, deemed it prudent to submit to 

Let us now turn our view to another part of Russia. The principahty 
of Kursk was at this time governed by the two princes Oleg and 
Sviatoslaf, both descended from the ancient line of Chernigof. The 
former reigned at Rylsk and Vorgol, and the latter at Lipetsk. Ahmed, 
the Mongol baskak or commissary of Rylsk, who farmed the taxes there, 
had performed his office in a very tyrannical manner, and had built two 
villages near Rylsk, where many bad characters, who plundered the 
neighbourhood, found asylum. Oleg, at the request of Sviatoslaf, went 
to Serai to complain ; and the Khan gave him a small body of Tartars, 
with orders to destroy Ahmed's two villages. This was accordingly 
done. Ahmed was then at Nogai's court, and he represented to the 
latter that Oleg and Sviatoslaf were his secret enemies. " Send your 
falconers to catch swans in Oleg's country," he added, " and summon 
him to your presence, and you will find that he will not obey." Oleg was 
not disposed to trust himself at Nogai's court to answer these attacks, 
and on the approach of Nogai he fled to Serai, while Sviatoslaf found 
refuge in the forests of Voronej. 

Nogai's troops handed over thirteen boyards with some poor 
travellers to the vengeance of Ahmed, who, having put the former to 
death, released the latter, gave them the bloody garments of his 
victims, and bade them return home and show them as a warning to 
those who should offend a baskak. The villages which Ahmed had built 
were again tenanted, and became rich with plunder, while the princi- 
pality became almost deserted, the people fleeing before Ahmed's agents, 
who exposed to view the mangled remains of the boyards. Ahmed 
himself repaired to Nogai's court, and left his two brothers in charge. 
Sviatoslaf now emerged from his hiding-place and put to death a great 
number of the robbers, not thinking of the consequences. When 
Oleg returned from the horde, having brought together the people and 
buried the remains of the boyards, which were still suspended from trees, 
he, to avoid the vengeance of Ahmed, declared his brother Sviatoslaf a 
criminal, in that he had attacked the plunderers instead of submitting 
humbly to the Khan. Sviatoslaf bravely defended his conduct, but 
Oleg, having once more been to Serai, returned and put his brother to 
death. Well may Karamzin denounce the cowardice and meanness of 
the annalists who, in applauding this act, maintain that remonstrance 

• Id., a6o. t Karamiin, iv. 163. 



to such tyranny was a crime ; but Oleg and his two sons were speedily 
punished, being killed by a third brother Alexander, who found means of 
conciliating the Tartars. They contented themselves with receiving 
presents, and left to the Russian princes the privilege of killing each 

Let us now turn to Tuda Mangu's Eastern policy. Noyairi tells us 
how in the year 1283 he sent the fakir Mejd ud din Ata and Nur ud din 
as envoys to the Egyptian Sultan with a request that they might be 
permitted to make a pilgrimage to Mecca, doubtless a vicarious 
pilgrimage on his own account. Makrizi tells us he also asked that a 
standard of the Khalif and another of the Sultan might be sent him, 
under which he could do battle with the enemies of the faith. This author 
wrongly calls him Mangu Timur, who was already dead.t Novairi tells 
us further that Tuda Mangu was much devoted to religious exercises. 
Neglecting the affairs of State, he surrounded himself with sheikhs 
and fakirs, and lived an austere life. He was given to understand that 
the State wanted a ruler, and accordingly he resigned the throne to 

This is confirmed by Abulfeda,§ who tells us he abdicated in favour 
of Tulabugha and dedicated himself to God, and by Makrizi, who 
says he voluntarily renounced the throne of Kipchak, announced his 
intention of devoting himself to a religious life, and that he advised his 
subjects to elect Tulabugha as their chief. || This, according to Novairi, 
was in the year 686, i.e., 1287. 

Tulabugha was in a sense the rightful heir to the throne, and repre- 
sented the senior branch of the family of Batu Khan, being the eldest son 
of Bartu, who was the eldest son of Toghan, who, although he was 
Batu's second son, became by the extinguishment of the family of Sertak, 
the head of the family ; but his father had never ruled himself, and he 
lacked the prestige, which in the East counts for a great deal, of having 
had a sovereign for his father. It is generally supposed that he 
succeeded to the throne as the actual ruler of Kipchak, and this view 
is endorsed by the names of Von Hammer, D'Ohsson, Fraehn, &c., yet I 
believe it to be erroneous. 

He is not named among the Khans of Kipchak by Abulghazi, nor yet 
in the very ample list of Khuandemir. By both of these authors Toktu 
or Toktugha is made the immediate successor of Tuda Mangu.^ This is 
the case also in the list of the Khans of Kipchak given in the Yuan shi,** 
which may be considered as the official list of the Khans kept at the 
headquarters of the Mongol world. Marco Polo also, in his 24th chapter 
makes Toktu the immediate successor of Tuda But we may 
go further. Apparently there are no coins known with the name of 

• Karamzin, iv. 166-171. t Makrizi, part ii. 64. Note, 65. \ D'Ohsson, iv. 751. 

^ Annals, V. 8g. Op. cit., ii. 91. f Abulghazi, 183. Journ. Asiat., 4th aer., xvii. 114. 

"* Bretschneider, 106. If Op. cit., ii. 491. 



Tulabugha upon them. Those assigned to him by Fraehn and others are 
so assigned on the ground of their dates; but this is a very unsafe guide in 
such a question, for we actually find a coin of Tuda Mangu which seems to 
be dated in 1288, two years therefore after his retirement from the world.* 
I have small doubt myself, therefore, that Tulabugha was never a Khan 
at all. My own view is that when Tuda Mangu retired from the world he 
continued to be the titular Khan, while Tulabugha controlled the govern- 
ment; a kind of mayor of the palace to the Roi faineant, a sort of secular 
ruler like the Tipa of Thibet in old days, or the Tycoon in Japan, or 
probably more nearly like to the position filled by the Great Timur in his 
early years as the first subject of the Khans of Jagatai. He doubtless 
commanded the armies and otherwise controlled matters, but Tuda 
Mangu continued meanwhile to be the figurehead of the State and the 
nominal ruler of the Khanate. Tulabugha had distinguished himself a 
few years before, as I have mentioned, in company with Nogai in a, 
campaign in Lithuania. From the account of Rashid it would seem that 
his brother Kunjuk-bugha shared his new authority.! 

In 1285 we find the Tartars making a terrible invasion of Hungary, 
under the leadership of Tulabugha and Nogai, and compelling the 
Gallician princes to march with them. This campaign, which was 
disastrous for them, I shall describe in a later chapter on the Nogais. 
Here it will suffice to say that Tulabugha is reported to have retired on 
foot accompanied only by a woman and a sumpter beast.f This disaster 
did not, however, prostrate them, for two years later, namely, in 
1286-7, we find Tulabugha and Nogai making another great campaign. 
This time against Poland. 

Boleslas V. of Poland having died without children, Leo, Prince of 
Gallicia, deemed it a good opportunity to secure the Polish crown, but the 
grandees of Cracovia elected Leshko, nephew of Boleslas. Leo appealed 
to Nogai for assistance, which was granted him, but in the battle which 
followed he was beaten ; 8,000 of his people were killed, and 2,000 of 
them with seven standards were captured. This, as I have said, was 
towards the end of 1286. 

The principal Polish chiefs at this time were Leshko (the black) of 
Cracow, and Konrad of Masovia. The invaders advanced amidst smoking 
churches and monasteries through the districts of Lublin, Masovia, 
Sendomir, Siradia, and as far as Cracow. Leshko had fled into Hungary, 
but his deputy George defeated a section of them near Sendomir. On 
Christmas eve they set out from Cracow into Volhynia. At Vladimir 
they divided 30,000 boys and maidens, and on leaving left the plague 
behind them as a legacy.§ The chronicler Dlugos has a lugubrious 
story, that this plague, which killed 12,000 men in Gallicia alone, was 

* Frtehn, op. cit., 196, 197. t D'Ohsson, iv. 758. I Karamzin, iv. 1811 

^ Wolff, 413. Golden Horde, 264. 


caused by the Tartars having infected the water with poisonous matter 
which they extracted from dead corpses * 

According to Karamzin the Crushing of Poland was only averted by 
the quarrel of the two generals, Tulabugha and Nogai, who separated 
and returned by different routes. The former, we are told, on his return 
halted in Gallicia, and compelled the princes there, who had been (perhaps 
not altogether unwillingly) his companions in his march across the 
Vistula, to entertain him.t 

In 1286 we read of an attack made by the Tartars, under Ortai, the 
son of Timur, who was probably a dependent of Nogai's, upon the 
frontier districts of Murom, Riazan, and Wordwa J (? Mordwa). 

About this time we find the Tartars of Kipchak engaging in another 
campaign against Persia. The latter country was now governed by the 
Ilkhan Arghun, who had succeeded to the throne on the nth of August, 
1284, by the murder of his predecessor Ahmed. It was probably to 
avenge his death that we find the Khan of Kipchak sending an army of 
5,000 men to invade Persia. News reached Arghun at Pelsuwan that 
Toktu had passed the defile of Derbend and had plundered the 
merchants there. He accordingly set out on the 7th of May, 1289, for 
Shaburan, but meanwhile the army of Kipchak had deemed it prudent to 
retire. In the spring of 1290, while Arghun was at Meragha, news 
arrived that a fresh and much larger army was again advancing by way 
of Derbend, Arghun set out once more and reached Shaburan on the 
nth of May, 1290, and both armies met on the banks of the Karasu, 
then forming the boundary between Persia and Kipchak. The army o 
the latter Khanate was 10,000 strong, and was commanded by Abaji, 
Menglibuka, and Toktu, the sons of Mangu Timur. § Three hundred of 
the Kipchaks were killed, among whom were the two chiefs, Burultai and 
Kadai, while among the prisoners was the Prince Jeriktai.|| This 
narrative was derived by Von Hammer from Rashid and Binaketi, and 
seems all right so far as it goes ; but we can supplement it with a very 
valuable notice (unknown apparently to Von Hammer), from Novairi, 
whose knowledge of the Kipchak was very intimate, and which enables 
us to clear up the further story very materially. Novairi tells us that 
Tulabugha sent an army against the country of Kerk (Circassia ? or perhaps 
Kirk Majar, the old name of the city of Majar), and ordered Nogai to 
march and join him with his tumans.^ The two armies having united, 
advanced into the country of Kerk, where they pillaged and killed, and 
then retired, but there was much snow about, and Nogai left Tulabugha 

• Karamiin. iv. 182. f Id. J Qolden Horde, 264. 

5 Von Harnmer say* no son of Mangu Timur called Menglibuka occurs in the tables, and I 
find that Abulghazi calls the Kipchak generals Toktu and Turktai, the latter probably a cor- 
ruption of Toghrul, a son of Mangu Timur, named in the genealogies. (Abulghazi, op. cit., 182.) 

II Golden Horde, 265, 266. 
jn Tuman <> 10,000 men, but it is used by the Mongols as equivalent to a diviaion or section. 


and went to his winter quarters, where he arrived safe and sound. 
Tulabugha's forces, on the other hand, got lost, and suffered great want. 
His men were forced to eat their horses, their hunting dogs, and their 
dead companions. He suspected that Nogai had been treacherous to 
him, and conceived a violent hatred for him. On his return home from 
the expedition he prepared an army to march against Nogai and the 
sons of Mangu Timur, who were his proies;es. Nogai was an old and 
crafty person. He pretended to be ignorant of Tulabugha's feelings 
towards him, and when the latter summoned him to his presence to ask 
his advice, he sent word to Tulabugha's mother. " Your son is young, 
and I wish to give him advice, but I can only do so alone. He alone 
ought to know what I wish to tell him, and I wish him to come to me 
with a very small escort." The princess advised her son to trust 
Nogai, and he accordingly disbanded his forces and ordered Nogai 
to go to him. I may add that Rashid tells us that when Nogai went 
to see Tulabugha he feigned to be very ill, and even put fresh blood 
in his mouth to make-believe he was spitting blood.* Nogai went 
at the head of his troops, and with him went Toktu, Buzluk, Serai- 
bugha, and Tudan, sons of Mangu Timur. When he drew near the 
place fixed upon for the interview, he put his troops in ambush, under 
the command of the four sons of Mangu Timur already named, and 
went with a few others to see Tulabugha. The latter went to meet him 
with Alghui, Toghrul, Bulakhan, Kadan, and Kutugan, other sons of 
Mangu Timur, who had sided with him. The two princes met, and were 
about to exchange greetings, when the cavalry, who had been in ambush, 
came forth. Nogai compelled Tulabugha to dismount, and then with the 
assistance of his proteges strangled him. He then addressed the young 
princes, and said, " Tulabugha has usurped the throne of your father, and 
your brothers who are with him have agreed to arrest you and put you to 
death. I deliver them up to you, and you may do with them as you will." 
Upon which Toktu had them put to death.t 

This account is consistent and clear, and Novairi no doubt got it from 
the Egyptian archives, Egypt then being in very close relationship with 
Kipchak. He was much more in the way of getting correct information 
than Rashid or the writers of Persia, with which country the Kipchak 
had only hostile intercourse. It explains the statements of Rashid and 
Binaketi about the four tetrarchs or joint sovereigns, which are as they 
stand at issue with what we know from the coins and from other sources, 
and otherwise quite contrary to Mongol traditions. The confused account 
of Rashid has been followed by Abulghazi, and strangely enough the 
narrative of Marco Polo, otherwise tolerably correct in its account of the 
Kipchak, is hopelessly involved at this point, as Colonel Yule has 
shown. X 

* Von Hammer, a66. t Novairi in D'Ohsson, iv. 751, 752. J Op. cit., ii. 497-499. 


Tulabugha was killed in the autumn of 1290, and it is probable that with 
him also perished his brother Kunjuk, who is made one of the tetrarchs by 
Von Hammer. I don't know when Tuda Mangu died. As I have said, we 
have a coin of his probably dated in 688 heg., i.e., 1289.* It may be that 
he was put to death by Tulabugha and Nogai, as the exceedingly con- 
fused narrative of Marco Polo in chapter xxix. of his work implies. We 
have no notice of him after the coin just named, Tuda Mangu was 
styled Kasghan, another form of the word Kazan, which means a kettle.t 
On his coins he styles himself Tuda Mangu Khan and Tuda Mangu 
Padishah. They were struck both at Bolghari and Krim,+ and Fr^ehn 
publishes specimens of the years 682, 683, 686, and 688.§ Von Hammer 
says his wife was called Kutluk, and that she belonged to the Tartar 


The accession of Toktu was the first event of the kind in the history 
of Kipchak which was marked by violence. It was in a measure con- 
doned by the strong hand with which he held the reins of power 
afterwards, and thus secured a period of considerable prosperity for the 
Khanate, and by the necessity there was to integrate a power which was 
in danger of falling to pieces. It is not improbable that Rashid's story 
already told about the tetrarchs may have had this foundation also, that 
during Tulabugha's reign Mangu Timur's sons did set up claims to the 
succession, and were supported by Nogai, who no doubt welcomed the 
part of Warwick, and liked nothing better than being a king-maker. 
Besides Nogai, Toktu had also courted the friendship of Ilkeji or 
Bilkeji, the son of Kukju, the son of Bereke who was then Agha or senior 
prince of the Imperial 

Toktu's mother was Elchi Khatun, the daughter of Gulmish Agha.^ 
His name is written Toktu in Arabic and Toktogu in Mongol characters. 
On one of his coins published by M. Savilief he seems to style himself 
" The just Sultan, Mir Toktu," which is probably the explanation of the 
name Toktumir, sometimes given him by the Russian chroniclers.** 

When Nogai had put his ptotegi on the throne and pardoned the 
chiefs who had taken the part of Tulabugha, he returned home again,tt 
and shortly after, in 1291, we read of an invasion by the Tartars in 
Poland. They marched in their usual manner as far as 

Meanwhile let us turn for a while to the Grand Principality. I have 
described how Andrew was constrained to retire after attempting to 
displace his brother Dimitri. He remained quiet for two years, and then 

• Vidt ante, 138. t Golden Horde, 261. 

I Fttehn, op. cit., 196 and 648. ild. Opusc. Post., no. B Golden Horde, a66. 

^ Journ. Asiat., 4th ser., xrii. 114. •♦ Soret, Lettre au cap., Kossikofski, Brustels, i860. 

tt Novairi in D'Ohsson, iv. 753. H Golden Horde, 267. 


sent for Tzarevitch from the horde and prepared for war ; but Dimitri 
assembling his feudatories drove away the prince and captured some of 
Andrew's boyards. A similar feat of bearding the Tartars was performed 
at Rostof, where a number of the invaders who had settled down and 
were pillaging the inhabitants were driven away. The Prince of Rostof 
sent his brother to justify the conduct of his people, and the Tartars were 
either pacified by his presents, or else the internal troubles of the horde 
did not allow them to take advantage of such temerity.* 

In 1292 Alexander, the son of the Grand Prince Dimitri, went to the 
horde of Nogai and there died. The intrigues of Dimitri's brother 
Andrew began to have effect at headquarters. We read that he repaired 
there with the dependent Princes of Rostof, Bielosersk, Yaroslavl, 
Smolensk, and Tuer, and the Bishop Terasi, who were his allies. 
Karamzin says he went to Nogai's camp, who was the patron of Dimitri, 
but Von Hammer, with greater probability, makes them go to Toktu's 
headquarters at Serai. They went partially to have their titles con- 
firmed, but also to complain of Dimitri. Toktu accordingly sent his 
brother Tudakan, who is called Diuden by the Russian writers. Andrew 
himself and Feodor of Yaroslavl performed the disgraceful duty of guides 
into the interior of the country. The Grand Prince fled to Pskof to his 
relative, the Lithuanian Dovmont, while the Tartars proceeded to seat his 
brother on the throne. They had not taken so much trouble, however, for 
this very small reward. They proceeded after their wont to attack and 
pillage the Russian towns. Murom, Suzdal, Vladimir, Moscow, and 
many others suffered ; their inhabitants were carried off as slaves, 
and their girls and women dishonoured. The churches were sacked, and 
even the iron roof of the cathedral of Vladimir, quoted as a wonderful 
piece of workmanship by the chroniclers, was broken. Pereislavl was 
deserted by its inhabitants, who took refuge in the woods. Tu« alone 
of the cities of Central Russia escaped. Although its prince was absent 
at the horde, the boyards and citizens swore on the cross to perish rather 
than give up their town. They assembled a large army, which was 
reinforced by fugitives from the other desolated districts, and presently 
Michael, their young prince, having returned, he was received enthusiasti- 
cally by the people. The prudent Tartars, who did not wish to spend 
their blood but to acquire treasure, turned aside when they found the 
preparations going on, went towards Novgorod, and pillaged the 
town of Volok. The merchants of Novgorod sent presents to Tudakan, 
with protestations of devotion to Andrew, whom they received with 

The succession of the Russian princes resembled very curiously that 
of the Tartars. WTien a father distributed appanages to his sons, 
they became their private domains for life, |and when the eldest 

f Karamzin, iv. 171. 


succeeded to the overlordship of the rest as Grand Prince he retained his 
minor appanage. Thus Dimitri, when driven away from Vladimir, tried 
to return to his special appanage of Pereislavl, but his march was 
arrested at Torjek by his brother, to whom he was obliged to abandon 
his treasure. He afterwards fled to Tuer. Michael of Tuer and the 
bishop of that ancient town concurred in urging peace upon the brothers. 
Dimitri at last consented to abdicate the throne, but he fell ill and died 
almost immediately. This was in the year 1294.* 

During his reign Russia reached almost the lowest point of its 
degradation. The Tartars harried it to and fro, led by its own princes. 
In 1293 the Swedes founded the town of Wiborg to overawe the Fins. 
This fortress was a menace to the Novgorodians, and was meant as a 
focus whence to spread the Roman Catholic faith in Carelia, whence also 
to intercept the profits of the trade between the other Hanseatic towns 
and Novgorod the Great. On another side the Lithuanians, downtrodden 
but cruel, also inflicted deep wounds on the neighbouring Russian 

In the year 1294 Toktu, who is here called Toktimur, made a raid 
into the principality of Tuer and ravaged the land.J In the early spring 
of that year Toktu sent an embassy to Gaikhatu, the Ilkhan of Persia, 
who was spending the winter at Meragha. The Princes Kalmitai and 
Pulad were at the head of this embassy. They were well received, and 
on the 7th of April joined in the ceremony of founding a new city on the 
river Kur, which was named Kutlugh baligh or the lucky city.§ Gaikhatu 
died the next year, as did also Khubilai, the great overlord of the Mongol 
world, to whom Toktu, like the other Western Khans, was to some extent 
feudally subject. The same year, i.e., in 1295, Andrew, the new Grand 
Prince of Russia, went with his wife to Toktu's camp to pay his respects, 
and no doubt also to receive due investiture, and to settle a quarrel 
between himself and the dependent princes. Alexander Newrui was 
appointed by the Mongols to go to Vladimir and mediate between the 
rivals. D We are told he listened to both sides with patience, but 
even his presence could not restrain the passions of the contending 
princes, who drew their swords. The bishops, Simeon of Vladimir and 
Isinael of Serai, intervened and prevented bloodshed. A hollow peace 
was made, and the Tartar envoy retired covered with presents, but the 
princes were soon at strife again.^ Meanwhile a quarrel between more 
important persons occurred elsewhere. This was between Toktu and his 
former patron Nogai. The latter had been several times summoned to 
the court, but had always evaded the invitation, and at length 
matters were brought to a crisis, which I have described further on.** 

* Von Hammer, Golden Horde, »68. Karamzin, iv, 171-178. 

t Karamzin, iv. 178-180. J Karamzin, iv. :yo. Golden Horde, j68. 

}Qoldcn Horde, 269. Ukhans, i. 404. || Karamzin, iv. igt, 193. Golden Horde, 369. 

IT Karamzin, iv, 193. •♦ Vidt, sub. voc. Nogai. 


Here I need only say that it ended in the complete defeat and death of 
Nogai and the suppression of his family. On the final defeat of Chaga, 
Nogai's son, we are told that Toktu gave the appanage of Nogai to his 
brother Buzluk, and gave Yanji, the son of Kumush, the inheritance of 
his brother Abaji, while he gave two of his own sons, Irbasa and 
Beguilbugha, appanages within the old territory of Nogai; the former was 
settled on a river whose name D'Ohsson does not transliterate, while the 
latter was planted in the country of Saikji on the Don (? Saksin), and in 
the neighbourhood of Derbend. Toktu also gave an appanage to his 
brother Seraibugha.* Shortly after this, namely, in 1301, Turai, the 
surviving son of Nogai, plotted to recover his father's dominions. He 
persuaded Seraibugha to rebel against his brother. The latter tried to 
draw his other brother Buzluk into the plot, but Buzluk informed 
Toktu, who had the conspirators seized and put to death, and he gave 
Seraibugha's inheritance to his own son.t In 1307 died Buzluk, Toktu's 
brother, and also his son Irbasa, who commanded the forces under him.* 
Novairi tells us that in the same year, in 707, i.e., 1307, news arrived in 
Egypt that Toktu, irritated against the Genoese and " the pagans of the 
northern countries" by reports which reached him that they were in 
the habit of capturing Tartar children and selling them to the Mussul- 
mans, sent troops against Kaffa. The Genoese took to their ships, so 
that not one of them was captured. Toktu, however, seized such of their 
goods as were deposited at Serai and in its neighbourhood.§ 

Let us now turn again to the Tartar intercourse with Russia. In the 
year 1299 Tartar auxiliaries fought beside the Russians in Poland, and 
were defeated near Lublin. || The same year the final death-blow was 
given to the ancient precedence of Kief, which had been so long a mere 
shadow by the removal of the metropolitan throne to Vladimir, the seat 
of the Grand Principality. This was the work of the metropolitan 

We now reach a time when the principality of Moscow begins to come 
more to the front. It was held as an appanage by Daniel, the younger 
brother of the Grand Prince Andrew. In 1302 Ivan, the Prince of 
Pereislavl and Dimitrof died, and left his province, which from its 
population, the number of its boyards and soldiers, and the strength of 
its capital, was second in importance only to Rostof among the appan- 
ages to Daniel, the Prince of Moscow, who was a brave prince, and had 
two years before severely defeated the Prince of Riazan, and dared to 
put a number of Tartars to death. Andrew, Daniel's brother, resented 
the latter's growing power, and went to the horde to complain of his 
occupying Pereislavl,** but meanwhile the Prince of Moscow died 
suddenly. He was the first of the Russian princes to be buried in the 

• Novairi in D'Ohsson, iv. 756. t Id. \ Id. i D'Ohsson, iv. 757. 

II Golden Horde, 274, f Id. ** Karatnzin, iv. 195, igG. 


church of Saint Michael at Moscow, and he prepared that city to become 
the eventual capital of Russia.* He was succeeded by his son George, 
who proceeded once more to enlarge the principality by the conquest of 
Mojaisk, a dependency of Smolensk.t After a stay of twelve months at 
the horde, Andrew returned in 1303 with the Khan's envoys, called 
a diet at Pereislavl, and there, in th« presence of the metropohtan 
Maximus, he read out the Khan's message, which announced that his 
wish was that there should be peace in the Grand Principality, and that 
the princes should cease their strife with one another.^ The Grand 
Prince Andrew died in 1 304, and was buried at Gorodetz on the Volga. 
" None of the princes brought so many calamities on his family as he," 
says Karamzin, " and his reign of ten years was marked by disasters of 
various kinds — famine and pestilence, drought and hurricane caused 
dreadful destruction." While the palace of the princes of Tuer was 
burnt in 1298, with all its treasures, a similar fate overtook, in the next 
year, a large part of Novgorod ; and these ills in popular prejudice were 
fitly- marked by the appearance of the famous comet of 1301, which 
exercised the skill of the Chinese astronomers, and was described in 
verse by Pachymeres.§ The death of Andrew was no less disastrous 
than his reign. I have already remarked how the Russians had adopted 
the Eastern laws of succession, by which the eldest male within two 
degrees succeeded to the throne. That throne was now contested by 
George, Prince of Moscow, nephew of Andrew, and Michael of Tuer, his 
uncle, and brother of the two last Grand Princes. The latter, according 
to the rules just referred to, was the rightful heir, and was so acknow- 
ledged by the boyards of the Grand Principality and by the people of 
Novgorod ; but George refused to concur, nor would he listen to the 
metropolitan Maximus, and the matter was referred to the Tartars. The 
various towns of Russia were in mutual strife and in open war with one 
another. The Tartars decided for Michael, who returned from the horde 
with the patent of Grand Prince, and having been duly enthroned, 
marched against Moscow, which he besieged twice without success, and 
finally, apparently contented himself with his own territory. || It would 
seem to have been a common fashion at this time for the Russian priaces 
to marry Tartar wives. Thus we read that in 1304 Michael, the Prince 
of Nishni Novgorod, who had gone to the horde, doubtless to get his 
position confirmed, was there married.^ 

If we turn elsewhere we read that Toktu, in the year 1302, sent an 
embassy to the court of Gazan Khan, the greatest of the Ilkhans of 
Persia. Mirkhond tells us the chief envoy of Kipchak was Issa Gurkhan, 
and that he was deputed to ask for the surrender of the two provinces 
of Arran and Azerbaijan, so long an object of contention. Gazan was 

• Id., 196. t M., 197. I Id. } Id., 203. I Id., aia. 

^ Id., 212. 


irritated at their extravagance, they having required 325 post horses at 
each station, and he told them that if they went to conquer his kingdom 
they were too few, while if they were merely bearers of a message 
that a suite of five persons to each ambassador was enough. As to 
the two provinces, he told them they had belonged to his house since the 
reign of Khulagu, and that he meant to keep them.* Wassaf reports 
the arrival of this embassy at some length. He tells us that in the 
year 1 303 there arrived three aimaks of envoys with 370 couriers from 
Toktu, by way of Derbend. He dates the great defeat of Nogai in the 
beginning of the same year, and tells us that Toktu had in consequence 
of it become so arrogant that he sent to demand the surrender of the 
provinces of Arran and Azerbaijan, and threatened in case of refusal to 
put in motion the tribes who encamped from Karakorum to Derbend ; 
and as a further gauge of his meaning, he sent no presents except a 
bag of millet, as if to say his army was as numerous as the grains in the 
sack. Toktu's son Temta (? Tuluk), who feared the consequences, had 
sent Issa Gurkan to accompany the envoys as bearer, unknown to his 
father, of various presents. Among these, we are told, were Kirghis 
Sonkors {t.e., jerfalcons), Karluk oxen, Slave ermines, Bulgarian sables, 
and Kipchak mares. 

The Ilkhan spoke defiantly to the envoys, and complained to them of 
the number of their escort, as I have already mentioned, and in answer 
to the symbolical message conveyed by the bag of millet, he ordered 
some hens to be brought in and loosened, which speedily ate up the 
grain, and he said, " It is well known that the hen, above all things likes 
peace and order, and objects to fly about like a dove, while the wolf 
destroys the greater part of the herd from mere wantonness."t 

On the feast of the Mongol New Year, 1303, which fell on the 17th of 
January, Gazan Khan gave a grand reception, which was attended by a large 
concourse of notables, including the envoys from the Kipchak-J The 
latter were presented with costly robes and other gifts. The twenty- 
one jerfalcons they had taken with them were sent to his hunting 
establishment. Each of the envoys was presented with pearls to the 
value of 1,000 ducats. They were also commissioned to carry a letter 
and rich presents for their master. § 

While Toktu thus carried on intercourse with the Ilkhan of Persia, we 
find him forming a closer tie with the Byzantine empire, the masters 
of which had latterly adopted the policy of securing the alliance of their 
northern neighbours by marriages with their natural daughters. As 
Michael had married Irene to Nogai, so we now find Andronicus 
surrendering his daughter Maria to the harem of the Kipchak Khan. Her 
hand had been offered to him during the struggle with Nogai, but he 
postponed the alliance until he had subdued that refractory relative. On 

• D'OhssoD, iv. 319, 380. Note. t Wassaf, Ukhans. ii. 350. I Id., 331. } Id., 119, 


the termination of the war the match was completed, and Toktu seems 
to have paid the price in supplying his father-in-law with a contingent of 

By these marriages, which had now become frequent, the Emperors 
endeavoured to secure the alliance of the Tartars against their trouble- 
some neighbours, the Turkomans of Asia Minor, nor was it felt to 
be degrading in the artificial atmosphere of Byzantium for the 
Christian Emperor to send his bastard daughter to the harems of the 
barbarous but powerful Mongols. With the pride that the family of 
Jingis generally displayed, it is hard to see how they were satisfied with 
" these children without a name," and that they did not aspire to 
princesses of more legitimate blood. 

In the year 1307 Toktu lost his son Irbasa, who commanded his armies 
and also his brother Buzluk.t 

Let us now turn once more to the intercourse of the Tartars with the 
Russian princes. I have mentioned how Daniel, the Prince of Moscow, 
had defeated Constantine, the Prince of Riazan. It seems that he had 
also imprisoned him, and probably intended to appropriate his appanage. 
George, Daniel's son, deemed that this prize might best be secured by 
putting his prisoner, who had been in durance for six years, to death, 
which he accordingly carried out.f This was in 1308. Yaroslaf, the 
son of Constantine, appealed to the Tartars, who accordingly put him on 
the throne. George, however, retained possession of the town of 
Kostroma. § In the following year, Vasih, Prince of Briansk, went to the 
horde to complain of his unci© Sviatoslaf Glebovitch. The Tartars 
supplied him with a contingent of troops, with which he defeated the 
latter. He afterwards, with the same allies, defeated the prince of 
Karachef. || 

Toktu died in the year 712 of the Hejira, i.e.^ in ly.Z-'i According 
to Khuandemir, he was drowned in a boat in the middle of the Volga.** 
Abulghazi says he was buried at After the defeat of Nogai 
and his family he became absolute ruler of the Kipchak, and one of its most 
powerful sovereigfns. He was a pervert from Islam, and reverted to the 
old faith of Jingis Khan, and with it adopted that old chief's tolerance. 
He patronised the Christians. In the last year of Toktu's reign the 
metropolitan Peter dethroned Ismael, the bishop of Serai, and nominated 
Warsonof in his place.U 

The extent of Toktu's dominion and power is best shown by the 
number of his mints. Coins of his are extant struck at Serai, New 
Serai, Bolghari, Ukek, Khuarezm, Krim, Jullad, and Majar, and they 
range from the year 691, «>,, 1291, to 711, />., 1312. The legends on 
these coins are very various. 

* Golden Horde, 276, &c. t Norairi in D'Ohsion, iv. 757, 738. \ Kararazin, iv. 213. 

} U. \ Golden Horde, 279. 1 Novairi, D'Ohsson, iv. 738. Golden Horde, 279. 

**Journ. Asiat, 4th ser., xvii., 115. ItOp.cit., 183. JJ Golden Horde,279. 


Thus he is styled Toktogu, Ghaiyas el Toktogu the Just and Toktubeg* 
Fraehn has made a second Khan out of this last name, but, as I think, 
without warrant. H e publishes coins struck by him at Serai, the capital 
of the Golden Horde and the seat of Toktu's court,* and others struck at 
Khuarezm, at the other end of the empire,t while they range in dates 
from 693, ?'.<?., 1293-4, to 707, i.e., 1307-8. This makes it pretty certain 
that Toktubeg is a mere synonym of the Khan Toktu, whose history we 
have just been relating. 


According to Binaketi, Toktu left three sons behind him, Tukel aka, 
Ilkasar, and Pirus, but none of them succeeded to the throne, nor were 
they in fact heirs to it, since Toktu had an elder brother, Toghrul, who 
left issue. The person who now succeeded was Uzbeg, the son of 
Toghrul. Toghrul had sided with Tulabugha in the struggle between 
him and Toktu,t and had in consequence been put to death by the latter. 
In order to secure the throne for his own children, he had sent Toghrul's 
young son Uzbeg to live in the dangerous country of the Circassians, 
and thereupon married his widow. On his death-bed, having repented 
of what he had done, he confessed to his wife, the boy's mother, where 
the boy was living, and sent two Begs to bring him home, but before 
their return Toktu was already dead. 

Toktu's son Tukel did not appreciate his father's generosity, and 
determined to seize the throne and to put Uzbeg to death. The latter 
was however warned in time, and the two Begs, who had safely convoyed 
Uzbeg, fell upon Tukel in the palace at Serai and put him to death. This 
is one story reported by Von Hammer.§ Another is told by a continuator of 
Rashid, who assigns the controversy to the resentment of certain generals 
of Toktu, who disapproved of the proselytising tendencies of Uzbeg, and 
who consequently determined to support the son of Toktu. " Content 
yourself with our obedience, what matters our religion to you. Why 
should we abandon the faith of Jingis Khan for that of the Arabs," had 
been their language to him. They now determined to assassinate him at 
a feast. He was warned of the plot by one Kutlugh Timur, and escaped 
in time. He hastily mounted his horse and fled to his troops, with whom 
he returned and put to death Tukel, who is called Tuklughbeg, and 120 
of his principal supporters, and rewarded Kutlugh Timur by giving him 
the chief post in the government, namely, the charge of the great 
province of Khuarezm or Khiva. || 

* R4»c., &c., 203. t Id. Opusc, Post., 296. I Novairi, D'Ohsson, 752. 

5 Golden Horde, 282. || D'Ohsson, iv. 573. ©olden Horde, 283. 


In 131 5 Baba, a prince of the Golden Horde, who is probably to be 
identified with one of the rebel generals, passed with his ulus or tribe 
into Persia, and entered the service of Uljaitu, the Ilkhan of Persia. He 
then made an invasion of Khuarezm. Kutlugh Timur, its governor, 
marched against him with 15,000 troops, but most of his men deserted, 
and he had to retreat. Baba proceeded to ravage the province in all 
directions. He sacked several towns, and retired with 50,000 captives 
and loaded with booty. The hordes of Juchi and Jagatai were generally 
on very good terms. At this time Yassavur, a prince of the house of 
Jagatai, was encamped at Khojend with 20,000 men, and marched to 
the rescue so quickly that he compassed a month's journey in eight days. 
He attacked Baba on his return, defeated him, and compelled him to 
abandon his prisoners. Uzbeg was greatly irritated at this invasion, 
and the irritation was increased by the counsel of Issenbugha, the Khan 
of Jagatai, who doubtless wished to see the two hordes north and south 
of the Caucasus at war. Uzbeg sent Akbugha, of the race of the Kiyats 
{i.e., the Mongol royal race), to Tebriz as his envoy, to demand 
satisfaction. He arrived at Tebriz on September, 131 5, and the Emir 
Houssein Gurkan, the commander-in-chief on the frontiers of Arran, gave 
him a grand feast there. His host, however, presented him with the cup 
without rising. The envoy upon this said sharply, " That he could not 
accept the cup from a slave who was seated, and who had forgotten 
the ancient etiquette of the Mongols, by which a gurkan (i.e., one who 
had married into the Imperial family) ought to stand in the presence of 
a prince of the blood." Houssein replied that he was there to execute a 
mission, and not to regulate etiquette.* At the audience with Uljaitu at 
Sultania Akbugha said to him, " If the Prince Baba has acted on his own 
accord, let him be delivered up to us. If he did it by your orders, we 
counsel you not to winter in Arran, for we shall enter that province with 
an army as numerous as the sand of the desert." Uljaitu disowned 
the act altogether, and had Baba put to death in the presence of the 
ambassador, whom he sent home shortly after with a friendly message. 

The previous year Uzbeg had sent envoys to Egypt with magnificent 
presents and a letter, in which he congratulated the Khalif Nassir on the 
spread of I slamism to the borders of China. In it he said that in his 
empire there were now only Muhammedans. That on his elevation to 
the throne he had left the northern tribes the option of war or conversion, 
that those who had been obdurate had been beaten and reduced to 
obedience. Nassir sent envoys back with this embassy on its return, 
bearing rich presents with them.t Uzbeg's messengers had been accom- 
panied by a representative of the Byzantine Emperor. The Eg>'ptians 
returned home in the end of 131 5, and the next year Nassir sent other 
envoys, demanding in marriage a princess of the house of Jingis, with 

* D'Ohison, id. Golden Horde, 284. t Novairi in D'Ohuon, ir. 575. 


suitable presents. These envoys having delivered their letters, asked 
for a private interview, but were told by Uzbeg, through the interpreter, 
that if they had anything else to communicate than a simple compliment 
they must do it through the Emirs (surely a very constitutional monarch). 
The proposition was thereupon renewed in the assembly of the military 
chiefs, who were met together to the number of seventy. They feigned to 
be much shocked at the demand. Such a thing had never happened 
since the days of Jingis Khan. Why should a daughter of Jingis be sent 
across the seven seas to Egypt ? The first day they rejected the demand, 
but the next, having received the presents Nassir had sent them, 
they were more yielding, and ended by giving their consent, but the 
marriage was to be postponed for four years ; the first year to be spent 
in negotiations, the second for the formal demand, the third for the 
mutual presents, and the fourth for the marriage. One hundred tumans 
{i.e., 1,000,000 gold pieces or dinars), besides a great number of horses, 
suits of armour, &c., were fixed as the price of the young lady, and a large 
cortege of Emirs with their wives was to be sent to escort her. 
Impossible conditions were in fact annexed. The Tartars perhaps 
deemed it a good opportunity for a large extortion. Nassir on hearing 
of the conditions simply dropped the subject. Other embassies 
passed between the two, but it was not named. At length Uzbeg 
reopened the question on the return of one of Nassir's envoys, named 
Seif ud din, who had taken him a present of a royal robe decorated 
with gold and jewels. He told him he had assigned to Nassir a princess 
of the house 'of Jingis and sprung from Bereke, the former Khan of the 
Golden Horde. Seif ud din said that it was no part of his commission 
to undertake the responsible duty of a matchmaker, and that if he waited 
his master would send suitable presents. Uzbeg, who was a man of busi- 
ness, would not hear of delay, and said the lady should return with him, 
and asked for the usual marriage gift. The envoy said he had brought 
nothing with him. Uzbeg, with the usual Mongol skill in monetary 
matters, bade his merchants advance Seif ud din 20,000 dinars. They 
also advanced him a further sum of 7,000 dinars, which he spent in 
feasting. He then set out with his charge, with many ladies, and with 
the chief Kadhi of Serai. 

They embarked on the 17th of October, 1319, and landed at Alexandria 
in the month of April following. When she left the ship, the Khatun 
entered a tent of golden tissue, placed on a carriage which was dragged 
to the palace by the Mamluks. The Sultan sent chamberlains and 
eighteen boats to meet her. On her arrival at Cairo, she was received in 
State by the Emir Seif ud din Argun, the Sultan's lieutenant, at the head 
of the chief Mamluks, and borne on their shoulders in a palanquin to 
the pavilion called Meidan us Sultaniyu. There had been erected a silken 
tent, in which she was feasted. Three days after, Nassir gave audience 


to the envoys of Uzbeg and those of Byzantium and Georgia who had 
accompanied them. The princess, taken from the Meidan to the "Castle 
of the Mountain" in an araba drawn by a mule, was at length conducted 
to her apartments in the palace, which had been decorated in a fashion 
hitherto unknown among the Mussulmans. Eight days after, the marriage 
contract was drawn up, by which the Sultan paid over 30,000 mitscals, 
from which were deducted the 20,000 dinars already advanced. The 
envoys and the attendants on the princess were sent home with rich 
presents for themselves and the Khan. This account, which is taken 
fronj Novairi, gives a good view of the mercenary tactics of the Tartars 
in their marriage transactions, and of the luxury of the court of Egypt at 
that date.* 

Let us now turn our attention to Russia. We have described how 
Michael became Grand Prince, and how he struggled with and at length 
compelled George, the Prince of Moscow, to keep the peace with him. 
He lived chiefly at Tuer, and ruled both the Grand Principality and also 
the appanage of Novgorod by his lieutenants. The democratic citizens 
of the latter district having made a successful and sanguinary expedition 
against Finland, began to quarrel with Michael on the ground that he 
had not kept the terms of the treaty with them. He accordingly seized 
Torjek, and brought them to submission by cutting off their supplies 
of com. Peace was ratified through the intervention of David, 
archbishop of Tuer. This was in 1312. It was apparently in the 
following year that Michael was summoned to the horde, and arrived there 
to find Toktu dead and his successor on the throne. There he had to 
stay for two years, doubtless against his will, and as the Carelians and 
Swedes used the opportunity for attacking Novgorod, it naturally caused 
great discontent there. George, the Prince of Moscow, deeming the 
troubled waters good to fish in, sent his relative Feodor of Kief to seize 
Michael's partisans at Novgorod, and he was soon master of that 
republic. He too was now summoned to the horde to answer the 
charges of Michael, and left his brother Athanasius in charge of 
Novgorod. This was in 1315.1' 

Michael had already set out to recover his own, and was assisted by a 
Tartar contingent, commanded by Taitimur, Omar Khoja, and Indrui. 
He marched upon Novgorod with these allies and the troops of Vladimir 
and Tuer. The troops of Novgorod met him at Torjek, and a fierce 
fight took place in the early spring of 1316. Michael won the battle, and 
compelled his opponents to pay a large tribute, and to surrender 
Athanasius and some of the boyards as hostages. 

While Michael was thus asserting his authority, his rival George of 
Moscow was circumventing him by more peaceful methods. He so 
ingratiated himself into the favour of the young Khan Uzbeg that he 

• D'OhssoD, iv. 652-657, Golden Horde, 384-286. t Karamzin, iv. 217. Golden Horde, 286. 


appointed him chief of the Russian princes, and gave him his sister 
Konchak in marriage. She was baptised arid received the name of 
Agatha, which fact, as Karamzin says, seems very inconsistent with 
Uzbeg's usual zeal for the Muhammedans. Having been three years at the 
Tartar court, George returned with an army of Tartars and Mordvins, 
the former led by Kawgadui, Astrabit, and Ostref (? Chosref). Michael 
sent envoys to him to say that if it was the Khan's wish he would 
surrender the Grand Principality to him, but he asked to be allowed to 
retain his hereditary appanage (Tuer). The ruthless George answered 
this temperate message by ravaging the villages of Tuer as far as the 
Volga. Michael then summoned his boyards and told them his 
story. They gladly undertook to support him, and having assembled his 
forces he fought a battle against his nephew at Bortnovo, not far from 
Tuer. This was in December, 1318. He was completely victorious, 
and freed an immense number of captives whom the Tartars were 
carrying off. He also captured George's wife, his brother Boris, 
and Kawgadui, Uzbeg's deputy. The latter he treated with great 
civility, made him some handsome presents, and sent him back to 
the Khan. George fled to Novgorod, where he raised an army and 
marched towards the Volga. Michael, who seems to have been a very 
humane person, suggested that their quarrel should be remitted to the 
Khan for decision, and meanwhile he consented that George should be 
treated as Grand Prince. At this juncture Agatha, the latter's wife, 
unfortunately died at Tuer, and it was suggested that Michael had poisoned 
her. George repaired with a large body of boyards and notables to the 
horde, while Michael intrusted his case to his son Constantine, a boy ot 
twelve years of age, and no match for his crafty opponent.* 

George intrigued successfully, and also distributed gold freely among 
the leading Tartars. He was supported too by Kawgadui, and it was 
determined to summon Michael to the horde in person. A Tartar 
named Akhmil was sent to bring him. 

The Grand Prince, who had a presage that this journey would be 
his last, made a disposition of the appanages among his sons, and set out 
against the advice of the boyards. He met Uzbeg on the shores of the 
sea of Azof, and near the mouth of the Don. He distributed presents 
among the chief Tartars, and for six weeks lived in peace among them, 
when suddenly Uzbeg ordered the grandees to judge of the matters in 
dispute between the uncle and nephew, and to decide impartially which 
of them deserved punishment. The trial took place in a tent adjoining 
the Khan's, and there Michael was accused by several baskaks, i.e., Tartar 
commissioners, of not having paid the whole tribute fixed by the Khan. 
These he answered successfully ; but Kawgadui, his principal accuser, 
was also one of his judges. At the second sitting of the court he was 

* Karamzin, iv. 221-226. Golden Horde, 257. 


led in with a cord about his neck, and charged with having taken up 
arms against the Khan's ambassador, and with having poisoned the Khan's 
sister. " One cannot distinguish envoys in a battle," said the Grand 
Prince, "but I saved the life of Kawgadui and sent him back covered with 
honours. As to the other charge, I call God to witness, as a Christian, 
that I never committed such a horrible crime." But the judges were 
obdurate. The Chinese prisoner's yoke, called the cangue, was fastened 
round his neck, and his rich garments were divided among the guards, 
At this time Uzbeg set out on a hunting expedition with his army and a 
troop of tributary princes and ambassadors. These were occasions of 
great festivity, when each soldier donned his richest uniform and 
mounted his best horse : in which merchants from India, Byzantium, 
and Cathay offered their treasures in the vast camp. Michael went with 
the rest, for Uzbeg had not yet pronounced judgment. He spent his 
time in religious exercises, and as his hands were bound, a page turned 
over the leaves while he sang the psalms. Meanwhile Kawgadui made 
him undergo the indignity of a public exposure in the market place. He 
refused to escape, pleading that he would not make his country the 
victim of his imprudence. The horde had already crossed the Terek, 
and was encamped near Derbend, and near the Ossetian town of 
Tetiakof, which Mangu Timur, in alliance with the Russian princes, had 
captured in 1277. Uzbeg, who was young and disposed to be just, long 
delayed his sentence ; but at length, induced by the representations of 
Kawgadui, he ordered the execution. 

The fatal day arrived, and having blessed his son Constantine and 
repeated the religious services, a crowd of people came in sight, and with 
them his nephew George and Kawgadui. They ordered the executioners 
to enter the tent and finish their work. The attendants were driven out ; 
he was then seized by the cangue, thrown down and trampled under by 
the Tartars ; and lastly, a Greek or Russian named Romanetz thrust 
a knife into his side and dragged his heart out. This happened on 
the 22nd of November, 1319, and the place of martyrdom was 
beyond the river, which bears the fitting name of Ajissu or Bitter Waters. 
Like his relatives Boris, Gleb, and Michael of Chernigof he was made a 
saint. His tent was plundered by the Tartars, as was customary. 
George and Kawgadui then rode up to it and looked in at the naked 
corpse, where the Christian was reproached by the Muhammedan in the 
words, " He is your uncle, will you permit his corpse to be outraged ?* 
One of George's attendants then threw his mantle over the remains. 
These were conveyed to the town of Majar on the Kuma, and thence 
to Moscow, and were buried in the monastery of Saint Saviour in 
the Kremlin.* Thus perished another of the Grand Princes, the victim 
rather of his own ruthless relatives than of Tartar brutality, and thus 

* Karamzin, iv. 326-234. Golden Horde, 290, agi. 


did the Prince of Moscow sustain the character which, two centuries 
later, gave his descendants a wide notoriety for unscrupulous vigour. 
The reign of Michael was marked by two or three minor incidents in 
which the hands of the Tartars had a part. Thus we are told that in 
1 316 Constantine, Prince of Rostof, having died at the horde, his son 
Vasili returned to his capital with two Tartars named Sawlich and 
Kasanji, whose extortions were long remembered. Such officials bore 
the harmless title of ambassadors. In 1318 Kochka, who filled such a 
post, had 120 men put to death at Kostroma, pillaged Rostof, with the 
church of Our Lady there, and the monasteries and villages in the 
neighbourhood, and carried off a number of the inhabitants.* 

The church fared well at the hands of the Tartar Khan. The 
metropolitan Maximus had died in 1305. His position was seized by an 
abbot named G^rontius, but, at the instance of the Prince of Gallicia, the 
patriarch Athanasius deposed him, and in 1308 consecrated Peter, Abbot 
of Volhynia, metropolitan of Russia. It was he who deposed Ismael 
the Bishop of Serai, as I have mentioned. In 1313 he accompanied 
Michael to the horde, and obtained a diploma from Uzbeg granting 
special favours to the clergy, which was thus phrased : — 

" By the will and power the grandeur and grace of the most high and 
immortal God. Uzbeg to all our princes, great and small; to our 
voivodes, grandees, appanaged princes, superior and inferior officers; 
to our learned men and doctors of law, our men of letters, baskaks, and 
ambassadors, our couriers and receivers of tribute, our scribes, our 
envoys en route, our huntsmen, falconers, and all people of high, mediate, 
and low degree ; our grandees in all our provinces and uluses, wherever 
by the power of the eternal God our rule is estabhshed and our word 
is law. 

" It is forbidden to injure in Russia the metropolitan church, of which 
Peter is the head, or his subordinates ; to seize their property, wealth, or 
people. He is empowered to judge his own people in all cases of theft 
and plunder, according to right and justice, and he alone or his deputy 
is to be arbiter. All his subordinates in the church are to obey him 
according to the ancient laws, and according to our former orders and 
those of the Khans our predecessors. No one is to meddle with the 
affairs of the church, since they are divine. He who disobeys us in this 
will commit sin against God, and he will suffer from his anger and from 
our punishment. . . . We promise for ourselves, our children, and 
the governors of our provinces, not to meddle with the church's affairs ; 
and we forbid anyone to interfere in its towns, districts, villages, chases, 
and fisheries, beehives, lands, fields, forests, towns, or places under its 
bailifs; its vineyards, mills, winter quarters for cattle, or any of its 
properties and goods. . . . That the mind of the metropolitan may 

* Karamziat iv. 336 and 390. 


be always at peace, so that with an upright mind he may pray to God for 
us, our children, and our nation. Such is our wish according to the 
policy of the Khans our fathers. . . . Our baskaks, customs officers, 
receivers of tribute, scribes, &c., will take care that all the Basihcas 
of the metropolitan are unharmed, and that no one does them injury. 
That the archimandrites, abbots, priests, and other ecclesiastics are 
also respected. When imposts such as those from customs, the plough- 
tax, and that for transit or requisitions of farm produce, and for the 
post service are made, or in cases of general levies of our subjects in time 
of war, nothing shall be demanded from the cathedral churches, from the 
metropolitan Peter, or any of his clergy, for they pray to God for us and 
protect our army. Who is ignorant that at all times the Eternal gives 
means of sustaining life or providing for war ? . . . We desire that 
nothing shall be demanded for the support of our envoys, ourselves, 
or our horses. ... If anything be demanded from the clergy it 
shall be returned threefold, and those who use violence against it shall be 
duly punished. It is forbidden to employ the sei-vants of the church, such 
as painters, masons, carpenters, huntsmen, falconers, &c., for our pur- 
poses. . . . Anyone who condemns or blames this religion shall not be 
allowed to excuse himself, but shall suffer death. The brothers and sons 
of priests and deacons, living at the same table with them, shall enjoy the 
same privileges. Any priest not immediately subject to the metropolitan 
shall not be deprived of his office, but shall pay tribute. The priests, 
deacons, &c., who enjoy the immunities we grant them shall pray for us 
unceasingly with a pure heart. Evil to him who neglects to do so. 
All authority in the church is given to the metropolitan, so that he 
may exact rigid conformity. ... It is thus we have decreed the 
present ordinance, which we shall see duly carried out. 

" Given at our camp the year of the hare, the ist month of autumn, the 
4th of the ancient days."* 

This document points several morals. It shows, in the first place, how 
terribly down-trodden at this period the Russians must have been. How 
every act and movement of life was under surveillance and subject to 
taxation, and how the hungry tax-collectors, many of whom, according to 
Karamzin, were Jews from the Crimea and the Kuban, sucked like an 
army of leeches the very life-blood of the nation. 

It shows, on the other hand, to some extent how the church acquired 
its paramount influence in Russian life. It was the only institution 
in the country free from taxes and claims. Its property was essen- 
tially a sanctuary, and its dependents privileged people, while such 
diplomas as that given by Uzbeg, by concentrating and centralising 
the whole authority in the metropolitan and making him absolute, 
created that discipline in religious matters which can best be compared 

• Karamzin, iv. 390*395 


with the condition induced in the Roman Catholic church by the policy 
of the Vatican in our day. 

Uzbeg's tolerance was very Catholic, and not confined merely to the 
Greek Christians, for we read that a year before the metropolitan Peter 
appeared at the horde, the Pope John XXII. had written Uzbeg 
a letter, in which he thanked him for the kindness he had shown the 

Let us now turn to the Tartar doings elsewhere. The expedition of 
Uzbeg and his army towards Derbend, which the Russian chroniclers 
describe as a grand hunt, was that and something more ; it was a 
demonstration against Abusaid the Ilkhan of Persia. The Egyptians, 
doubtless in concert with him, made an attack at the same time upon 
Diarbekr. It was decided at a council of war that the emir Irenchin 
should defend the latter province while the Ilkhan in person marched 
against Uzbeg,t The emir Taremtaz was sent on as an advance guard 
to the frontier. Meanwhile Serai Kutlugh, brother of Kutlugh Timur, on 
behalf of Uzbeg, ravaged the country far and wide. 

Taremtaz was not strong enough to resist Uzbeg's powerful army, in 
which, we are told, each warrior had three horses, and he retired to 
Abusaid's ordn.| Uzbeg, who was a zealous Mussulman, visited the 
tomb of the emir Pir Houssein Perwana, and was told at the mosque 
there that the guardians of the tomb had been robbed by Serai Kutlugh's 
troops of 30,000 sheep and 20,000 cattle and asses, and that two Tartars 
had entered in at the windows and stolen the sacred carpets. He ordered 
the robbers of the carpets to be put to death, and issued a sharp Yarligh, 
i.e.y mandate, to the emirs Kutlugh Timur and Issa to halt the troops, 
and to inform them that the stolen herds must be restored. He also 
presented the guardians of the tomb with several bars of gold, polished 
on both sides, called sum, each worth twenty gold pieces. He also gave 
them some sable and ermine skins. " On the following morning," says 
the gloriously inflated Wassaf, " when on the green sea the golden ship 
unreefed its morning sails," that is, he explains, " when the sun had 
thrown its dazzling banners of light over the edge of the tower of the blue 
enamelled castle, the hoarse trumpets were sounded, and the march was 
continued towards the river Kur." 

It would seem that Uzbeg was induced to invade Persia by a report 
that Choban, the Ilkhan's general-in-chief, who was now in Khorassan, 
meant to rise against his master, for we are told when he reached the Kur 
he inquired from the guardians of the tomb how it was that Choban did not 
appear, and where he was. Choban was in the neighbourhood of 
Bailakan. The emir Issa Kutlugh, who had marched into Arran, had 
lost nearly all his mules and horses with the plague, and such distress 
teigned in the Sultan's own camp through the mortality among the cattle 

* Goldeu HofdC) <go. t D'OhsBon, iv, 613. I IlUmns, ii, 27:1, 


and the dcarness of everything, that a load of straw, only worth ten 
dirhems, was sold for forty-five ducats. • Messengers were sent to 
summon the various armies. As soon as Choban heard of his master's 
peril he set out post haste for Derbend. Uzbeg was told of his approach, 
and that he was marching with ten tumans, i.e., 100,000 men, from 
Karjagha directly upon Derbend, and thus threatening him in rear. He 
gave orders to retire. The army retreated hastily, but lost several 
prisoners to Choban, who pursued it rapidly. This campaign took place 
apparently in the winter of 1318-1319.* 

In this year we unfortunately loose the assistance of three of the best 
Eastern historians, namely, Rashid ud din, Binaketi, and Wassaf, and 
become largely dependent on the Russian annalists.t 

Michael had intrusted his young son Constantine to the generosity of 
Uzbeg's wife, who protected him and also such of the boyards as put 
themselves under her aegis. On his return home George took his 
young cousin with him. When the sad news of the martyrdom of 
Michael reached Tuer, its people put his eldest son Dimitri on his 
father's throne, and set out dressed in mourning to ask for the surrender 
of their late master's ashes. George agreed that the corpse should be 
exhanged for that of his Tartar wife Konchak, the sister of Uzbeg, and 
a mournful cavalcade set off down the Volga to escort it home. About 
this time, i.e.., in 1320, we read of a Tartar commissary named Baidar 
being at Vladimir and committing great excesses there. We are also 
told that the prince John Danilovitch made a journey to the horde, while 
another prince named George Alexandrovitch died there.| Dimitri, the 
son of Michael, seems to have now repaired to the horde, and there 
secured the punishment of Kawgadui, the instigator of his father's 
murder. The next year, />., in 1321, a Tartar deputy named Tayanchar 
went to Kashin with a Jew to collect the arrears of taxes. He com- 
mitted considerable depredations.! 

Meanwhile George, the Grand Prince, was prosecuting his plans in 
Russia. He compelled the Prince of Riazan to submit to him, and 
extracted from his cousin Dimitri of Tuer a treaty by which he agreed to 
pay him a tribute of 2,000 roubles and to resign all pretensions to the 
Grand Principality. This is the first occasion, according to Karamzin, 
when roubles are mentioned. They were not coins, but pieces of silver four 
inches long and of the thickness of one's finger, weighing 2% Russian ounces. 
A number of these old roubles are preserved, and may be seen in the 
splendid room devoted to Russian coins at the Hermitage at St. Peters- 
burgh. George now went to Novgorod and prosecuted a war against the 
Swedes. On his return he found the Tartar Akhmil had been once more 
in the Grand Principality, making sad ravage there, had devastated 

* Ilkhani, ii. 271-27 , 372-3S0. Golden Horde, ago. \ Golden Horde, agi. 

I Golden Horde, 292, $ Id. 


the town of Yaroslavl, under the plea of restoring order, and had 
returnedjn triumph to his master. He also heard that his cousin had 
solicited at the horde the Grand Principality for himself, and that the 
Tartar Sewinj Bugha had arrived at Tuer with the Yarligh or patent of 
investiture, George wished the people of Novgorod to supply him with 
some troops, but the prudent merchants there declined. He then 
repaired to Pskof, where he was amicably received, but where he found 
the people unable to assist him, as they were engaged in war with the 
Esthonian Knights, who were at this time, says Karamzin, commanded by 
David, Prince of Lithuania, known in the history of the Teutonic order 
as the " Castelan of Garden." Returning once more to Novgorod, 
George made a favourable peace with the Swedes, the Lithuanians, and 
the Ustiughes, and having thus won the regard of the Novgorod people, 
he deemed it prudent to repair to the horde to try and regain his former 
influence there. He travelled by way of Permia, and descended the 
Kama to the Volga. 

Meanwhile let us turn to the doings at the horde. In 1323 
Uzbeg lost his wife Beilun, and in the same year the Pope John XXIL 
sent him a brief asking him to send back the Christians who had been 
driven away from Soldaia in the Crimea by the Muhammedans. In the 
same year an army of Tartars made an invasion of Lithuania.* They 
also kept up an intermittent intercourse with the Eastern empire. Thus 
we read that in order to conciliate them the Emperors supplied their 
chiefs with beautiful girls for wives. The chronicler Cantacuzenus 
qualifies the statement by the questionable argument that they were 
maidens of plebeian origin.t This- did not entirely pacify the Tartars, 
for we read that in 1319 a number of them made an incursion as far as 
Adrianople. The next year they made a similar raid into Thrace. In 
1324 an invasion took place on a much larger scale. We are told that 
they were 120,000 in number, and were led by their chiefs Taitach 
(? Kaitak) and Toghlu Toghan. They ravaged Thrace for forty days, and 
captured a great booty and many captives. The Emperor's nephew took 
measures against them. Having put Adrianople in a state of defence, he 
planted his army .near the Hebrus, and there fought a bloody battle 
with a section of their forces, which was badly beaten, many of them 
being drowned in the Hebrus. Having spoiled the corpses and carried 
off other plunder, the Romans returned to Didymotichum. This was, it 
would seem, but a contingent. When the news of the disaster reached 
the main army they sent a division to punish the victors and to inter the 
dead. Having buried the corpses, this division returned, not to the main 
army, but to their own homes. Meanwhile the Emperor, having collected 
a considerable force, marched with them against the main army. The 
Greeks and Tartars were separated by the river Tuntza. Each party 

♦ Golden Horde, 292, 493. t Stritter, iii. 1104. 


was afraid to attack the other, but we are told that the Emperor with a 
few of his followers held a colloquy with Tasbugas,* one of the Tartar 
chiefs. The Tartar began by asking who they were. The Emperor 
replied by an interpreter who spoke Greek and Mongol, that they were 
people like themselves, on the look out for what they could get. That 
they, the Tartars, behaved neither justly nor in a manly fashion, but were 
only robbers, who approaching by stealth adopted a hostile method, 
and imposed servitude on mere peasants unused to war. It would be 
more manly if they were to announce their coming and to fight 
with soldiers trained to war, then if they vanquished, they might 
fairly carry off the others as the reward of their victory. Tasbugas 
replied that all this was nothing to them, who were under another ruler, 
and who according to orders, were willing to advance or retire, or to stay 
where they were. He also inquired if it were true that some of his 
people had recently been defeated by the Romans. The Emperor 
answered that if such a thing had occurred it was not his soldiers who 
had beaten them, and that he had not heard of it, but it might be that 
they had suffered elsewhere in making an incursion, a disaster which 
might perhaps have been repeated again there, if the river had not divided 
them. Tasbugas assented, and ended by affirming that those were 
very cruel who transfixed innocent people with darts. Having spoken 
thus he retired, unaware that he had been having a colloquy with the 
Emperor himself. After this the Tartars withdrew and returned to their 
own homes again. This was in i324.t They seem at this time to have 
made frequent visits to Thrace, and to have taken part there in the 
rebellions and struggles of a very unsettled period. 

I have mentioned how George, the Prince of Moscow, repaired to 
the horde to try and regain his former influence. He was speedily 
followed by his nephew, the Grand Prince Dimitri of Tuer, who having 
met his father's murderer plunged a sword into him, and thus revenged 
himself. This was on the 21st of November, 1325. His body was 
removed to Moscow and buried in the church of the Archangel Michael. 
Dimitri by this act of violence had courted the vengeance of the Tartars. 
It was, however, delayed for ten months, and his brother Alexander 
was allowed to return to Tuer with the Tartar commissaries. He was, 
however, at length executed, together with the Prince of Novossilk, a 
descendant of Michael of Chernigof, who was also accused of a capital 
crime. They were put to death on the river Landraklei. Dimitri's 
brother Alexander was nominated Grand Prince in his place. He also 
held his court at Tuer. Ivan Danilovitch now became Prince of Moscow, 
and repaired for investiture to the horde. With him went Constantino 

* Probably the Tashbeg, son of Choban, mentioned by Mirkhond as being sent against the 
Circassians. (Golden Horde, 293. Note, 4.) 

t Stritter, iii. 1107, iioS. 


Michaelovitch of Tuer, and an envoy of the people of Novgorod named 

In the summer of 1327 there appeared at Tuer a cousin of Uzbeg's 
named Cholkan (he is called Shevkal by Karamzin). His father Tudakan 
had led an army into Russia four and thirty years before. He was 
accompanied by bands of Tartars. A rumour spread that his object was 
to make an end of Alexander, the Grand Prince, and to occupy his 
throne, to divide the various Russian towns among his grandees, and to 
convert the Russians to Muhammedanism. The feast of the Assumption, 
when a large gathering of Christians took place at Tuer, it was said, was 
fixed for the slaughter. The rumour was doubtless false, for Cholkan 
had only a few of his people with him, and such an act was entirely 
ontrary to Uzbeg's ecclesiastical pohcy ; but these rumours, as Karamzin 
says, soon arise and spread very fast among ignorant and downtrodden 
people. The young prince himself was infected with the panic. Having 
killed Michael and Dimitri, he was persuaded the Tartars were about to 
exterminate his race. 

The citizens were easily persuaded, they rushed to Michael's palace, 
where the Tartar prince was lodging. Meanwhile the Tartars were 
aroused, and planted themselves in the garth. They fought 
desperately, but were overwhelmed by numbers ; some took refuge in 
the palace, which was fired by Alexander, and Cholkan and his people 
all perished. Even the Tartar merchants were put to death. This act 
of madness, which is fitly called the vespers of Tuer by Von Hammer, 
soon brought a terrible vengeance. Uzbeg summoned Ivan, Prince of 
Moscow, and conferred on him the Grand Principality of Russia. He 
also gave him an army of 50,000 men, commanded by five temniks, of 
whom four were called Theodor, Chuk, Turalik, and Singa.* With him 
also marched Alexander Vasilivitch of Suzdal and his people. It was a 
strange and crafty policy thus to exact vengeance from the Russian 
ruler at the hands of another Russian prince. 

At the approach of the terrible army Alexander fled to Pskof, and his 
brothers Constantine and Vasili to Ladoga. It was winter, and the 
ground was thickly covered with snow. The capital Tuer, the towns of 
Kashin and Torjek, with the neighbouring villages were devastated, and 
the inhabitants put to death or carried off into slavery, while the people 
of Novgorod appeased the Tartars by a fine of 2,000 roubles, &c.t This 
victory was very welcome at Serai, where about this time Ivan Yaro- 
slavich, Prince of Riazan, was put to death, and his son Ivan Karotopol 
mounted a throne "still stained with his father's blood." 

The accession of Ivan (surnamed Kalita or "the Purse," from 
the alms' bag he carried round his neck), to the throne of the 
Grand Principality was a famous epoch in Russian history. Moscow 

* Golden Horde, 294. Karamzin, iv. 234. t Golden Horde, 29s. KaranuiOj iv* 256. 


then became the capital of Russia, and it was from this period that 
the parties to the great struggle which led eventually to the expulsion 
of the Tartars from Russia ranged themselves fairly on either side. 
At this epoch also the Russians of the North began to get very isolated 
and separate from the Russians of the South and West, i.e.^ from the 
people of Kief, Volhynia, and Gallicia. These latter districts became the 
prey of the Lithuanians, who, having suffered terribly at the hands of the 
Russians and the Livonian Knights for many years, now began that 
career of conquest which made them a terrible menace to Muscovy for a 
long period. I have mentioned how, about 1275, Lithuania was ruled by 
a prince called Troiden. He seems to have been succeeded by Lutewer, 
who was reigning in 1291, and he in turn by his son Viten.* Viten was 
assassinated by his master-of-the-horse Gedimin, who usurped the throne 
and who founded a famous dynasty, he is described as brave and 
ambitious. Having reunited the ancient principality of Pinsk to 
Lithuania, he married his sons Olgerd and Lubart to the daughters of 
the Princes of Vitebsk and Lodomiria. They succeeded to the heritage 
of their fathers-in-law, and thus enlarged the territory subject to 

Meanwhile George Danilovitch, Prince of Volhynia and Gallicia, 
having died in 131 6, was succeeded by his sons Andrew and Leo, who 
determined to attack their neighbour the ambitious King of Lithuania, 
They took advantage of a struggle he was engaged in with the Teutonic 
Knights to invade his borders, but having successfully finished his 
German war, he marched against them, and fought a savage battle under 
the walls of Vladimir. With him were Russian soldiers from Polotsk, 
while the enemy was supported by a contingent of Tartars. Gedimin 
won a complete victory, and having captured Vladimir, marched upon 
Lutsk, the capital of Leo. He won his way as much by his clemency as 
his sword. Having passed the winter at Brest, he advanced in spring 
upon Ovrutch and Gitomir, dependencies of Kief, and then to the 
Dnieper. Stanislas, Prince of Kief, in alliance with the Princes Oleg 
of Pereislavl, Leo of Lutsk, Roman of Briansk, and a body of Tartars, 
met him on the river Irpen. They were however defeated, Oleg and 
Leo were killed, Stanislas and Roman fled to Riazan, and Gedimin, 
having distributed the captured booty, laid siege to Kief, which was at 
length obliged to open its gates. The clergy and inhabitants having 
sworn allegiance to the Lithuanian King, the latter, who was still a 
heathen, left his Christian nephew Mindug there, and proceeded to 
conquer Southern Russia, as far as Putivie and Briansk. Such is the 
story told by the historian of Lithuania. Karamzin questions its details, 
but in the main it probably represents pretty accurately the overwhelming 
of South-western Russia by the Lithuanians. It seems certain, however, 

* Karamzin, iv. 398, 399. 


that there were baskaks of the Khan at Kief in 1331, which was still 
governed by a Russian prince, while it was in the year 1324 that the 
Princes Leo and Andrew of Volhynia perished, and were succeeded by 
George, a young off-shoot of the great Daniel, who calls himself " Prince 
and sovereign of all Little Russia." In letters still extant, which he wrote 
to the Teutonic Knights, he undertook to protect the country of the 
latter from the Tartars.* He lived sometimes at Vladimir and some- 
times at Luof. It is probable that he was dependent on Gedimin. The 
latter now took the title of Grand Prince of Lithuania and Russia, and 
held his court at the famous city of Vilna. He preserved the old 
customs of the people, patronised the Greek religion, and allowed his 
people of that faith to acknowledge the metropolitan ; he wrote to the 
pope telling him he had protected the Franciscan and Dominican friars 
in his dominions, and asking him to restrain the Livonian Knights who 
plundered his country, and it was only when the latter continued their 
attacks that he refused to receive the pope's envoys. He allowed free 
trade in his dominions to the merchants of the Hanseatic league, and 
remitted ten years' taxes to all handicraftsmen who settled in 
Lithuania. Besides dominating over the districts of Little Russia, he 
was also master of Polotsk or White Russia.t Such was the power 
which grew up in Western Russia at the time when Moscow became the 
capital of the Grand Priacipality. As was usually the case now that the 
Golden Horde was in the hands of a strong master, the condition of its 
dependents much improved. This was due largely to the judicious 
conduct of Ivan Kalita. Like his predecessors, he looked upon Vladimir 
as a mere official capital, and resided in Moscow, his own appanage, and 
he determined at length to make that the de jure as well as the de facto 
capital. He persuaded the metropolitan to move his seat from 
Vladimir, and on the 4th of August, 1326, he laid the foundations of the 
first stone church there, and dedicated it to the "Assumption of the 

One of the first acts of the Grand Prince was to make a journey to 
the horde in company with Constantine, a younger brother of Alexander 
of Tuer, and of some merchants from Novgorod. They were well 
received by the Tartars, who, however, insisted that Alexander, the 
author of the vespers of Tuer, should be handed over to them for punish- 
ment. An important deputation, representing the Grand Prince, the 
people of Novgorod, and accompanied by the archbishop Moses and a 
superior officer named Abraham, went to Pskof to entreat Alexander to 
submit himself to the Khan. He reproached them, but said he would 
nevertheless go for the sake of his country ; the people of Pskof, however, 
gathered round him, and offering to die for him, told him not to obey. 
These citizens were then rich, for Pskof divided the German trade with 

• Karamzin, iv. 263. t Id., 266. \ Id., 271. 


Novgorod. They put their walls in order, and also built a fortress 
at Izborsk.* Ivan with the dependent princes upon this marched against 
them. He ordered the metropolitan to put Alexander and his people 
under an interdict, a proceeding until then unknown in Russia. Still the 
citizens stood by him, but he determined to escape to Lithuania, in order 
to free them from the interdict. He was well received by Gedimin, and 
after a while returned home again to his people, who now separated from 
Novgorod and put him on the throne.t 

About 1230 there died at the horde Timur, the son of Uzbeg, who had 
killed "the Khan beyond the mountains" (?of Circassia). His death 
caused great grief there. J We also read that in this year the Tartar 
Beg Hasan was killed by his wife, and Feodor, Prince of Starodubsk, 
was executed, being the fifth Russian prince who had fallen a victim 
at Serai since the accession of Uzbeg. On the other hand, we are told 
how the bishop of Serai received certain privileges from the Khan. This 
year Pope John XXH. again sent Uzbeg a letter commending the 
Catholics and their bishop Mancarolo to his good graces. § 

Ivan seems to have made several journeys to the horde. Thus he 
went in 1332 with Constantine, the young Prince of Tuer, and had 
scarcely reached home again when the Tartar envoy Saraichik was sent to 
summon him again. He returned to Russia the following year laden with 
honours. II The horde was becoming a cemetery of Russian princes. In 
1333 Boris of Dmitrof died there. We also read that Dimitri of Briansk 
made an attack upon Ivan Alexandrovitch, and was assisted by a Tartar 
contingent. U Kutlugh Beg, called Kadlubeg by the Polish writers, was 
one of Uzbeg's vassals or governors, and held dominion in the Krim. 
We read that in the summer of 1333 he with the Princes Demetrius and 
Kaizibeg (? Hajibeg) made a raid into Podolia. They were defeated by 
Prince Olgerd. Their people were driven down towards the mouth of 
the Dniester, and eventually were scattered in the Dobruja and the 
Nogay steppe. 

It was in August, 1333, that a pact was made on the Kuban between 
Kutlugh Beg, on behalf of Uzbeg, and the Venetian consul, by which the 
Venetians at Tana were granted a space of ground behind the church of 
the Hospital for a trading mart. This was where their consul hved, and 
where their magazines were. It was agreed that they should pay a tax 
of three per cent, upon the commodities they sold, and dues were charged 
on their ships according as they had one or two sails, while it was agreed 
that the settlement of the duties should be made in the presence of an 
agent of either side.** 

In the same year, /.<?., 1333, the great traveller Ibn Batuta was in the 
Kipchak. He tells us he landed at the port of El Kirash, in the steppe 

♦ Karamzin, iv. 273, ^74. t Id., 276. t Golden Horde, 296, 

§ /<(., 297. I Id. 1! Id. *• Id., 298 ami 25. 


country of Kipchak, and speaks of this steppe as treeless, and as having 
neither hill nor wood on it, and tells us how the inhabitants (as they do 
still) burnt dung for fuel. The greater part of the people of Kafta, he 
says, were Christians. Thence he went on by way of Krim towards 
Serai, travelling on an araba over the steppes. He remarks how 
although these abounded in cattle yet theft was unknown, it having been 
suppressed by the law "that any beast stolen was to be restored ninefold, 
and if the culprit had not enough for this his children were to be taken, 
and if he had no children then he was to be slain himself." The first 
town he mentions was Azak, situated, as he tells us, on the sea shore, 
where Uzbeg Khan had a deputy. Thence he travelled towards the 
Kuma and to the city of Majar. Our ingenious traveller was surprised 
at the honourable position held by the women ; he remarks as strange 
that they went unveiled, and he tells us they were given to almsgiving 
and other good works. From Majar he went on to Beshtau, the famous 
five mountains now occupied by the Circassians, but where Uzbeg had 
an ordu or camp. There Ibn Batuta tells us he witnessed a moving city, 
with its streets, mosques, and cooking-houses, the smoke of which 
ascended as they moved along. Ibn Batuta was evidently much 
impressed with the power and grandeur of his host, and he tells us he 
was one of the seven great kings of the world, the others being the 
Takfur of Constantinople, the Sultan of Egypt, the King of the two 
Iraks {i.e., the Ilkhan), the Khakan of Turkestan and Mavera un nehr, 
the Maharajah of India, and the Faghfur of China. 

Every Friday after prayer the Khan sat under a golden canopy on a 
throne covered with silver plates and richly jewelled. His four wives sat 
beside him on the throne, two on either side. Before it stood two 
of his sons, one on the right the other on the left. In front of him 
sat his daughter. When any of his wives came in, he rose, took her by 
the hand, and showed her to her place. They were all unveiled. Then 
came the great emirs, who sat on chairs right and left of the throne. 
Next to them stood his nephews and the other princes of the blood. 
Next again the sons of the great emirs in their order of precedence. 

When all was ready the people entered according to their rank, and 
having saluted, returned lo their seats. After evening prayer, the 
supreme queen returned, followed by the others, and attended by 
beautiful slaves. The women, who were separated on account 
of any uncleanness, were on horseback; the rest were in carriages, 
were preceded by cavalry and followed by handsome mamluks. Ibn 
Batuta tells us he was very well received by the Sultan, who sent him a 
present of some sheep and a horse, with a leathern bottle of kumiz. He 
teUs us that the Sultan's wives were highly honoured. Each one had a 
separate estabUshment for herself, her followers, and servants, and each 
visitor at the horde was expected to pay his respects to each of the wives 


of the prince. He tells us it was in consequence of his having done so 
that Uzbeg Khan received him.* He goes on to say how he had heard 
of the fame of the city of Bulghar, and wished to test for himself the 
stories he had heard about it, and at his request Uzbeg furnished him 
with a guide. It was ten days' journey, he says, from the Tartar camp, 
and he stayed three days there. He describes how the night was so 
short that he had barely time to recite his evening prayer before he had 
to begin that of midnight, and then that called el witr, when he was 
overtaken by the dawn.t There he was told of the land of darkness, 
situated forty days further north, where travellers had to go on sledges 
drawn by big dogs, and during the whole journey the roads were covered 
with ice, upon which neither the feet of man nor the hoofs of beasts could 
take hold. The dogs, however, he says, had nails which clung to the ice. 
None went there except merchants, each with some hundred sledges 
loaded with provisions, drinks, and wood, for there were neither trees, 
stones, nor horses there. The guide on these occasions was an 
experienced dog, for which as much as a thousand dinars was paid. He 
formed the leader, and with him were three other dogs, who stopped 
when he stopped. The master, he tells us, never chastised this leader ; 
at meals the dogs were fed first. The trading with the natives was done 
by barter, the merchant depositing his goods and then retiring, and next 
day finding sable and ermine skins, and the fur of the sinjab in their 
place. If the merchant was content he took this with him ; if not, he 
left it and more was added. Sometimes the natives would withdraw 
their own goods and leave those of the merchants. The latter, says the 
old traveller, did not know whether they were mankind or demons they 
had to deal with4 After his return to Uzbeg, Ibn Batuta set out again 
with him for Haji Tarkhan or Astrakhan, where he had his winter 
quarters, and he tells us that in the winter, when the river and adjoining 
waters were frozen over, hay was strewn about in immense qnantities on 
the ice, on which he lravelled.§ 

Uzbeg had married a daughter of the Greek Emperor. Ibn Batuta 
calls her the Khatun or Lady Beilun. This seems a generic name for 
princess; one so named, a wife of Uzbeg's, died in 1324.II She was 
doubtless a daughter of Andronicus II., who followed the policy of the 
Emperors of his house in allying himself with the Tartar chiefs. Von 
Hammer suggests that the match between Uzbeg and the princess was 
arranged when the metropolitan Thcognost went to Constantinople as 
Uzbeg's envoy.^ The young wife of Uzbeg, it would seem, was enceinte 
on Ibn Batuta's arrival, and was about to pay her father a visit, intending 
to leave the child with him, and our traveller requested permission to 
accompany her. This was at first refused, Uzbeg being apparently 

* Ibn Batuta, Trans., ;7< t /«<•, 78' I '<<■> 79- } li' II Golden Horde, B98. Note, 3. 


jealous of him, but. after some diligent flattery he at length received 
permission. Uzbeg accompanied them for a day's journey, and they had 
an escort of about 5,000 men, 500 of them being cavalry. They first 
arrived at Ukek, which our author says was a moderately sized town, but 
very cold. He tells us further, it was ten days distant from Serai. 

At Ukek the travellers left the Volga, and in ten days arrived at 
Sudak, ?'.«?., Soldaia, their intention, as Colonel Yule suggests, being 
doubtless to travel by sea. They seem, however, to have changed their 
minds, and to have completed their journey overland. They passed 
through a town which Ibn Batuta calls Baba Saltuk or Babatagh in the 
Dobruja, which was named from Saltuk, whose tomb is still reverenced 
there.* This was the frontier of the Turks he says, and on leaving it 
they had an eighteen days' journey before reaching Rum, i.e.^ the 
Byzantine dominion.t The first Byzantine town they reached was 
Mahtuli. He tells us he paid his respects every morning and evening 
to the princess, who treated him very kindly, and made him several 
presents, inter alia were fifteen horses. 

Mahtuli was twenty-two days from Constantinople, The Emperor 
having heard of his daughter's approach, sent out some ladies and nurses 
with an escort to meet her. The road being bad, they had to leave their 
carriages behind and to j)roceed on horse and mule back. The post 
roads of the Mongols, it must be remembered, were very good. The 
Tartar escort having returned home, she now proceeded with her own 
people. She had a mosque with her, which was set up at every stage, as 
in the case of her husband, and in which daily prayers were said, but this 
was left at Mahtuli, and after leaving that town the saying of the Muezzin 
ceased. She drank wine and, evidently to Ibn Batuta's horror, ate swine's 
flesh ; some of her Kipchak servants alone said their prayers with our 
traveller. " Thus," says he, " were tastes changed by entering into the 
territories of infidelity." At a day's journey from the city the princess's 
brother went out to meet her with about 5,000 cavalry in armour. He 
met her on foot as he was her junior. When she had kissed his head he 
passed on with her. Next day her elder brother, who was heir-apparent, 
went out accompanied by 10,000 horse. In this case both dismounted 
to greet one another. They then went on together. When she reached 
the city, the greater part of the inhabitants came to meet her in holiday 
attire. The crowd was so great that Ibn Batuta got separated ; he was 
told, however, that when she met her parents she alighted, kissed the 
ground before them, and .'also their horses' hoofs, t They entered Con- 
stantinople at sunset amidst a tremendous ringing of bells. 

The porters refused to admit Ibn Batuta until a special permit was 
obtained from the Emperor by the princess, when he was also given a 
letter of safe conduct, to enable him to pass about the city as he Hked, 

* Golden H»rde, 299. t Ib& Batata, 80. I U., %i. 


and was lodged next to his charge, who sent him provisions morning 
and evening. On the fourth day he was introduced to Andronicus. He 
tells us he was searched before entering the palace, for fear he should 
have any concealed weapons. He found the emperor and empress 
seated on their throne, with their daughter, whom he had accompanied, 
beside them, while her brothers were seated below. He was kindly 
treated, he tells us, and was asked about Jerusalem, the temple of the 
Resurrection, the cradle of Jesus, Bethlehem, the city of Abraham (z>., 
Hebron), Damascus, Egypt, Irak, and the country of Rum. A Jew, he 
tells us, acted as interpreter. Andronicus presented him with a State 
robe, and a saddled horse with one of his own umbrellas, which was a 
mark of protection. An officer was also appointed to escort him about 
the city. He mentions seeing St, Sophia, which, however, he would not 
enter as he would not make obeisance to the cross at its door. He also 
tells us there were other churches, monasteries, &c., almost innumerable. 

Th^ people of Kipchak who had accompanied the princess, seeing she 
wished to be a Christian and to remain at Constantinople, asked 
permission to return home, which was granted them. Ibn Batuta 
accompanied them, and received a present of 300 dinars and 2,000 
dirhems in money from the princess, with dresses of cotton and woollen, 
and horses from her father. He had been at Constantinople a month 
and six days, and returned once more to Astrakhan. Finding that 
Uzbeg had gone thence to Serai, he followed him thither, and 
reported the result of his journey, and was reimbursed his travelling 
expenses. There he met the famous sheikh Nejmeddin El Khuarezmi, 
who behaved, he tells us, proudly before Uzbeg, but humbly with the 
poor and his pupils. The former visited him every Friday. 

From Serai he went to Khuarezm, a journey of forty days, which was 
travelled in carriages drawn by camels. He passed on the way the city 
of Seraijuk, situated on the river Ulugh su {i.e., the great river, 
this was the Yaik), which he tells us was crossed there by a bridge like 
the one at Baghdad. Khuarezm, he tells us, was the largest city of the 
Kipchak Turks, and was subject to Uzbeg, who had an emir there as his 
viceroy. He tells us he had never met better bred or more liberal people 
than those of Khuarezm, nor any more friendly to strangers (surely a 
curious contrast to the present Uzbeg lords of Khiva). He tells us they 
had one commendable practice. When anyone absented himself from 
his place in the mosque, he was beaten by the priest in the presence of 
the congregation and fined five dinars, which went towards the repair of 
the mosque. Each mosque was provided with a whip for the purpose.* 
The prevailing sect at Khuarezm, he tells us, was that of the Schismatics 
(/.<f., the so-called Kadarits, who denied predestination), but this they 
kept secret as Uzbeg was a Sunni. He also describes the celebrated 

* IbQ BatnU, 86. 


melons of Khuarezm, which he tells us were green outside with red flesh, 
very sweet and somewhat hard. They were cut into oblong pieces and 
dried, and were carried as far as India and China, where they were much 
esteemed as dried fruit.* From Khuarezm he went on towards India, by 
way of Bokhara and Samarkand. 

Let us turn once more to Russia. The various princes kept up a 
string of visits to the horde, and the Grand Prince Ivan was there again 
in 1334. Meanwhile Alexander of Tuer, who had for so many years been 
a practical exile at Pskof, was growing weary of his expatriation. "Alas," 
he said, "if I live in exile my children will be without inheritance." He 
accordingly determined to pay a visit to Uzbeg in person, but to prepare 
the way he sent his young son Michael Feodor, who returned with a 
Tartar deputy named Abdul.t The news they brought was reassuring, 
so he determined to go himself. When he was presented to the Khan 
he addressed him thus: "Great King, I deserve your anger, and I submit 
my fate to you. Act according to the dictates of heaven and your own 
heart. To you belongs the right to pardon or punish me. In the one 
event I shall thank God for your clemency, in the other I offer you my 
head." Uzbeg was appeased by this language, and granted him the 
principality of Tuer. He was accompanied home by the two Tartars 
Kindak and Abdul, and he sent his son Feodor to the horde, where 
Ivan Kalita once more repaired with his two sons Simeon and Ivan. His 
object in going there was to undermine the position of Alexander, of 
whom he was jealous. He was himself a persona grata at the Tartar 
court, where he had always been subservient. He now poisoned Uzbeg's 
mind against his rival, suggested that he was an irreconcilable enemy of 
the Tartars, and the head and front of the Russian opposition. Uzbeg 
thereupon despatched his envoy Istrochei to bring Alexander and other 
princes his friends to Serai. The crafty Ivan, to remove all suspicion 
from his own shoulders, returned himself to Moscow. Alexander set out 
amidst bad omens ; a hurricane blew so fiercely that the rowers could 
scarcely control their oars. He was accompanied by Roman Michael- 
ovitch of Bielozersk and Vasili Davidovitch of Yaroslavl, while his young 
son had already preceded him. The presents offered by the Prince of 
Tuer were received in silence. For a month matters remained undecided, 
and Uzbeg's wife and some of the Tartar grandees seem to have 
interested themselves on his behalf; but, urged on probably by Ivan's 
sons, who had now arrived, the authorities were immovable. Having 
received the sacraments in his tent with his son, they were both put 
to death, and their bodies hewn limb from limb.f The date of the 
martyrdom was the 28th of October, 1339, and they were the sixth and 
seventh Russian princes who were thus victims during Uzbeg's reign. 
As Karamzin says, he doubtless thought it good policy to thus strike 

* Ibn Batuta, 86. 1 Karamzin, iv. 284. Golden Horde, 300. \ Karamzin, iy., 290, 291. 


terror into the dependent princes, but in fact he merely strengthened the 
hands of the Grand Prince at the expense of his subordinates. 

Ivan was very ambitious. He probably saw that the degradation to 
which Russia had been reduced was due to its power being frittered 
away by its feudal institutions, and he determined to get into his own 
hands at least the ancient appanages of Vladimir. 

Alexander, Prince of Suzdal, having died in 1333 without children, 
Ivan seized the throne and displaced Constantine, Alexander's brother. 
He married one of his daughters to Vasili, Prince of Yaroslaf, and 
another to Constantine of Rostof, and followed this up by dictating 
the internal policy of those principalities ; and it was because Alexander 
of Tuer was in some sense a rival that he pursued him so ruthlessly. 
He largely justified his ambition by restoring order and exacting 
obedience to the laws within his borders, and thus making the Grand 
Principality a contrast to the surrounding appanages, where lawlessness 
largely prevailed.* He surrounded Moscow with a wooden wall, rebuilt 
the Kremlin, originally called Kremnik, or burnt stone from the volcanic 
rock on which it was placed,t and built several churches, among others 
that of St. Michael the Archangel, which became the burial place of the 
Russian princes.^ Meanwhile trade flourished. The Hanseatic league 
furnished Russia with the products of the northern seas, while the 
Genoese traders at Kaffa and Azof distributed those of a more southern 
latitude, the merchants being provided with safe conducts by Uzbeg. 
The first of the great Russian fairs was organised at Kholopigorodok, at 
the mouth of the Mologa, where a great concourse of traders assenabled 
annually.§ Seventy inns there provided for the needs of the visitors, and 
7,200 pounds weight of silver was collected in the shape of dues by the 
Grand Prince. || These dues and the increasing prosperity of the country 
increased also the relative wealth of the Princes of Moscow. Periodical 
censuses and perennial imposts, which were apparently introduced 
by the Tartars, were another potent instrument in breaking down the 
feudalism of Russia and pouring a stream of wealth into the lap of the 
Grand Prince. With this he bought special demesnes elsewhere, as in 
the governments of Novgorod, Vladimir, Kostroma, and Rostof His 
most important purchases were the towns of Uglitch, Bielosersk, and 
Galitch ;1[ but probably the most potent revolution introduced by him 
■ was acquiring the post of farmer of the taxes in Russia on behalf of the 
Tartars, and it was under the pretence that such was the will of the 
Khan that he required the stiff-necked burghers of Novgorod, in 1337, to 
pay a double tribute. " Armed against the Russians," says Kelly, " with 
the dread inspired by the Tartar name, and against the Tartars with the 
money of the Russians, intoxicating the Khan and his courtiers with 

♦ Karamzin, iv. 300. t Id., 413. Note, 52. J Id., 301. i ld„ 303. 

i Kelly's Russia, i. 85. Note. H Karamzin, iv. 3otl. 



gold, and adulation in his frequent journeys to the horde, he was enabled, 
as lord paramount, to bring about the first union of all the appanaged 
princes against his competitor the Prince of Tuer. . . . From the 
Kremlin which he fortified, he proclaimed himself the arbiter of his 
kinsfolk; he reigned in their principalities by the medium of his boyards; 
he arrogated to himself the right of being the sole distributor of gifts, 
judge, and legislator; and if the princes resisted and dared to wage war 
against him — a war of the public good — he hurried to the horde, purse 
in hand and denunciation on his lips, and the short-sighted Uzbeg, 
deceived by this ambitious monitor, was impolitic enough to disembarrass 
him of the most dangerous of his competitors."* His renown attracted 
many celebrities to his court, among others, we are told that the Tartar 
Prince Chetmurza was baptised under the name of Zacharias, and settled 
at Moscow.t 

Ivan died in the year 1340. It was apparently in the latter months of 
his reign that we read of the rebellion of the Prince of Smolensk, who, 
having allied himself with the great Lithuanian Gedimin, ventured to 
break off his vassalage to the Tartars. Uzbeg sent his envoy Tawlubeg 
{^.e., Tuklughbeg) and the emir Mengkukash to bring him to his senses, 
and ordered the Russian princess to assist them. They marched two 
armies, one led by the Prince of Riazan, the other by the dependents of 
the Grand Prince, which advanced until in sight of Smolensk, when, 
either deterred by its fortifications or soothed by a payment of black 
mail, they withdrew.^ 

On Ivan's death his sons went to the horde to secure the succession. 
Constantine Prince of Tuer, and Constantine of Suzdal had pretensions 
to the throne, but the Grand Prince had left his family too rich to make 
them fear competitors in the eyes of the Tartars, who were soon 
appeased by a heavy largess. We accordingly find that Simeon, son of 
Ivan, was duly nominated Grand Prince. While he adopted his father's 
humility towards the horde, he acquired the title of " Proud " from his 
rigorous attitude towards the other princes. § 

We have now reached the term of Uzbeg's life. " It was," says 
Karamzin, " at this time that the Russian proverb originated, * Near 
the king near to death.' " The princes went to the horde as if they were 
bound for the last judgment. Happy those who returned safe and sound. 
The oldest Russian will extant is the one made by Ivan Danilovitch 
when he set out on one of these journeys. || ' Von Hammer mentions nine 
such victims among the Russian princes.^ 

Let us now turn shortly to Uzbeg's intercourse with other powers. 
Karamzin remarks how he was on terms of friendship with Pope 
Benedict XXII., who had great hopes of his conversion. He allowed 

* Kelly, i. 83, 84. t Karamzin, iv. 303. \ Id., 298. Golden Horde, 302. 

i Karamzin, iv. 315- D W-i 304- If Golden Horde, 303. 


him to introduce Christianity into the countries bordering on the Black 
Sea, and it was during Uzbeg's reign that the Yasses or Ossetes were 
converted by the monk Jonas Valent. This we learn from the letters of 
their princes, called the Princes of the Alans, written in 1338, to tell the 
Pope that, having been converted eight years before by that monk, they 
were then without any spiritual guide.* Uzbeg, his wife, and son several 
times sent envoys to the Pope. In the year 1340 Benedict, in a letter 
addressed to him, mentions the arrival of two Genoese, Petromer de 
Lorto, formerly governor of Kaffa, and Albert, his companion, as the 
Khan's envoys, accompanied by Helym of Hungary, a minor friar, the 
envoy of his son Tinibeg.t 

This friendly intercourse on the part of a rigid Muhammedan like 
Uzbeg is a matter of some interest. As Kelly says, it is remarkable that 
Muhammedanism stopped short at the Russian frontier. It has nowhere 
apparently, except in Bosnia, made a permanent conquest of a purely 
Arian race ; and while there can be small doubt that Uzbeg forced the 
faith of Islam upon his Siberian subjects and proteges, his far-seeing 
prudence or some other potent cause led him to treat Christianity with 
great deference. Like his predecessors, he was in a state of chronic 
quarrelling with the Persian Ilkhans. I have described his campaign 
beyond Derbend in 1319. In 1327 Choban, the commander-in-chief of 
the Ilkhan's forces, and his eldest son Jelad were executed by the com- 
mand of Abusaid. He left nine other sons, the eldest of whom, the emir 
Hassan, had been governor of Khorassan and Mazanderan, while 
Hassan's son Talish governed the provinces of Ispahan, Kerman, and 
Fars. Hassan and TaUsh, on their father's flight, went first to 
Mazanderan. Thence they escaped to Khuarezm by way of Dabistan, 
where they were well received by Kutlugh Timur, Uzbeg's deputy. 
Having made their way to the court of Uzbeg, they were also hand- 
somely treated by him, and shortly after they shared in a campaign 
which he ordered against Serai-Majar, and the Circassians. Hassan 
was wounded there and died. Talish died shortly after, t 

A few years later, namely, in 1334, Uzbeg determined to make an 
invasion of Persia by way of Derbend. Abusaid the Ilkhan was pre- 
paring to meet him when he suddenly died at Karabagh, and was 
succeeded by Arpa Khan. The latter marched against the invaders in 
the middle of the winter. When opposite each other, Arpa Khan 
detached a division to take Uzbeg in rear, but the latter was saved by 
the arrival of his dependent Kutlugh Timur, who soon after died, and 
Arpa Khan retired.§ 

Uzbeg seems to have made another attack on Persia in the last year 
of his reign. II He died in 1340, after a reign of twenty-eight years, 

♦ Kar«mzin, iv. 425. Note, 62. t Id. \ D'Ohsson, iv. 685. Golden Horde, 296. 

% Jouru. Asiat., 4th ser., xvii. 132. Golden Horde, 301, D'Ohsson, iv. 720. 

y Golden Horde, 303. 


which was the most flourishing period in the history of the Kipchak. 
His reahn extended, in the alliterative phraseology of Eastern writers, 
from Solgat in the Krim to Sogd in Transoxiana, a distance of six 
hundred fersenkhs. In Khuarezm he was represented by his deputy 
Kutlugh Timur, and in the Krim by Kutlughbeg.* On his coins Uzbeg 
is called Ghaiyas ud din Uzbeg Khan, Muhammud Uzbeg Khan, Uzbeg 
Khan the Just, &c. His coins occur from the year 713 («>., 1313-14) 
to the year 740 {i.e., 1 339-40). They were struck at Serai, Khuarezm, 
Mokshi, Bolghari, Azak, and Krim.t Mokshi and Azak first occur 
as mint places in his reign. His strong religious tendencies are 
shown by the mottoes on the reverses on his coins, on which we 
read, "The Succourer of the Faith," "The Exalted Great Khan," 
&c. We also find on them the blazon which was put on Solomon's 
seal, i.e., a falcon or eagle on a sunlion.J Langles says Uzbeg 
was not originally a Muhammedan, but that he was converted by four 
doctors from Persia, named Seyid Sheikh Muhammed, Sheikh Kolkat, 
Sheikh Ahmed, and Sheikh Hassan Kerkan.§ So great was his influence 
in Asia that the important tribes of the Uzbegs beyond the Ural, 
who were probably converted during his reign, adopted and still retain 
his name,|| while the principal square of Cairo was called Esbekye after 

The names of three of his wives are recorded, one the daughter of the 
Emperor Andronicus, to whom we have already referred ; Sheritumgha, 
the mother of Janibeg, and probably also of his other sons, Timur, 
Tinibeg, and Khidrbeg ;^ and Taidula, a Christian, who gave her name, 
according to the tradition reported by Karamzin, to the famous iron 
capital of Russia, Tula.** 

It is curious to find that Uzbeg still kept up the intercourse of the 
Golden Horde with China, and we are told in the Yuen shi or Imperial 
annals of the Yuen dynasty how, in 1336, he sent an embassy to the 
Emperor asking for the payment due for his appanages in China, viz.. 
Ping yang in Shansi, Tsin chau in Cheli, and Yung chau in Honan. 
This money was required for the establishment of post stations to 
facilitate the movement of troops. The envoy reminded the Emperor 
(who was evidently still considered as the nominal suzerain) that the post 
stations within his master's dominions were not kept up by the Emperor 
but by Uzbeg 

♦ Golden Horde, 303. 

\ Frxhn Die Munzen der chane yod uIus Dschutschi ans der Samlung Fuchs, 6-10. 

I Golden Horde, 304. § Forster's Voyage du Bengale, &c. Appendix, 368. 

B Khuandemir. Journ. Asiat., 4th ser., xvii. 115. Abulghazi, 184. % Golden Horde, 309-311. 

** Karamzin, quoted in Golden Horde, 411. 

tt Bretschneider Notices of Mcdiaval Geography, &c., 105. 



Uzbeg had four sons, Timur (whose death I have already mentioned), 
Tinibeg, Janibeg, and Khidrbeg. Tinibeg is called Insanbeg or Insan 
by Western writers, but this seems to be clearly a mistake. He is called 
Tinibeg not only by the Russian writers but in the Pope's letter, in which 
he acknowledged receiving an envoy from him,* Tinibeg only occupied 
the throne a few months, when he was murdered by his younger brother 
Janibeg. According to the chronicle of Troitzki, Janibeg also killed his 
brother Khidr Beg.t 


Notwithstanding the murder by which he secured the throne, Janibeg 
ruled very exemplarily, and is much praised by Eastern writers for his 
wisdom and justice. " He was," says Ibn Haidar, "just, God-fearing, 
and the patron of the meritorious." Mewlana Saad ud din Testasani, 
one of the two pillars of Arabic learning in the eighth century of the 
hejira (the other being Seid Sherif Jorani), dedicated to him his work 
entitled " Telkhisol Miftah." It was an epitome of the philosophical 
encyclopaedia of Sekaki, called " Miftah" or the Key. Like his father, he 
was a great patron of learned men, who resorted to Serai in large 
numbers during his reign. 

On his accession the Russian princes and the metropolitan Theognost 
received a summons to attend and do honour to their new sovereign. 
The Grand Prince Simeon was very civily treated. Theognost was 
detained, and pressure was put upon him to pay an annual ecclesiastical 
tribute out of his large revenues, information about which was apparently 
furnished by the Russians. Theognost cited the various documents by 
which his predecessors and the Russian clergy had been exempted from 
taxes. The latter were much pleased with the address of their hierarch, 
who, instead of assenting to a regular taxation, persuaded Janibeg to 
content himself with the payment of a lump-sum of 600 roubles.f It was 
probably on this occasion, says Karamzin, that Theognost received from 
Taidula, the widow of Uzbeg, with the assent of the Khan, a special 
exemption from taxation. The edict had a scarlet tamgha or official 
signature. § 

Alexander, Prince of Pronsk, had been murdered by Ivan Korotopol, 
Prince of Riazan, about 1339, when he was on his way to the horde with 
tribute. II Alexander's son Yaroslaf sought assistance from Janibeg, who 
sent an officer named Kinduk, and apparently an army, with him. They 

Karararin, iv. 443. Note, 62. t /d. I Id., 319. 8 Id., 426. Note, 62. g /</., 300. 


besieged Ivan in his capital. He was captured and put to death, and a 
portion of his principality was added to Yaroslaf 's. The Tartar con- 
tingent who had assisted him, as usual, plundered the district.* We also 
read that at the accession of Janibeg Constantine of Rostof, Constantine 
of Suzdal, and Vasili of Yaroslavl went to the horde to get a confirmation 
of their authority, t 

In the year 1343 the Tartars made a raid into Poland, which was the 
same year devastated by locusts. The Tartars were invited by Dasko, 
whom Casimir had made governor of Przemisl, and by Daniel Ostreg. 
Casimir hastened against them, and prevented their crossing the Vistula 
near Sendomir. Having spent some days in ravaging the neighbourhood, 
and tried in vain to capture Lublin, they once more retired. About the 
same time strife arose at Tana between the Tartars and the Genoese and 
Venetians. It arose out of a trade dispute between a Genoese and a 
Tartar, in which the latter was killed. Janibeg accordingly called upon 
the Genoese to leave the] town. They ^treated his message cavalierly, 
and sent him an insolent reply, and not only so, but proceeded to arm 
their galleys and to plunder the coast. In February of 1344 they 
attacked the Tartars, who were besieging the town, killed 15,000 of them, 
and destroyed their siege apparatus, and the latter were at length con- 
strained to give up the attack. Two months later some Tartar envoys 
appeared at Genoa to offer reparation, and peace was accordingly 
ratified.J Shortly after we find the Grand Prince Simeon and his 
brothers Ivan and Andrew once more at the horde. 

Let us turn our attention elsewhere for a short time. Gedimin, the 
founder of the Lithuanian kingdom, died in 1341, leaving each of his 
seven sons an appanage. He was succeeded in his chief authority by the 
second of these, named Olgerd, who surpassed all the rest in bravery 
and skill. We are told be avoided drinking both wine and hydromel, 
nor did he engage in frivolous amusements, but devoted himself to 
improving his position.§ Olgerd apparently reigned at Vitebsk, Unuti 
at Vilna, Narimant at Pinsk, and Kestuti at Troki. 

Olgerd, who was ambitious, in alliance with his brother Kestuti, pro- 
ceeded to displace Unuti and Narimant from their appanages and to 
make himself sole monarch of Lithuania. Narimant took refuge with 
the Tartar court. || Constantine, Prince of Tuer, also went to the horde 
to settle a dispute with his nephew Vsevolod of Kholm, the son of the 
famous Alexander. Constantine having died while among the Tartars, 
they thereupon gave the principality to his nephew Vsevolod, but the 
tatter's victory was short lived. Vasili of Kasin, another brother of 
Constantine's, secured the countenance of Sheritumgha, Janibeg's mother, 
and other influence there to enable him to displace his nephew, who had 

* Karamzin, 319, 320. 1 Id.,4z(>. Note, 62. I Golden Horde, 307. 

i Karamzin, iv. 325. i| IJ. 


to content himself eventually with his smaller heritage of Kholm.* In 
1352 the Khan sent Ahmed with a special yarligh or patent of office for 
Vasili.t In 1345 a Tartar Beg named Emir made a descent on the town 
of Alexin, and plundered the house of the metropolitan there.J The 
same year {i.e., in 1345) the black plague appeared in Russia. It seems 
to have originated in China, where 13,000,000 people became its victims. 
Thence it spread over the Mongol world. The country on both sides of 
the Caspian was devastated by it. Khuarezm, Turkestan, Serai, and 
Beshdeshe (? the village of Wesedef below Yenotacwsk on an arm of the 
Volga),§ all fell under its influence. The Armenians, Abkhazians, and 
Circassians ; the Jews, the Genoese, and the Venetian colonists in the It also swept over Greece, Syria, and Egypt. 
The Genoese ships carried it to Italy, France, England, and Germany. 
Fifty thousand people, says Karamzin, were buried in one cemetery in 
London. At Paris the distracted people wished to exterminate the Jews, 
whom they charged with having introduced it. In 1349 it appeared in 
Scandinavia, and thence passed to Pskof and Novgorod. One-third of 
the inhabitants of Pskof perished. Each priest found as many as thirty 
bodies daily for burial in his church, and the service for the dead was 
performed for them en masse. The cemeteries being full, the bodies 
were buried beyond the walls and in the forests. The contagion was so 
dangerous that the rich even could not find nurses. Children fled from 
their parents, and the despairing people devoted their wealth to the 
service of religion. Winter put an end to the plague.^ It seems to have 
been a violent dysentery or cholera, and was marked by an effusion of 
blood, after which the victims lived but two or three days. Its effects 
among the nomades were doubtless terrible. Such diseases when they 
attack strong hearty people, for the most part flesh eaters, are singularly 
fatal, and the history of the spread of such scourges as small-pox, 
measles, &c., in Siberia and North America is a grim story. 

On the 15th of February, 1347, a treaty was made between the 
Venetians and Janibeg, of which the terms at full length are set out by 
Von Hammer. It was made in the name of God and Muhammed. The 
document was addressed by Janibeg to all his commanders of tumans (/>., 
10,000 men), his millcnarians, centurions, and decurions, and all those 
subject to Mogolbeg ; to all the barons and rulers of the city, and to all 
the gumrukje {i.e., the customs officers), to his envoys, messengers, &c, ; 
and he ordered that a piece of ground be set apart at Tana, separate from 
that occupied by the Genoese, where the Venetians might do their 
trafficking. Reference was made to a former ordinance, no doubt the one 
issued by Uzbeg, to which I have referred, and detailed instructions were 

given as to the amount of duty which was to be paid for imports, lor 

.t — _^__^^_^^__^^_— ___-_^^_^_^^— ^__^_^__^___^______ 

* Karamzin, iv. 349. Golden Horde, 309. t Golden Horde, 309. 

I Id., 308. 5 Id. (I Chronicle of Trotski, quoted by Koranuin, iv. 437. Note, 75. 

f Karamzin, iv. 300, &c. 


shipping dues, for the various customs-charges, &c. Provisions were 
inserted regulating the intercourse of the merchants and Tartars at Tana, 
whose governor is styled Sichibeg. The document was signed with a 
red tamgha or seal, and was dated from Gulistan in the year 748, the 
22nd Ramasan {i.e., 15th February, 1346), which was the year of the pig 
in the Mongol cycle, in the presence of Mogolbeg of Thuazi, Yagaltai, 
Yerdhezin, and Kutlughbugha. 

In 1346 the Grand Prince Simeon made another journey to the horde, 
and returned laden with gifts. We now find him getting into conflict 
with his powerful neighbour Olgerd of Lithuania, who was still a 
heathen. The latter sent his brother Koriad to ask the Khan's assistance 
against the Germans, who were pressing him hard. Simeon having told 
the Khan that Olgerd was a dangerous person, the Tartar chief, contrary 
to the comity of nations, surrendered the envoy Koriad to Simeon. 

Olgerd was not at this time in a position to beard Michael. His 
neighbour on the west was the powerful Casimir of Poland, who had in 
1339 conquered GaUicia and the neighbouring province of Volhynia,* and 
as a zealous Roman Catholic, had begun that policy of persecution of the 
followers of the Greek faith in that province which the Poles have ever 
practised; the priests were oppressed and the ritual changed. This threw 
the people into the arms of the Lithuanians, and induced also the 
Russian metropolitan to urge upon his master the Grand Prince that he 
should treat Olgerd generously. Simeon accordingly released Koriad 
and paid his ransom, and even gave his relative Julienne, the daughter of 
Alexander of Tuer, to the still pagan King of Lithuania, on condition 
that his children should be brought up as Christians. Having secured 
the Russian princes, Olgerd with his various sateUites, including his 
brothers Kestuti and Lubart, mustered their forces and drove the Poles 
out of Volhynia.t 

In 1349 Theognost, the metropolitan, made another journey to the 
horde, doubtless to get a renewal of the privileges granted him by 
Taidula. He was followed the following year by the Grand Prince 
Simeon with his two brothers, and later in the year by Constantine of 

In 1 35 1 the Tartars, impelled by famine, made a raid into the district 
of Bratislaf, then under a Russian prince, and Louis of Hungary, who was 
his protector, assisted in driving them away.§ In conjunction with the 
Polish King Casimir, he, in 1354, crossed the Bug and captured a young 
Tartar Prince, but the Tartars retained their hold on the Dniester 
for some time longer. GaUicia became subject to Poland, while the 
western provinces of Russia {i.e., Little Russia) remained in the hands 
of the Lithuanians till the sixteenth century. || 

• Karamsin, iv. 421. Note, 58. t Id,,, 357. I Golden Horde, 309. 

5 Kartmrin, iv» 337- II l^> 338. 


Thus was broken up effectually the power of the Little Russians or 
original Russians, and Moscow and Great Russia became more than ever 
the rallying point of the eastern Slaves against the Tartars. This break 
up had two important consequences. Many of the inhabitants migrated 
and settled down in a semi-nomade state, and organised in military 
fashion along the Dnieper and the Don, and formed eventually the two 
military republics of the Zarporogian and Don Cossacks.* Another 
event which happened at this time, due also doubtless to the utter 
feebleness of the Little Russians, was the foundation of the principalities 
of Moldavia and Wallachia. It would seem that Moldavia and Bessarabia 
were, before the Tartar invasion, inhabited by a mixed race of Slaves and 
Turks,t with perhaps a small sprinkling of Vlakhs or Rumans, who were 
all subject to the princes of Gallicia. On the destruction of that prin- 
cipality, the two provinces became the prey of the Tartars, and its towns 
and villages were devastated and almost depopulated. When the 
prowess and victories of the Hungarian King Louis compelled the 
Tartars to withdraw, the Vlakhs, who lived in the district of Marmaros in 
Hungary, and who belonged to the Greek faith, and were consequently per- 
secuted by the Roman Catholic Hungarians, migrated under their voivode 
Bogdan or Dragosh, settled on the river Moldava, and founded the prin- 
cipality of Moldavia, which remained tributary to the Hungarian crown. 
Its princes were styled voivodes, and were elected by the people them- 
selves.J Wallachia was similarly founded by fugitives from Transylvania, 
who migrated under their chief Niger, and founded Tergovitz and 
Bukharest. He also founded a line of voivodes dependent on the 
Hungarian crown. § We must now revert again to Russia. 

Simeon the Grand Prince died in 1353. It would seem, says Karamzin, 
from his great seal that he was the first to style himself " Grand Prince 
of all the Russias."|| On his death there were two claimants for the 
vacant throne, who made their way to Serai, namely, Ivan Ivanovitch, 
the brother of Simeon, and Constantine Vasilovitch of Suzdal. The 
people of Novgorod sent the boyard Simon Sudakof to solicit the 
position for the latter. Janibeg, however, gave it to Ivan,^ but the 
people of Novgorod refused to recognise him until the death of 
Constantine, which occurred a few months later. 

Constantine's son Andrew was confirmed by the Khan in the towns of 
Nijni-Novgorod, Gorodetz, and Suzdal, which formed his father's 
appanage.** Dimitri also succeeded Ivan Feodbrovitch of Starodub, 
but he had to wait twelve months for the Khan's authorisation, which 
alone legitimised his title. tt 

♦ Kelly, op. cit., i. 83. t Pechenegs, 4c. 

I Until the seventeenth century the Russian language was not only used in the services of 
the church but also in the civil tribunals of Moldavia. ( Karamzin, iv. 369.) 

$ Ids, 369. J Id., 345. f Id., 353. •• Id., 355. tt U, 



The town of Murom, which seems to have remained desert since the 
invasion of Batu, was restored by George or Yuri Yaroslavitch in 1351.* 
Four years later George was attacked and driven away by his relative 
Feodor. Both princes repaired to the horde, where Feodor was duly 
invested, and George was handed over to him. Soon after this the 
principality of Murom was swallowed up in that of Vladimir.t The same 
year Vasili was nominated Prince of Briansk by the Tartars, but he died 
the following year, and that town fell into the hands of the Lithuanians.! 
About the same time Irinchi was sent on some errand by Janibeg to 
Moscow. M. Schmidt says the name is Tibetan, which makes it 
probable he was a Buddhist.§ He was attended by merchants from the 
sea of Azof. II The strife between Vasili of Tuer and his nephew 
Vsevolod of Kholm still continued. The latter having appealed to the 
Khan, was handed over to his uncle, who treated him as a slave, and 
imposed a heavy tribute on his people,^ 

The metropolitan Theognost died in 1356, leaving behind him a 
reputation for vigour and avarice, Alexis was appointed in his place 
by the metropolitan of Constantinople,** inter alia he consecrated Ivan 
as bishop of A year later he was summoned to the horde by 
Taidula, the widow of Uzbeg, to whom I have already referred, who in 
Tartar fashion had afterwards married Janibeg. She was apparently a 
Christian, II She sent to ask for his prayers as she was very ill. " We have 
heard," also wrote the Khan to the Grand Prince, " that heaven refuses 
no favour to your senior priest. His prayers therefore may cause the 
recovery of my wife." He accordingly went to the horde and sprinkled 
her with holy water, after which she recovered.§§ The grateful 
Janibeg sent an envoy named Koshak to requite the Russian princes. || || 
Alexis remained a year at the horde, and returned only after the death of 

On the destruction of the power of the Ilkhans in Persia, Ashraf, a 
son of the Choban I have previously named, seized upon the chief 
authority in Azerbaijan. By his rapacity he alienated the affection of the 
people, and also arrayed against him the various sheikhs. One of these 
named Abul Hassan Mohayeddin of Berdaa escaped to Serai, where, in 
a sermon he preached at the Friday service, he described the misery of 
Azerbaijan in such pathetic terms that he persuaded Janibeg and his 
people to march against Ashraf. He advanced at the head of 200,000 men, 
by way of Derbend and Shirvan. Ashraf on his side collected a force of 
90,000 at Tebriz, but the elements fought against him, and when Janibeg 
appeared his forces were demoralised. They sustained a great defeat. 
Ashraf and his emir and councillor Kaus, were captured, Ashraf was 
beheaded, and his head was sent to Trebiz to be suspended at the 

♦ Karamzin, iv. 350. t Id; 336, 357. t Id., 356. f Golden Horde, 311. Note, 2. 

\Id. H Karamzin, iv. 357, 338. •• /i., 362. ft Golden Horde, 311. 

11 Karamzin, iv. 4'lo. Note, 83. §J Id., 363. Note, 83. H Id., 363. 


door of the mosque of Meragha. He had sent a caravan of treasure 
consisting of one hundred mule and camel loads, to take refuge in the 
castle of Alinjak. This caravan was waylaid by Janibeg's people, which 
gave point to the verse, 

See how the donkey Ashraf does his fate unfold, 
Securing death for self, for Janibeg his gold. 

After his victory, Janibeg held a tight rein over and forbade his people 
to pillage the enemy's towns. He only stayed forty days in Tebriz, and 
having said his prayers at the great mosque of the vizir Alishah Khoja, 
went on to Aiijan, whence he returned to Kipchak, leaving his son 
Berdibeg at Tebriz with 15,000 horsemen. Falling ill on the way, he 
sent his general Tughlukbeg to summon Berdibeg, so that he might 
instal him as his successor. Fearing that his father might recover, 
Berdibeg murdered him. This was done apparently by the advice of 
Tughlukbeg.* The body of Janibeg was taken to the Imperial cemetery 
of the Golden Horde, near Seraichuk on the Yaik, and there buried with 
those of his ancestors. 

His reign of seventeen years was the complement of that of his father's, 
and the two form the most flourishing epoch of the history of the Golden 
Horde, and a dismal contrast to the period which follows. He was 
called the Good Janibeg by the Russian annalists.t His coins range 
from the year 741 (z>., 1 340-1) to 758 {i.e., 1357), and they were struck at 
Serai, Gulistan, New Serai, New Gulistan, the New Ordu, Khuarezm, 
Mokhshi, Barchin, and Tebriz. | On some of his money he styles himself 
the " Supreme Sultan Jelal ud din Mahmud Janibeg Khan." On other 
specimens we have a legend both in Mongol letters and in Persian, the 
former representing his name as " Chambek Khan," while the titles "Just 
Sultan Jelal ud din Mahmud" are given in the latter script.§ Riswan- 
pashasade and Aali both write the name Janbeg, which is explained by 
Von Hammer as meaning " der Seelen furst" (/>., the prince of spirits). 


Berdibeg succeeded to the throne in the year 1357, and, according to 
Russian authors, he proceeded to put to death twelve of his brothers a 
piece of statecraft which is very common in eastern countries, and is in 
a measure justified by the terrible anarchy so frequent there, arising from 
the contests between brothers for the succession. One of Berdibeg's 
first acts was to send Itkar to threaten the Russian princes. Upon this 
the metropohtan Alexis once more repaired to Serai, and through the 
intervention of Taidula he obtained favourable terms for them and also 
for the church. A second Tartar, however, soon appeared in Russia 

* Golden Horde, 31a. 1 Karamzin, ir. 363. 

I Friehn, Description of Fuch's Collection, 10-13. j Frsehn, Resen., &c., 229, &c. 


who is called the tzarevitch Mamat Khoja by Karamzin. He went to 
Moscow to fix, as he claimed, the limits of the Grand Principality and 
that of Riazan. His real object, however, was plunder, and the Grand 
Prince replied that so long as he fulfilled the Khan's regulations it was 
forbidden for the Khan's envoys to interfere in the internal concerns of 
Russia. This temerity of the Grand Prince was probably due to the fact 
that Mamat Khoja's invasion was disowned by Berdibeg, Having been 
summoned back to the horde, he presumed to kill a favourite of 
Berdibeg's, and we are told he was sent off to Omatch (j.e., Urjenj) to 
his uncle. Von Hammer calls him a son of Berdibeg's, but this is, I 
believe, altogether improbable, and Karamzin speaks of him as if he 
was no near relative of the Khan's.* We shall hear of him again. 

Meanwhile we are told that the Grand Prince Ivan, Vasili of Tuer, 
and his nephew Vsevolod of Kholm, went to the horde, where they were 
confirmed in their governments. 

A treaty made between Berdibeg and the Venetians is still extant. 
This is dated in September, 1358, the Venetians being. represented by 
Giovanni Quirino and Francisco Buono. It is addressed, as Janibeg's 
was, to the various grandees, &c., of the empire. Among the rest, 
however, we find in this document " the Signori of the Kumani " 
mentioned.! It confirms the various privileges granted to the Venetians 
by the former diplomas of Uzbeg and Janibeg already cited, and makes 
new regulations as to dues, and special provision as to the amount which 
was to be paid to Tughlukbeg, the Lord of Tana. The document was 
signed at the ordu on the Aktuba on the 8th of the month Shewwal, in 
the year 759 of the hejira, being the year of the dog in the Mongol 
calendar, and is attested by Asanibei {i.e., Hassanbeg), Megalbei {i.e., 
Mogolbeg), Sarabei (? Serai Kutlugh, previously mentioned), Yagaltai, 
Tolobei {i.e., Tughlukbeg), and Cotulubeg {i.e., Kutlughbeg). A special 
clause was added as to the claims of Kutlugh Timur, the lord of 

The success which Janibeg had gained in Azerbaijan bore but short- 
lived fruit, for the deputy or governor whom Berdibeg nominated there, 
named Akhitshuk, was killed by the emir Sheikh Uweis, the Ilkhan, who 
reoccupied Tebriz.§ Berdibeg, like his predecessors Uzbeg and Janibeg, 
renewed the privileges of the Russian church. || 

The Grand Prince Ivan died in the autumn of 1359, and was speedily 
followed by Berdibeg, who was killed by Kulpa, with Tughlukbeg, the 
instigator of his paricidal crime. With him ended for a while the 
prosperous period of Kipchak history. This is neatly affirmed in an 
Uzbeg proverb, which says "The hump of the camel was cut off in the 
person of Berdibeg." U On his coins Berdibeg is styled Berdibeg Khan, 

• Op. cit., iv. 365, 366. t Golden Horde, 519. I /■'•, 521, 522. 

( li., 316. \ Id. Karamzin, iv. Note, 83. ^ Abulgiiazi, ed. Desraaisona, 186. 


and also Muhammed Berdibeg Khan. They were struck at Serai, New 
Serai, Khuarezm, Gulistan, and Azak. (Savilief has also published a coin 
of his struck at El Aguir, a place whose situation I do not know.) They 
range in date from 758 {i.e.., 1357) to 760 (/>., 1358-9). 


We now enter a period of great confusion in the history of the Golden 
Horde. Khuandimir, who gives the fullest list of the Khans of Kipchak, 
makes Berdibeg be succeeded by Kildibeg. The Russian authors call 
Berdibeg's successor Kulpa, and the question arises whether these two 
names are mere variants or are, as they have been treated by Fraehn, 
Von Hammer, &c., the names of distinct persons. The termination beg 
is of course only a title, and Janibeg is sometimes styled Jani Khan, while 
we find a Mamluk leader in Egypt called Berdi Ghazali, so that the 
question we have to decide is whether Kildi and Kulpa were the same 
person. Now Kulpa does not seem in form hke a Turkish name, nor do 
I know of its occurrence elsewhere in history. Again, on none of 
the coins which are assigned to Kulpa is the name written Kulpa, 
but in all it is written Kulna or Kulnah.* This seems to show that 
the name is in some way corrupted. Again the general view is 
that Kulna was killed and succeeded by Nurus Khan, yet it is curious 
that coins both of Kulna and Nurus occur both in the years 760 and 761 
struck, too, apparently in all parts of the Khanate,!" so that it would 
appear that their reigns were in fact concurrent and contemporary, and 
not actually successive. Now, while we have coins with the name of 
Kulna struck in 760 and 761, we find coins with the name of Kildibeg 
struck in 762 and 763, that is the very next years. This evidence of the 
coins, coupled with the facts mentioned from Khuandimir and the 
Russian annalists, make me disposed to think that Kulpa, Kulna, and 
Kildibeg were in fact the same person. I may add that he is also called 
Askulpa.J Kildibeg, according to Karamzin, passed himself off as the 
son of Janibeg. Coins with the name of Kulna were struck at Gulistan 
New Serai, Azak, and Khuarezm in the years 760 and 761 ,(/>,, i359-6o).§ 
Those with the name Kildibek were struck at New Serai, Azak, and 
Mokhshi in the years 762 and 763 (i>., I36i-2).|| According to the 
authority followed by Von Hammer, Kulpa only occupied the throne for 
six months and five days, when, with his sons Ivan and Michael, he was 
killed by Nurusbeg.^ 

• Frsehn, Resc, a6i, a62. t Id., 261-264, and 651. \ Golden Horde, 315. 

§ Fiichn, Resc, 261, 2G2. J /rf., 273, 274. T Golden Horde, 316. 



Khuandimir tells us Nurus falsely pretended to be a son of Janibeg's,* 
that is therefore a brother of Berdibeg's. Karamzin merely says he was 
a descendant of Juchi Khan.t On his accession the various Russian 
princes repaired to the horde for investiture. Thus went Vasili 
Michaelovitch of Tuer, with his nephews the Princes of Riazan and 
Rostof. Dimitri Ivanovitch of Moscow did not go himself, but sent his 
sword-bearer to ask for the yarligh or diploma. Nurus, however, insisted 
that he should go in person. The next year (*.^., in 1360) Andrew, 
Constantinovitch of Suzdal, and his brother Dimitri went there, and 
were well received by Nurus. That Khan offered the Grand Principality 
of Vladimir to Andrew, who refused it. He then gave it to his brother 
Constantine. This position passed therefore for a while from the Princes 
of Moscow and the family of Kalita. Dimitri returned home with a 
representative of the Khan, and was well received at Vladimir, where he 
was duly consecrated by the metropolitan Alexis, who, however, refused 
to remove his seat from Moscow. Dimitri's appointment was welcomed 
by the people of Novgorod, who were jealous of the Princes of Moscow. 
Meanwhile Dimitri, the prince of that appanage, remained for some time 
at the horde, and distributed presents to the Khan, his wife, and the 
grandees there. He was invested with the Principality of White Russia 
and the towns of Vladimir and Pereislavl.f 

The reign of Nurus was but a short one. We are told that Khidr, who 
had for a long time wandered beyond the Yaik, having won over some 
of the Tartar grandees, killed Nurus, his son Timur, and the old Khatun 
Taidula.§ The chronicle of Nikon adds that he put to death all the 
people of a certain Mualbuza. II This was probably the Mogolbeg who 
appears prominently as a signatory to the treaties between Janibeg and 
Berdibeg and the Venetians.^ On one of his coins Nurus is styled 
Muhammed Nurus, His money was struck in 760-1 {i.e., 1359-60), at 
Gulistan, New Serai, and Azak.** 


Khuandimir, in his list of the Khans of Kipchak, makes Nurus Khan 
be succeeded by Cherkes Khan, who he says the emirs, for some 
diplomatic reasons, made out to be a son of Janibeg His name 
does not occur elsewhere as succeeding at this period, and it is not till 

• Journ. Asiat., 4th ser., xvii, 117. \ Op. cit., iv. 370. \ Golden Horde, 31G. 

% jd., 417. Karamzin, iv. 373. || Karamzin, iv. 88. H Golden Horde, 517-519, and 5^1. 

•* Fr»hn, Resc, 363, 264. tt Journ. Asiat., vii. 117. 


sixteen years later, namely, in the year 776 of the hejira (1374-5), when 
we find Cherkesbeg Khan coining money at Astrakhan.* It may be 
that he mounted the throne ephemerally, and then survived for many 
years, but we know nothing more about him. With his shadowy figure 
we may well close another chapter of our work, for we now find the 
family of Batu Khan had reached the term of its rule in the Kipchak. 
Whether his descendants were absolutely extinct or not it is impossible 
to say, but none of them, so far as we know, occupied the throne, which 
passed into the hands of the descendants of other sons of Juchi. Their 
history I shall trace in the succeeding chapters. 

Note r. — In the account of Uzbeg Khan I overlooked some notices of him 
contained in the narrative of the Roman Catholic missionaries, published by 
Colonel Yule in '• Cathay and the Way Thither." Thus, in a work entitled 
" The Book of the Estate of the Great Caan," set forth by the archbishop of 
Soldaia (supposed to be the Dominician John de Cora), and written about 1330, 
we are told how Uzbeg was one of the three great lieges of the Great Caan, 
and that each year, like the rest, he sent as presents to his suzerain five 
leopards, camels, and jerfalcons, and a great store of precious jewels. He 
also says that in his war with Abusaid, Uzbeg put in the field an army of 
707,000 horsemen ! ! !t Our next authority is John of Marignolli, who passed 
through the Kipchak in 1339. He tells us he found Christians at Kaffa 
of many sects, that on leaving that town he visited Uzbeg Khan, and presented 
the letters which he had with him from the Pope for the Khan himself, for his 
eldest son Tinibeg, and for Elias the ungarian (the Helym of the text),t who 
was in favour with the latter. He also presented him with certain pieces of 
cloth, a great war horse, with some strong liquor, and the Pope's presents; 
and after the winter was over, having been well fed, well clothed, and loaded 
with handsome presents, and supplied by Uzbeg with horses and travelling 
expenses, he proceeded to Almaligh.§ 

The Roman Catholics made extraordinary missionary efforts in the 
fourteenth century. About 1307 Khanbaligh was created a metropolitan see, 
with John of Montecorvino at its head, and directly after seven suffragan 
bishops were nominated to various sees in China. || John is said to have 
converted the Mongol Khakan. Wadding tells a very improbable story that 
when the Khakan died he was buried in the convent church ; that when 
the troubles broke out in later times and the friars had to leave China, 
they removed the Imperial body with them to Serai, and that when taken up 
it was found as fresh as when buried.^ To prove how strongly established the 
Latin church was in the Kipchak, I may quote a list of convents in that 
province, which, although written in the year 1400, refers probably to an 

• Frtehn, Resc, Ac, 300. t C«th»y and tha Way Thither, I. ajS. \ AnU, 171. 

^ Cathay and the Way Thither, ii. 337- ^''•i '• V^- T //., 171. 


earlier period. There were ten within the custodia of Serai and four in that of 
Gazaria or the Crimea. Those of Serai were Tana, Agitarchan {i.e., 
Astrakhan), Serai, Comuch (i.e., Kumuk, the land south of the Terek), Tarchis 
(i.e., Terki, at the mouth of the river Terek, now represented by Kisliar, 
higher up, and which was distinct from the modern Tarkhu), Mamui (? Serai- 
chuk), Majar, Uguech {i.e., Ukek), Ak Serai {i.e., white building perhaps, says 
Colonel Yule, " Al Baidha," which means the same thing, and which Edrisi 
couples with Samander, and possibly the Abserai of the Catalan map on the 
coast below Terki), and Organae (/.<?., Urgenj). 

In another list given by Wadding in 1314, we have named Beler, probably 
Bulghari, and S. Joannes, a monastery three miles from Serai. According to 
Wadding, a young man of this monastery named Stephen, resenting some severe 
discipline, deserted and publicly professed Islam ; he afterwards as publicly 
recanted, and thereupon the enraged Muhammedans hacked him in pieces 
in front of the fire that was to have burnt him.* 

Nifie 2. — In a note to the previous chapter, I accepted Colonel Yule's conclu- 
sions that the site of the ancient Serai of Batu Khan was probably near the salt 
works called Selitrennoi Gorodok, and also that there was a " New Serai," con- 
siderably further up the river, which was known as the Serai of Janibeg Khan. 
Its ruins exist on a very large scale at Tzaref. They have been explored with 
great diligence by M. Grigorief, who has published a considerable work upon 
them, which is unfortunately written in Russian. A plan of the ruins may be 
seen in the first volume of Colonel Yule's Marco Polo. This New Serai became, 
from its importance, the chief capital of the Golden Horde, and was also 
known as Great Serai. From Janibeg's name being so closely connected with 
it in tradition, it probably owed a good deal of its importance to him. It first 
occurs under the name of New Serai on a coin of Toktoghu of the year 710 
{i.e., i3io-ii),but thesiteis so important from the neighbouring pasturage being 
so good, that it marks probably, as Pallas suggested, the usual summer quarters 
of the Tartar Khans, Pallas described the ruins at Tzaref in some detail, and 
I shall abstract his account. He says, " Near the Podpalatnoi Yerik (a ditch 
which empties itself by one branch into the Tzarefka, and by another into 
the Akhtuba), there are some curious remains of Tartarian antiquity. 1 
remarked there several traces of houses and sepulchral hills, similar to those 
which I had before observed above the river Kugultu on the higher steppe. 
Among them are three ruins enclosed by a square bank of rubbish, without a 
a ditch, and with an outlet towards the south. The monument at Podpalatnoi 
Yerik is a sepulchral mound of a flat form, raised on a square eminence, and 
consisting of six contiguous and very low arches covered with earth ; its base 
is about one hundred and fifty paces in circumference, and not above a fathom 
high, but together with the square on which the vaults are erected it is three 
fathoms in perpendicular height. This square monument is enclosed by the 
foundation of a thick wall, which consists of an imperfect sandstone quarried 
on the opposite bank of the Volga. There appears to have been an entrance 
in the northern side of this wall, which forms an oblong square of twenty-nine 

• Cathay and the Way Thither, 133, 234- Note*. 

NOTES. 185 

fathoms long and twenty-seven fathoms broad ; its base, measured from north 
to south, is fifty-seven fathoms in extent, and fifty-six from east to west. The 
space around the vaulted hillocks is considerably excavated within the 
enclosure, and the vaults of the monument, which probably have long since 
been plundered of a considerable booty, deserve a more accurate description 
on account of the solidity of their construction. The walls that support them 
are formed of pieces of rough unhewn sandstone, about an ell high. The vaults 
themselves are almost flat, and consist of about six layers of square oblong 
bricks placed alternately, so that one by its breadth supports and covers two 
others. The spaces between them are nearly an inch broad, and filled up with 
a cement which in some places appears to have been poured in while in a 
liquid state. It has, however, acquired such a solid consistence that it is easier 
to break the well-burnt bricks than to separate the mortar. This grey cement 
appears to be a mixture of unslacked lime, pulverised charcoal, and pounded 
sandstone, instead of the sand used for building. In that mass I observed 
many particles of lime as white as snow, which readily crumbled into dust, as 
well as large and small particles of charcoal, this substance being reduced to 
a fine powder, probably imparted the grey colour to the cement. Perhaps the 
admixture of charcoal dust may produce an effect similar to the earth of 
Pozzuola, which, however, must be decided by experiment. The durability of 
the cement may also be ascribed to a mixture of sour milk, which we may 
suppose must have been in great abundance among a wealthy pastoral people. 
In short, the mortar of their vaults is, notwithstanding the constant moisture 
from above and the saline nature of the surrounding soil, the best, hardest, and 
driest I have ever seen, and the ruins of the flat vaults almost resist the force 
of the pick-axe, insomuch that they can only be reduced by small fragments. 

" On the western side of this mausoleum, distant about forty-two fathoms, 
there is a round heap of rubbish, apparently the ruin of a brick tower, from 
which a wall of an ell thick extends five fathoms to the east-south-east, and 
thirty-one fathoms to the south-south-east, forming an obtuse angle at a 
circular pit, where it terminates. The brick and shards scattered here 
probably belonged to an ancient aqueduct. I shall not attempt to decide 
whether this has been an apparatus for raising water, but so much is certain 
that the circumjacent soil having been made perfectly level, indicates a former 
state of agriculture, besides, it is manifest that at the lowest side of the parapet 
there has been a mound or bank formed in regular angles, from eight to ten 
paces broad, and upwards of a thousand paces long. The earth for this bank 
has been taken from pits discoverable in several places. This enclosure could 
have served no other purpose than that of a reservoir of water for gardens.'"* 

'• The popular tradition relative to the monument near the Podpalatnoi 
Yerik is that the palace of the Khan formerly stood there. I imagine, however 
that this ruin, as well as the numerous vaulted piles of brickwork, are the 
ancient sepulchres of the Mongol-Tartar princes and other persons of 
distinction. The leaden tubes which are said to have been found near these 
vaults have probably been used instead of the spiracles usually made in Muham- 
medan tombs. It is certain that in the sepulchres of this country immense 

* Pallas's Travels in tho Southern Provinces of Russia, i. 1J4-196. 


riches have formerly been discovered, consisting of jewels and vases and 
ornamental horse furniture of massy gold and silver. The major part of this 
treasure has been secretly disposed of to the goldsmiths and merchants, while 
the remainder is still preserved in the cabinet of curiosities belonging to the 
Imperial Academy of Sciences at St. Petersburg. 

•' About one hundred fathoms north-west from the great mausoleum there 
Is a large heap of rubbish or ruins thrown together, and nearly one hundred 
fathoms in circumference. It appears to have been part of the materials of a 
building. About sixteen fathoms farther towards the west-south-west is 
another square mass of ruins of a moderate size. One hundred fathoms north- 
west from the latter, and above one hundred fathoms from the large monument, 
a third oblong and very considerable pile appears, which is probably the ruins 
of a building ; and two hundred fathoms westward there is a circular sepulchral 
hill, simply vaulted with bricks. This hill is opposite to and about one 
hundred fathoms distant from a lake, which is a verst long and surrounded 
with dwarf willows. The lake contains a sweetish water, and is much 
frequented by a variety of the feathered tribe. According to tradition, it is 
asserted to be the true sugar lake of Kharashish, the divorced consort of the 
Khan Dshenovak {i.e., of Janibeg Khan), who is so often the subject of con- 
versation among the Kalmuks. This lady, it is reported, had fixed her 
habitation near the above lake, and ordered a large quantity of sugar to be 
thrown into it, to decoy aquatic birds from the circumjacent parts. By this 
stratagem the Khan (her husband), who was a great lover of hawking, was 
induced to resort to the vicinity of her residence, and thus she eventually 
effected a reconciliation. All the heaps of ruins in the valley are distinctly 
visible from this lake, and there is also a distance prospect of the pile situated 
on the high steppe beyond the Tzaritza, which I have already mentioned in 
my former travels, and the large sepulchral hillocks beyond the Kugultu." * 

" In some parts of this low country there is said to be a regular road paved 
with bricks leading over a swampy ditch, and in other places small regular 
arches of brickwork are discoverable, which probably have served as a ground* 
work for the felt tents of the chiefs in a country so rich in pasturage. In my 
opinion the ruins are not the remains of the dwelling-houses, but partly of 
mosques and partly of vaulted chapels which have been enclosed by walls 
like the modern cemeteries of the Nogays. A wandering nation, such as 
the Golden Horde of these countries, could no more be induced to reside 
in houses than the Khans and princes of the Kalmuks along the banks of the 
Volga; though the fortress of Yenataevka had been purposely established the 
dwelling-houses built for their accommodation. The whole border of the high 
steppe above the valley of Tzarevy Pody is covered with innumerable sepulchral 
hills, and those called Kurgans, which are scattered down along the banks of 
the Akhtouba, as far as the Solanka, and upwards beyond Saplavnaya. Some 
of these hills are very large, and may be seen at a great distance, but nearly 
the whole of their vaults have been opened. The largest sepulchral monu- 
ments are erected on the most prominent parts of the country, ^s in Siberia." 

The ruins of the old Tartar capital and its dependent villages stretch over 

• Id., 198, 199. 

NOTES. 187 

a wide area of the steppe on the upper Akhtuba, and cover a space of seventy 
versts, including. the bends of the river, and stretch from the village of Nishni 
Akhtubinsk, opposite Zaritzin, towards the east and south-east, as far as 
Saplawinskoi and the village of Prishibinskoi.* Near Saplawinskoi there is a 
large heap of bricks, which the Russians call Metshetnoi Bugar, or the hall of 
the house of prayer, and the Kalmuks, Temahne Balgasun, or the camel's 
tower. The Kalmuks report that Janibeg Khan kept his mares there, 
whose milk was conveyed by tubes from this tower to his residence, 
*' but," says Pallas, " the numerous sepulchral hillocks scattered over the 
steppe sufficiently indicate the purpose to which this building was formerly 

" From Prishibruskoi may be seen the beautiful valley of Tzarevy Pody, or 
the Royal residence. It is upwards of fifteen versts long and seven broad. By 
the Kalmuks it is called Jan Wokhani Balgassun (/.<?., the town where Khan 
Wokhan ruled). The Tartars, however, call it Janibeg Khan Serai, f 
Many coins have been found over this area, while the worked stones and 
debris have been used in building the tower of Zarefka," &c.§ 

I have no hesitation, as I said, in identifying the ruins just described with 
New Serai, as distinguished from the old Serai of Batu Khan. Now it is 
curious that when the name of New Serai appears on the coins that of Serai 
proper becomes very infrequent, and presently ceases altogether. We have 
it replaced by a new name, " Gulistan " {i.e., the town of roses), a name 
which occurs in other sites, as on the coast of Abkhazia on the Black Sea, and 
is a very pretty synonym. I have no doubt that it represents the older Serai, 
and was given to it doubtless when the name Serai became distinctively 
attached to the larger town on the Akhtuba, and it naturally occurs for the 
first time under Janibeg Khan in 1351, who gave New Serai its importance. 
On a coin of Murid's,|| struck in 763, the mint place is " Gulistan lis Serai " 
(/.<?., Gulistan which is Serai), ^ which proves that Gulistan is only another 
name for Serai. I may add that New Serai was apparently sometimes called 
New Gulistan, which name occurs on some coins of Janibeg, Pulad, and Azis 
Khan. There was fctill another synonym by which Serai was known, and this 
was the Mongol name of Ordu, the meaning of which I have explained in the 
Introduction. It first occurs under the Khan Abdullah in the year 1365-6,** 
and was used by most of the succeeding Khans. The name was also applied 
to New Serai, which was called Ordu el jedid, or New Ordu, on some of the 
coins of Toktamish and his successors. 

I may add, as confirming the view here taken, that the diploma granted by 
Janibeg to the Venetians, already cited, is dated from Gulistan, while that of 
his son Berdibeg is similarly dated from the ordu on the 

I shall reserve the description of Bolghari and Astrakhan for a later chapter, 
and will now consider the sites of certain towns which occur as mint places of the 
Golden Horde, and were probably situated on the Kuma and the Terek, namely, 
Majar, JuUad, and Mokhshi. In regard to Majar we have abundant materials. 

♦ Muller Ugrische Volkstamm, ii. 570. f Pallas, op. cit., i. 192. 

I Muller, op. cit., 571. § Id. 1 Vide next chapter. H Frtehn Resc, &c., 376. 

•• Vide infra. tl Golden Horde, 519 and 521. 


The ruins of the city are, or rather were, in recent times, situated on the river 
Kama. The site was visited by Gmelin in 1772, and he tells us the ruins occur 
in three places. The principal ones are called Middle or Great Majar, and 
are situated on the left bank of the Kuma, between the lakes of Bivvalla or 
Bibala and Tamuslava. When Gmelin was there he found an elevated 
quadrangular plain, five versts in diameter, the whole of which was occupied 
with ruins. 

" These ruins," he says, " are evident indications of the former existence of 
a great and magnificent city, and some remains of buildings are yet in such 
a state as to prove this to demonstration. Others are more completely 
destroyed ; and of the greater part, the ravages of time have left nothing but 
rubbish and the foundations, vaults more or less perfect, and similar relics. 
Such of the ruins as are in the best preservation are situated in general on the 
extreme border of the quadrangle, and surround the rest of the town. They 
are of superior dimensions, built of larger and more durable bricks, more 
profusely embellished, and stand more detached ; they likewise exhibit traces 
of ditches and walls, and seem from all appearances to have been castles of 
the grandees, erected with a view to strength, splendour, and durability. The 
bricks resemble those still made by the Tartars of Astrakhan, that is to say, 
they are broader and thicker than ours. In the external walls, a mortar com- 
posed of lime and sand is used only here and there, the cement generally 
employed being clay alone ; but within almost all the rooms are plastered and 
whitewashed. The foundations are mostly of brick, some few of stone, but all 
extremely solid. The beams and wood-work are fir. 

" The figure of the buildings yet preserved is square, octagonal, and circular. 
All of them are from four to nine fathoms in height, and the square and 
octagonal are surmounted by a kind of pyramid, or rather diminish upward in 
the form of a pyramid. Narrow winding staircases, seldom more than fifteen 
inches wide, concealed in the walls, conduct to these pyramids or cupolas, 
which receive light through apertures resembling windows in the sides. The 
cupolas are arched at the top. In every house there is a lofty and spacious hall 
with two windows, likewise built of stone, from which a door leads into the 
principal apartment on the ground-floor. The entry to the hall is on the 
outside, and low. Thus every building consists of no more than one principal 
apartment on the ground-floor, the hall, and the cupola or pyramid. The first 
receives light from a small narrow window at a considerable height on each 
side, and on one or two sides there is a still smaller aperture very near the 
floor, likewise for the purpose of light, or perhaps of air. On the outside of the 
walls of the principal apartment and of the hall, there is a recess a brick in 
depth, and this recess is always arched at the top, probably for ornament. 
Within are several similar recesses or niches. 

" The style of the circular buildings differ still more from the modern 
European and Asiatic architecture. These are likewise from four to nine 
fathoms in height, not large, arched and pointed at top ; and they so nearly 
resemble the round Persian and other watch-towers, that they might be taken 
for them, if they did not stand among the other buildings on level ground, and 
had not windows instead of loopholes. These were probably magazines. 

" In the middle of the principal apartment is a circular aperture three or 

NOTES. 189 

four feet in diameter, closed with a stone which exactly fits it. This aperture 
leads to a horizontal subterraneous passage, frequently no longef than the 
room itself, but which in many instances proceeds in a straight line, and runs 
to the extremity of the court-yard, where is also a closed entrance. It is 
provided with several air-holes. 

" The decorations of the buildings consist of blue, green, red, or white 
glazed bricks, which are neatly inlaid among the others in the form of 
triangles,' squares, parallelograms, crosses, hearts, and other figures, both in 
the interior and exterior of the walls of the lower apartment, and of the 
pyramid or cupola; just in the same manner as in the buildings of Selitrennoi 

*' The smaller wall incloses the court-yards of the above-described principal 
buildings in the form of a square, be the buildings themselves of whatever 
figure they may. Each of these court-yards has one or more graves, probably 
of the owners and their relations. Where there are several, they are all placed 
by the side of one another. Every grave has a stone, either standing upright 
or flat. The latter are about two yards long, and on the upper side there is 
generally the figure of a coffin common in Germany ; but some have also 
geometrical and other figures, which to me appeared arbitrary ; but might be a 
representation of the signature or arms of the deceased : thus you see upon 
them triangles, crosses, squares, &c. The surface of one large gravestone was 
divided by two diagonal lines into three compartments ; in the centre was the 
figure of a coffin, and a figure in each of the two others. 

" Besides these detached graves in the court-yards, there are also general 
burial-places, and one in particular beyond the lake of Biwalla (the river 
Bywalla) full of gravestones of dilTerent kinds. 

*• The buildings in the centre of the city, surrounded by these durable 
edifices, are now almost all mere heaps of rubbish forming small hills. They 
must have been run up with bad materials, and have been partly built of 
unburnt brick alone. Nevertheless, every house has its court-yard encom- 
passed with a wall and ditch, and its tenants repose in their own ground, as 
traces of the walls and gravestones plainly evince— proofs of the once 
flourishing state of this city. 

" Not far from Majar, near the lake of Biwalla, I saw a sepulchre, the 
occasion of which I was quite at a loss to divine. This burial-place cannot 
have been discovered but by some accident, perhaps by some person sinking in 
there; for it is totally destitute of any of the marks that would excite a 
suspicion of the existence of such a receptacle. In a spot overgrown with 
reeds is a hole two yards deep, four long, and about the same in breadth, with 
shelving sides, which was covered with clay and turf, as it partly is still. It is 
almost full of decayed human bones, to all appearance the remains of persons 
slain in battle. 

" The first Majar (or Lower Majar) is situated on the Kuma, eighteen versts 
from Great Majar, and consists of the ruins of three edifices and court-yards 
at some distance from one another. One of them exactly resembled the 
octagonal buildings described above, both in form and architecture, but was of 
larger dimensions than any of those structures, and the ornaments of glazed 
brick had sustained less injury. The two] others stand each at the distance 


of about two hundred fathoms from this edifice, and all three in the form of 
a triangle. 

" On the Kuma, three versts beyond Middle Majar, are the ruins of houses 
the same kind, which are called by the Russians Upper Majar. Opposite to 
Middle Majar, on the other (the right) side of the Kuma, are some few relicg 
of former settlements and habitations. 

" To this description of the remains of Majar, Gmelin adds that in 1735, 
while the Tartars were still masters of this country, Tatischtschew, governor 
of Astrakhan, sent some parsons with a strong escort to explore these ruins, 
and to collect antiquities. By this means, as we are told, he obtained a 
writing upon very strong blue paper* and several coins, which he (as an 
antiquary !) took to be Scythian. It is matter of regret that nobody knows 
what has become of these collections, for in 1735 much greater curiosities 
must have existed there than in Gmelin's time, or at present; since the avarice 
of the Russian peasants prompts them to such researches wherever there are 
ruins and ancient graves, as leave nothing to be gleaned after them. 

" Giildenstadt, who was at Majar on the 4th of July, 1773, found there, in 
an area of four hundred square fathoms, about fifty different buildings of brick. 
He considers them not as habitations but sepulchral edifices, all of which were 
provided with subterraneous vaults, which are not cellars but graves where the 
coffins were deposited. About five hundred fathoms to the west of this burial- 
place were the ruins of a Muhammedan mosque with its tower or minaret, and 
five hundred fathoms further to the west the remains of another edifice of the 
same kind. He is of opinion that between the two might once have stood 
houses, of which indeed no traces are now left, but which were probably, 
according to the mode of building common in this country, of light boards and 
wickerwork. From some inscriptions Giildenstadt ascertained that Majar was 
inhabited in the eighth century of the hejira ; and from the style of the ruins 
he concludes that the people were Muhammedans, and according to history 

*• Pallas says, that in 1780 thirty-two buildings were yet left, partly in good 
preservation, partly lying in ruins, and that there had formerly been ten others 
in the form of towers : but since numerous colonists have settled on the Kuma, 
and erected villages, all these remains of Majar have disappeared ; as they 
employed the bricks in building their houses, because timber is a great rarity 
in the adjacent country. Thus seven years later Pallas found but four chapels, 
as they are called, standing, the sites of the others being marked only by 
heaps of rubbish."t 

He tells that similar bricks to those found in the Tartar ruins, and glazed 
on one side only, were used when he wrote for chamber ovens, and were made 
at Cherkask, on the banks of the Don. After describing in detail the ruins as 
he saw them, he says : — " We often met with similar enclosures near the 

♦ " The Mongols still use the same kind of paper, which is either blue, brown, or black, for 
copying the sacred books of Lama religion upon, in gold, silver, or white letters. Of this sort 
were the Tibetian and Mongol writings found at Semipalatna and Ablai-kit, which excited so 
much attention at the commencement of the last century. (See Bayer Museum Sinicum, 
Petrop. 1730, vol. i., Pref., 108, and G. F. MUller Comment, de Script. Tangut. in Siberia 
repertis, in the Comment. Acad. Petrop., vol. x., 420, et seq." 

t Klaproth's Travels in the Caucasus, 226-230. 

NOTES. 191 

principal tombs on the banks of the Volga, and I have not the least doubt that 
all these remains of antiquity formeriy belonged to the same horde.' * He gives 
some excellent plates of two or three of the more imposing structures. 

Let us now add Klaproth's account. He says: — 

" These ruins, of which I couW find nothing but the traces, are situated on 
the elevated brow of the steppe on the left of the Kuma, and on both sides of 
the Bibala, and extend northward as far as two small lakes of salt water. 
They occupy an area of about four versts and a half in length from north to 
south, and very little less in breadth. The destruction of these remains of 
antiquity has been occasioned chiefly by the settlement of several colonies, 
which have established themselves in this neighbourhood, and have pulled 
them down for the sake of the serviceable bricks. Their total demolition, 
however, is to be ascribed more particularly to Count Paul Ssergeitsch 
Potemkin, who ordered the greatest part of the buildings remaining in his 
time to be taken down, that the materials might be employed in the erection 
of the governmental town and fortress of Yekaterinograd, projected by himself. 
The peasants of Pokoinoi and Praskowyno have since carried away such 
quantities of bricks, that out of all the edifices only two burial chapels are now 
left, and these are going rapidly to decay. 

" As the particulars already quoted from Gmelin and Giildenstadt are more 
circumstantial than any that I am capable of giving," says Klaproth, " I shall 
merely subjoin the description of a burial-vault underneath one of the chapels 
still standing, which I caused to be opened. The sunken floor of this building, 
which was quite open towards the east, was covered to the depth of more than 
two feet with bricks, rubbish, and earth ; these were cleared away with shovels, 
when I found a hole, two feet and a half in depth and two in width, covered with 
a large limestone. This was the entrance to the vault, which was nine feet long 
and five and a half feet broad, but scarcely high enough to allow a person to 
stand upright. It was built of bricks laid edgewise; and in the middle, upon 
an elevation of brickwork, was a coffin made of thick deal boards, with the 
bones of the deceased, of the ordinary size, but which were much decayed, 
and authorise -the inference that they must be of considerable antiquity. The 
skull had fallen to pieces, otherwise I should have taken it with me. Besides 
these objects there was nothing whatever worthy of notice in the vault. The 
air was pure, and our wax tapers burned extremely bright in it. The coffin 
lay in the direction from north to south. I would have had the vault under 
the other chapel opened also ; but the Armenians assured me that they had 
examined it about a year before, and that it exactly resembled this in every 

" From the remaining ruins and from the foundations, the site of the town 
may easily be recognised, and it was evident that the burial-place was towards 
the Kuma. Every impartial person must admit that most of these remains are 
indications of a city, as are also the numerous ancient European and Tartar 
silver and copper coins, the gold and silver rings and earrings, the bronze 
mirrors, and other utensils which are still frequently found buried in the earth ; 
further, the mosaic pavements of blue, white, and green glazed tiles, stone 

* Pallas, op. cit., i. 331. 


seats, and among the rest also a large reservoir for water of hewn stone, which 
now serves a peasant at Praskowyno for a corn bin. 

" The name Majar, given to these ruins, is old Tartar, and signifies a stone 
building ; it is synonymous with Thashtan. By the neighbouring Nogays and 
Turkomans they are likewise called Kirk Majar, that is, the forty stone 
buildings. Here, as in Turkish, Kirk does not merely signify forty, but it is 
the number which denotes a great multitude, like six hundred in Latin. In 
some Tartar dialects indeed, the word Majar also means a large four-wheeled 
waggon, but here that signification seems to be totally inapplicable. Some 
tribes of the Russian Tartars in the lofty mountains of the Caucasus, at the 
source of the Chegem and Terek, assert that they are descended from the 
inhabitants of this Kirk Majar. 

" The following facts afford incontestable proofs that Majar was a town 
built and inhabited by Kipchak Tartars. 

" I. The form of the buildings and sepulchral chapels is characteristic of 
Southern Asia ; and the latter in particular exactly resembles those which are 
to be seen near Tiflis in the Tartar burial-place on the rivulet of Zakuissi. 
The fashion of adorning the walls with tiles, which are glazed on one side with 
different colours, is also Tartar and Mongol. Thus in Dauria are to be found 
the ruins of an ancient city, and the same kind of green, blue, and red bricks as 
here ; and in Tiflis the walls of the citadel of Naraklea, erected by the Turks, 
are in like manner ornamented with glazed tiles of different colours. 

" 2. The inscriptions in the Arabic language yet extant on gravestones are 
of Muhammedan Tartar origin. Several that I saw were inscribed in letters 
resembling the Cufic, and others in Niss'chi characters ; the two most perfect 
of which are the following : — ' Here is buried the deceased, who needs the 
mercy of God in eternity, Sina, son of Muhammed, the son of Chalil ... in 
the year of the aera seven-and-forty and seven hundred.' 

*' The year of the hejira 747 commences April 23, 1346, and ends the nth 
April in the year 1347 of the Christian era. 

" The other inscription, which is of later date by about thirty years, is as 
follows: — ' The Judge of the Faithful, Kassi Muhammed, son of Taij-uddin 
(Crown of the Faith), in the year seven-and-seventy and seven hundred.' 

"The year 777 of the hejira falls between the ist of June, 1375, and the 
19th of May, 1376. This stone, which is in excellent preservation, I took 
away with me from Majar for the sake of the date. 

" All the other sepulchral inscription^ containing dates, which were partly 
expressed in words and partly in figures, belonged to the eighth century of the 
hejira ; and of these I found five more ; but excepting the lower part, compre- 
hending the date, they were too much defaced to be entirely made out. When 
Pallas asserts that he found no stones with inscriptions at Majar, he proves 
that he took no great pains to look for them. They are now, indeed, no longer 
to be met with among the ruins, but may be seen in the court-yards of the 
neighbouring peasants, who use them for building. Many of them also are 
said to have been employed in the walls of Yekaterinograd. 

"3. Almost all the silver and copper pieces found at Majar were coined 
at Serai, the residence of the Jingiskhanids in the Kipchak, or in other cities 
of their empire." 

NOTF.S. 193 

Klaproth describes in detail a considerable number of the coins found at 
Majar, ranging from one of Mangu Timur, struck in the year 1274-5 to one 
of Pulad Khan, who reigned from 1406 to 1408.* Great and Little Majar are 
mentioned in the Derbend Nameh as early as the second century of the hejira, 
and then had their respective governors.! According to Abulghazi, Mangu Timur 
made over Kaffa, Krim, and Majar to Ureng Timur, the son of Tuka Timur. J 
Abulfeda also mentions Kumajar in the country of the Tartars of Bereke,§ 
Kum Majar, as Klaproth says, is compounded of Kum and Majar {i,e., Majar 
on the Kuma).|| Majar occurs as a mint place on a coin dated in 710 or 715 (r.*?., 
i3ioor 1315), and Nev/ Majar on a coin of Muhammud Bulak in 774 {i.e., 
i372-3)-1F Klaproth says the town was probably destroyed in the turbulent 
times which followed the reign of Toktamish. 

The inhabitants of the district up to this time, as I have shown in the 
introduction, were probably the ancestors of the Basians and Karachai of the 
Caucasus, who were gradually pushed southwards, and eventually driven from 
the two Kabardas into the mountains by the encroachments of the Circassians. 

A second mint place in this district, in the days of the Golden Horde, was 
JuUad, which occurs on a coin of 692 or 696 {i.e., 1293 or 1296). Frashn says it 
was situated on the right of the Terek, where its ruins still remain.** I 
find in Koch's very detailed map of the Caucasian Isthmus there is a place on 
the Upper Terek, but on the left bank, called Julatsk, which is perhaps the 
site referred to. I may add that, like Majar, Jullad is also named in the 
Derbend Nameh as having a special governor of its 

In regard to Mokhshi there has been hitherto a singular difficulty in dis- 
covering its whereabouts. It occurs on many coins of Uzbeg, on one of 
Janibeg, and on one of Kildibeg. Frsehn was apparently altogether ignorant 
of its site, and its name is given with several orthographies, as if its 
form was uncertain. I would propose to identify it with the ancient capital of 
the Alans or Ossetes, which, according to Masudi, was called Magas.JJ This 
was probably situated in the Little Kabarda. Klaproth, in describing this 
district, says " in all probability the most ancient sepulchral monument in the 
Little Kabarda is situated on the east side of the rivulet Yaman Kul, about 
three versts from Botashewa Kabak, in the plain at the foot of the second 
Greben. It is an edifice of hewn stone, and around it are about a hundred 
hillocks of earth, called Bugri, which probably mark the graves of the princes 
whose remains are deposited in the monument. The building is an octagon, 
each of its sides measuring six feet. In that facing the south is an arched 
door, on each side of which is a wall projecting to the distance of two yards. 
In the sides fronting the east and west are two corresponding windows, about 
nine inches from the ground. The height of the walls is about twelve feet. 
At the bottom of the building is a deep vault, the stone supporters of which 
have fallen in so that the regular sides of a central aperture leading to the 
vault are no longer to be seen. This place is so incumbered with stones that 
no remains of bodies are discoverable. Almost the whole west side of the 

• Id., 236-238. t Id., a39- 1 '<*•. i39- § Id., 240, 

II Id., 240. H Fraehn die Munzen der Chane von UIus Dschutschi, •• Resc, 201. 

t1 Klaproth, op. cit., 239. H D'Ohsaon Voyage d'Abul Cassim, 23. 



building is in ruins, and the wall there is two feet thick. On the stone inserted 
over the door is engraved a Tartar inscription in three lines, of which only 
these words, Kuban Khan, son of Berdi, in the year 860 {i.e., a.d. 1455), are 
legible. Berdibeg, the son and successor of Janibeg, reigned only from 
1357 to 1359. If the Kuban Khan mentioned in the inscription were a son of 
this Berdibeg, he must have lived upwards of one hundred years, a circum- 
stance by no means rare among the roving Tartars." * 

Note 3. — Since writing the above chapter I have met with a curious note in 
a work by M. Butkowski, now publishing with the title " Dictionnaire 
Numismatique." On page 251 he says, " A great curiosity is preserved in the 
Archducal Museum at Jena, namely, a crown in massive gold which formerly 
belonged to Janibeg Khan." The origin of which, he says, is perfectly 
attested. Such an object is quite unique. I have no other information about 
it. I may add that Janibeg is the last Khan of the Golden Horde mentioned 
in the Yuen shi, where his name occurs in the form Ja ni bie.t 


Batu Khan. 

Sertak Khan. Tuktukan. Andewan. Ulagbji. 

Kanju. Bartu. Mangu Timur Khan. Tuda Mangu Khan. 

I I I I I I I 

Tulabugha. Kunjukbugha. Alghui. Toghnil. Tudakan. Toktu Khan. Five other sons. 

Uzbeg Khan. 

Cholkan. Tukul. 

Timurbeg. Tinibeg Khan. Janibeg Khan. Khidrbeg. 

Berdibeg Khan. Kildibeg Khan Nurusbeg Khan. Cherkesbeg Khan, 
or Kulna. 

In the above table I have only inserted those names which occur in the text. 
A more detailed genealogy, as given by Rashid, &c., is appended to Von 
Hammer's Golden Horde. 

* Klaproth, Travels in the Caucasus, 359,360. 
t Bretschneider Notices on Med. Geogr., &c., 106. 



WITH the extinction of the family of Batu Khan we are landed 
in a practical chaos, from which we only emerge into clear 
daylight after some time. As f have before mentioned, a 
great Mongol chief divided his clans among his sons, as a Russian 
Grand Prince divided his appanages. These portions became the 
hereditary heritage of his family. Thus, when Batu Khan succeeded to 
the throne of the Golden Horde, his elder brother Orda succeeded to 
that of the White Horde, which camped on the Jaxartes and in the east 
of the Khanate, Tuka Timur's son Ureng was granted the towns of 
Krim and Kaffa in the Crimea, with the surrounding district, by Mangu 
Timur. Bereke and his family had the country on the Kuma and the 
Terek. The Nogay Horde apparently nomadised on the Yaik or Ural 
and the Yemba, while the descendants of Sheiban ruled over the 
confederacy which was afterwards widely famous as that of the Uzbegs, 
in the country now occupied by the Middle Horde of the Kirghiz 

When the leading family died out, and there were no longer any 
descendants of Batu living, it was natural that strife should ensue among 
the several collateral branches for the Imperial throne of the Khanate, 
and this is what apparently happened. Unfortunately our authorities at 
this point are so sparse and their information so slight, that we cannot 
give the story a clear outline, and our conclusions are necessarily but 
tentative. In tracing out the early stages of the revolution, I shall adopt 
the account given by the Haji Abdul Ghassar, whose account has been 
translated by Langles.* 

He tells us that on the death of Berdibeg the Tartars assembled 
together, and seeing there did not remain at Serai any prince of the 
Royal blood, offered the throne to the Sultana Taid Ughlu Begum. She 
had married Uzbeg Khan, and was the mother of Janibeg. (This was 
the Taidula whom we have named more than once. She was not, 
however, Janibeg's mother.) She thanked them, but said she could not 
accept an honour to which she was not entitled, that religion forbade an 

• Appendix to Forster. Op. cit., 372, &c. 


usurpation, and she recommended them to put on the throne some 
prince of the house of Jingis. Pleased with her answer, the Tartars 
thought they could not trust themselves in safer hands than her own, and 
asked her to choose a sovereign. She chose Khizr Khan, who lived at 
Akgul, i.e., the White Lake. He did not rule over either wing of the 
Mongols, and his only claim was that he was descended from Jingis 
Khan. He left for Serai, where he had an audience with the Sultana. 
She was much pleased with his figure and graces, and offered to put the 
crown on his head on condition of sharing his bed. This happened, we 
are told, in the year 724 of the hejira {i.e., 1324-5).* 

This account and what follows has been entirely passed over by Von 
Hammer. It seems to me to be in the main true. The date, of 
course, is an impossible one, but otherwise the story seems to be founded 
on fact. We know from other sources what an important person Taidula 
was. We are told by the Russian authors that Khizr Khan wandered 
for some time beyond the Yaik, which agrees with the story that he lived 
at Akgul. Who then was Khizr Khan ? We are told he did not belong 
to either the right or left wings of the Mongols {i.e., did not belong either 
to the family of Orda or Batu), that he lived beyond the Yaik, and also 
at Akgul. This Akgul or White Lake can surely be no other than one 
of the two lakes of Akgul in the eastern part of the Kirghiz Kazak 
country, west of the Irtish and south of, Omsk, that is,, in the 
country occupied by the subjects of Sheiban ; and it seems to me the 
description of Khizr Khan suits this conclusion remarkably well. Khizr 
may be a mere appellative meaning Christian, as it does elsewhere, 
which would account for his being the chosen husband of the Christian 
princess Taidula. This is, however, a mere conjecture. We will treat Khizr 
Khan therefore as a descendant of Sheiban, and proceed with our story. 

Karamzin tells us, as I have said, that Khizr Khan put Nurusbeg, his 
son Timur, and the Khatun Taidulat to death. The last statement is 
not consistent with the account given by the Turkish author, and is 
probably a mistake. The revolution by which he secured the throne 
took place in the year 1360. He invested Constanline with the prin- 
cipahty of Rostof, and gave Galitch to Dimitri Ivanovitch, the grandson 
of the Great Gallician Prince Daniel.l In the same year some bands of 
plunderers from Novgorod made a raid upon Yukotin, a town of Great 
Bulgaria, in the district of Laichevski, and near the outfall of the Kama. 
There they killed a number of Tartars and carried off some plunder. 
The Tartars revenged themselves by an attack on the Christians in 
Bulgaria. The princes of Yukotin made a complaint to Khizrbeg, who 
sent three representatives named Urus, Kairmek or Kairbek, and 
Altunshibeg, to punish the plunderers. § The Grand Prince, his brother 

» Op. cit., 373 and 375- 1 Op. cit., iv. 373. \ Id. 

% Chronicle of Nikon, cited by Karamzin, iv. Note, 88. 


Andrew of Nigni Novgorod, and Constantine of Rostof, were summoned 
to meet the Khan's envoys at Kostroma, to answer for the recent 
brigandages. They sought out the guilty parties and handed them over 
to the Tartars, to whom they also paid black mail.* Meanwhile Khizr 
Khan was displaced from the throne. 

According to the Turkish account already cited, the choice of the 
Sultana excited a civil war among the Tartars, and Zekireh Nughai, born 
of the Royal blood, who commanded the hordes of the left wing, hearing 
that Khizr Khan had been preferred to him, determined to revenge 
himself. He did not seek the crown for himself, we are told, but offered 
it to Kara Nughai, his son. The young prince took counsel during the 
night with the Tartars of his faction, and it was determined in the 
morning to enter by stealth the palace of Khizr Khan and to kill him. 
Khizr Khan, we are told, succeeded in escaping, and Kara Nughai was 
then proclaimed Khan.t 

The Sultana had been forced to separate from a charming lover, 
whom she long regretted. A new passion made her forget her old 
love. Notwithstanding the frigidity of age, she had preserved alight the 
fires of love, and now became enamoured of a young man of the house 
of Jingis Khan named Bazarji. She offered to obtain the crown for him 
if he responded to her passion, thus mistaking ambition for love, she 
forgot her great age, and thought her charms were still powerful.^ 
Bazarji proved himself an infamous tyrant, and quite unworthy of a 
throne, which the caprice of a woman had given him, and he signalised 
his advent by a thousand excesses. He caused Alibeg, one of 
the most distinguished Tartars, to be put to death, Hassan, son 
of this beg, took refuge with Hussein, the ruler of Khuarezm, and 
implored his help. Hussein accordingly marched against and defeated 
Bazarji, who was killed with his wife.g Bazarji is not named in the 
Russian chronicles, nor have we any coins of his, but he is mentioned by 
Khuandemir, and it would seem that he and the Turkish author just quoted 
must have derived their information from a common source. I see no 
reason for invalidating a story told with such circumstantial detail, and 
am surprised it has been entirely ignored by Von Hammer. But to 
continue, on the death of Bazarji, Khizr Khan returned, but he was born 
to be unfortunate, and was killed by his own son Berut.|| This is no 
doubt the Merdud of Khuandemir, B and M being interchangeable 
letters in Turkish. 

I may add, that while the other Russian chroniclers make Khizr Khan 
be killed by Timur Khoja, that of Troitzki, which is generally to be 
depended upon, makes him be murdered by his brother Murat.^ The 
chronicle of Nikon calls Khizr good.** On his coins he styles 

* Karamzin, iv. 373. Note, 8f . t Op. cit, 375, 376. I /''•i 376. 377. 

5 ^d; 377- 1 W. % Karnm^in, iv, 446, Note, 8f. •• /d, 


himself the just Sultan Khizr Khan, and also Mahmud Khizr Khan. 
They are apparently numerous, and were struck at GuHstan, New Serai, 
Azak, and Khuarezm, in the years 760 to 762 of the hejira {i.e., 1 359 to 


This is but a shadowy figure, and we are merely told that having killed 
his father, he was in turn killed two months later.* We have no coins 
of his, but Von Hammer tells us that amidst the dearth of other infor- 
mation there remains a coin struck during the year 1361 at Azof, with 
the name Ordu Malik upon it,t and of this name he makes a separate 
Khan ; but surely Malik means king and Ordu is simple the horde, and 
Ordu Malik is a mere title applicable to any of the sovereigns of the Golden 
Horde, and not the name of any particular one. This generalisation of 
the Khan's name is a fair gauge of the state to which matters were at 
this time reduced in the Khanate. 


We now get into the very recesses of our historical quagmire, in which 
we can only thread a very crooked way. We have in the list of Khans 
given by Khuandemir several names of chiefs, whose close relationship 
he vouches, whom he makes Khans of the Kipchak, but who have left but 
few traces elsewhere, either in the shape of coins or in the pages of the 
Russian chronicles. More than one of them bears the title of Khoja. 
Now this title or soubriquet was applied to those who belonged to the 
family of the prophet, and, as is well known, the Khojas had at a later 
day the chief political influence at Kashgar and its neighbourhood. It 
is probable that one of the Tartar chiefs married a wife who belonged to 
a Khoja family, and thus engrafted his stock on the famous tree which 
bore Muhammed himself. At all events, the use of the soubriquet Khoja 
is a strong support to the fact attested by Khuandemir, that the princes 
we are speaking about were closely related. 

Now the first one who bore the name in the Kipchak, so far as I 
know, was the Mamat Khoja' already referred to, who was exiled to 
Urgenj in the reign of Berdibeg Khan. I believe him to be the same 
person as the Mamai, who occupies such a prominent place in the 
immediately succeeding narrative. Who then was he .-' This is a very 
difficult question, and one, so far as I know, not hitherto discussed. 
Von Hammer's authority tells us that when he went to Urgenj he 

• Langles, op. cit., 371. t Golden Hqrde, 317, 


went to his uncle there.* Now Khuarezm, of which Urgenj was the 
capital, was during the reign of Uzbeg ruled by the latter's friend and 
protege Kutlugh Timur, who was probably the uncle referred to by Von 
Hammer. This does not advance us very far, but let us turn to another 
thread of our argument. 

Klaproth tells us that the Tartars who roam about the ruins of Majar 
relate that this place was the residence of Khan Mamai. Hence also 
he says the Russians in the vicinity give this place the appellation of 
Mamaiski Gorod.t 

Now we are told by Abulghazi that Majar, together with Krim and 
Kaffa, were assigned by Mangu Timur to Ureng, the son of Tuka 
Timur,t so that Majar was probably dominated over by the latter's 
descendants, and if so, Mamai was probably one of them. Let us adopt 
this as a provisional hypothesis. Mamai then stands out, not only as 
" the kingmaker " but as the champion of the family of Tuka Timur 
against the pretensions of those of Sheiban and Orda. 

Let us then shortly turn to the family of Tuka Timur. Tuka Timur 
was the youngest son or hearth-child of Juchi, the founder of the Golden 
Horde. We first hear of him in 1229, In that year all the sons 
of Juchi except Tuka Timur went to assist at the inauguration of Ogotai 
Khan, and he was left behind in charge of the Golden Horde. On Batu's 
return home on this occasion, Tuka Timur gave a grand feast which 
lasted three days.§ 

On the inauguration of Mangu Khakan,in 125 1, the Golden Horde was 
represented by Tuka Timur and his brother Bereke. || He was apparently 
the first of the princes of the Kipchak to openly adopt the religion 
of Islam, and was followed in doing so by Bereke Khan. Tuka 
Timur, with his two brothers Singkur and Siklum, belonged to the left 
wing of the Golden Horde, which was presided over by Orda, Batu's 
elder brother. We don't know when Tuka Timur died. On the 
accession of Mangu Timur to the throne of the Golden Horde, we are 
told, he gave Kaflfa and Krim to Ureng Timur, son of Tuka Timur.^ It 
would seem he also made over Majar to him.** This took place in the 
year 1265, and it is probable that it was Oreng Timur who first allowed 
the Genoese to settle down at Kaffa in the According to 
Bohucz, Oreng Timur owed his good fortune to the assistance he afforded 
Mangu Timur in a war against the Yazyges of Lithuania. JJ He was 
probably also called Uz Timur. He had several sons, one of whom was 
named Saricha,§§ Saricha is called Saricha Kunchak Oghlan by 
Abulghazi, while Rashid makes Kunchak a son of Saricha. |||| The 

* Golden Horde, 314. t Travels in the Caucasus, 239. I ><«/«, 193. 

} Abulghazi, 179, 180. \ Golden Horde, 134 and 149. 5 Abulghazi, 182. 

** AnU,\<y>,. tt Golden Horde, 254. II History of the Taurida, 343. 

S% Golden Horde, Genealogical Table. Abulghazi, 187. 

Ill Vellaminof 2ernof, History of the Khans of Kasimof, Trans., i. 41. 


former, whose account is generally based on Rashid, probably had a 
better manuscript before him than we have now. It may be he is the 
same person who was sent in 1333 by Uzbeg to summon the Russian 
princes to his presence.* He is there called Seraichik, and it is 
equally probable that he was the Serai Kutlugh who commanded an 
army in the campaign waged by Uzbeg against the Ilkhan in 1318 and 
1 319, and who is described as a brother of Kutlugh Timur.f 

Our information is so slight at this time that we can only fill in a very 
clouded and uncertain picture. In 1333 an army of Tartars invaded 
Poland, in command of Kadlubeg {t.e., Kutlughbeg), Demetrius, and 
Kaizibeg4 This Kutlughbeg was doubtless the Kutlugh Timur just named, 
who held such an important position at Uzbeg's court, and who is 
mentioned as one of the grandees of the Krim in the treaty which the 
Venetians the same year entered into with Uzbeg.g This position makes 
it very probable he was a descendant of Tuka Timur, and increases the 
probability that he was a brother of Saricha. For the services he 
rendered Usbeg he was nominated governor of Khuarezm.H Von 
Hammer makes the governors of Krim and Khuarezm two distinct 
persons in one place,iy while in another he apparently identifies 
them as one.** I am now disposed to think the latter view is right. 
Mirkhond tells us that Kutlugh Timur died in 1335,+t but this seems to 
be a mistake, for it is probable he was the same person as the Cotloboga 
or Kutlughbeg who attested Janibeg's diploma to the Venetians and the 
Kutlugh Timur, lord of Sorgat, who fills an important position in the 
similar diploma granted by Berdibeg in 1358. If this be so, it is not 
unlikely that he still retained his position as governor of Khuarezm. As 
I have said I believe Mamai, "the Warwick" of Kipchak, was his 


Abdul Ghassar, the Turkish author, translated by Langles, speaks of 
a chief whom he calls Zekireh Nughai as heading the party against 
Khizr Khan. I would suggest that he was the brother of our Mamai. 
This, I think, reconciles some of the difficulties which beset the story at 
the point we have reached. We are told in that narrative that, not 
wishing to have the throne for himself, he offered it to Kara Nughai, his 
son, who accordingly secured it. This Kara Nughai was no doubt the 
Nukai son of Sibachi, who is made to succeed Bazarchi by Khuandemir. 
He was again, as I believe and as was suggested by Von Hammer, the 
same person as the Tughai of the Russian annalists. In fact the name 
in Khuandemir's list is read Tukai by De la Croix, Grigorief, and 

• Golden Horde, 297. t AnU, 156. I Ante, 163. J Golden Horde, 297, 298. 

I Id; 301. t Op. cit., 303. •• Id., 297. tt Journ. Asiat., 4th ser., xvii. 123. 


Von Hammer.* Khuandemir calls him the son of Sibachi, which is 
therefore a synonym with the Zenkireh Nogai of Abdul Ghassar. The 
same name is read Shahican by De la Croix.t They are perhaps 
all corruptions of Saricha. The Russians call him Toghai of 
Beshdeshe. ^This was a town desolated by the black death in 
J 346. It has been identified with the village of Wesedef on the Volga,J 
but it is quite as probable that this name is a corruption of Beshtau in 
Circassia, where Uzbeg had an ordu, and which was doubtless within the 
camping ground of Tuka Timur's Horde. The Russians tell us Tughai, 
about the year 1361, occupied the country of the Mordvins, where the 
town of Naruchat is now situated.§ Having settled down in this district, 
answering to the modern government of Penza, he proceeded to 
burn the town of Riazan. Oleg joined himself to the Princes of Pronsk 
and Koselsk, and defeated Tughai in a bloody struggle on the Woinova. 
The latter returned home with only a few followers. || Von Hammer 
attributes to him the foundation of the town of Taghai in the government 
of Simbirsk.^ We have no coins struck by him, nor do I know anything 
more of him. We may safely say that he was a mere local ruler, and 
not truly a Khan of the Golden Horde. 


Khuandemir makes Tughai be succeeded by Tughluk Timur Khan, 
who, he says, was the son of the brother of Tughai.** If Tughai was 
the son of Saricha, as I have suggested, then if we follow Abul- 
ghazi, he was the brother of Tokul Khoja Abulghazi says 
Tokul Khoja Oghlan had a younger brother called Tulek Timur. 
Perhaps there is a mistake either in Khuandemir or Abulghazi, but this 
very close agreement makes it probable that the Tughluk Timur Khan 
of Khuandemir was the Tulek Timur of Abulghazi. His brother was 
probably the Tawlubeg who was sent by Uzbeg as an envoy to Russia in 
^339)++ who is mentioned under the name of Taughly Tuli Bai by Abdul 
Ghassar as the first minister of Berdibeg and the instigator of his 
parricidal crime,§§ and again in Berdibeg's diploma to the Venetians 
under the name of Tolobei, as the lord of Tana. II II He was killed, we 
are told, with his master in 1358.III1 

As to Tughluk Timur himself I know nothing, unless he be the same 
person as the Timur Khoja who some of the Russian chroniclers make 
the son and murderer of Khizr Khan. I have shown that the son and 

* Golden Horde, 322. Note, 4. De la Croix, History of Gengbiz Kbao, &c., 389. 

1 Loc. cit. I Golden Horde, 308. Note, 3. Ante, 175. 

5 Karamzin, iv. 374. Golden Horde, 322. || Karamzin, v. 11. Golden Horde, 320. 

% Golden Horde, 320. *' Journ. Atiat., 4th ser., xvii. 117. tt Abulghaxi, 187. 

JI Golden Horde, 302. hi Op. cit., 372. US Golden Horde, 521. %% Id., 314. 



murderer referred to was not Timur Khoja but Merdud, and the title 
of Khoja points to the former belonging to the family which we are now 
dealing with, namely, the descendants of Tuka Timur. This is 
supported by a statement in the Russian chronicles that Timur Khoja, 
after a very short reign, was driven away by his temnik or general 
Mamai. The latter was hardly likely to be the temnik of the rival family 
of Khizr Khan. He had time, however, to coin money ; specimens are 
extant struck at New Serai in 762 ( t.e., 1360-1).* 


Khuandemir makes Tughluk Timur be succeeded by his brother 
Murad, who has been confounded by previous historians with Merdud or 
Berdud, the son of Khizr Khan, but who that author makes an entirely 
different person. Murad was a more important ruler than the shadows 
we have been considering. He held court at Serai, and was at deadly 
issue with Mamai, who, as I have argfued, was his near relative. The 
times were dangerous also for the Russian Princes. Andrew Constan- 
tinovitch of Nishni Novgorod, on his way home from the horde, was 
attacked by the Tartar Retahos. The other Russian princes who were 
there at his accession made the best of their way homewards.t The horde 
was virtually split in two, one section obeying Murad and the other Mamai 
(who was playing the part once played by Nogai) and h\s protege Abdullah. 
A fierce struggle took place between the two sections. In 1 361 Mamai 
made a raid and killed several dependants of Murad, while the following 
year Murad or Amurath repaid this attack by crossing the Volga and 
killing a great number of Mamai's people.t 

In Russia we now find Dimitri Ivanovitch of Moscow, probably 
supported by the metropolitan Alexis, setting up claims to the Grand 
PrincipaUty, which, as I have said, had been granted to his namesake 
Dimitri Constantinovitch by Nurus Khan. The question was referred to 
the Khan Murad, who, amidst his domestic troubles (according to 
Karamzin), found consolation in this proof of confidence and of power. 
Having summoned the envoys to his presence, he adjudged the Grand 
Principality to Dimitri Ivanovitch of Moscovv.§ His rival of Suzdal 
refused to recognise Murad's patent of investiture and to evacuate 
Vladimir and Pereislavl Zalesky ; but the Prince of Moscow, supported 
by his boyards, marched against him, forced him to escape to Suzdal, 
and was duly crowned and installed at Vladimir. The young prince was 
but twelve years old,|| but he worthily justified the confidence of his 
advisers. Seated on the throne by the favour of the Khan Murad, Dimitri 

• FraBhn Resc, 371. t Golden Horde, 318. I Ka^tmzin, iy. 456. Note, 88, 

S Karamzin, iv. 375. II Id., 376. 


wished also to have the patronage of his rival Abdullah, whose envoy 
appeared at Vladimir with a yarligh or diploma for him. He accordingly 
went again to Vladimir, and once more went through the ceremony of 
inauguration there. This act offended Murad. Ivan of Bielosersk being 
at this time (1363) at Serai, he sent him home, and with him an envoy 
named Ilak with a yarligh authorising Dimitri of Suzdal to take 
possession of the throne of Vladimir. The latter did so, but the 
grandson of Kalita, who knew the weakness of the Tartars at this time, 
marched against his rival and drove him away. He permitted him to 
retain Suzdal as his vassal only.* The Princes of Rostof, Starodub, and 
Galitch were also obliged to submit to the young Grand Prince. Mean- 
while the Lithuanians continued to increase in power, Olgerd had lately 
occupied the towns of Mitislavl, Kief, and Belor in the principality of 
Smolensko, while he had kept up a perpetual struggle with the Poles 
and the Livonian Knights. In 1363 he marched into Podolia and 
attacked three Tartar hordes which nomadised on the Lower Dnieper. 
He defeated them, drove them to the Krim, and plundered Kherson, 
whose inhabitants he slew, while he pillaged the churches. From this 
time Kherson apparently disappears from history, and the Tartars west 
of the Dnieper became to some extent subject to the Lithuanians.t 
Coins of Murad Khan occur only in the years 763 and 764 {i.e., 1361 and 
1363). They were struck at Gulistan, which on one of his coins, as I 
have mentioned, is called Gulistan lis Serai. We do not know how 
he was displaced. 


Khuandemir makes him be succeeded by Kutlugh Khoja, whom he 
calls the brother of Tughai, and by implication the uncle of Murad. t 
f^ortunately we have a document signed by him still extant. It 
is referred to by Von Hammer, who tells us Kutlugh Khoja was a 
nephew of Mamai's,§ which exactly confirms the conclusion arrived at in 
the previous pages. This document is a yarligh or patent granted to the 
father confessor and seal bearer of the Russian Prince Dimitri, who had 
been detained by the Tartars in the steppes of the Poloutzi, and is 
expressed in very gracious terms. || We know nothing more of him. 


About this time we read that Pulad Timur made a raid upon the 
northern part of the Khanate of Kipchak, and captured the town of 
Bolghari, where he set up authority. He is also styled Mir Pulad Khan 

• Karamzin, v. 4. t Id., 16. I Journ. Asiat., 4th ser., xvii. 117. De la Croix, op. cit., 389. 
% Golden Horde, 325. \ Id. 


and Pulad Khoja Khan on his coins. The use of the soubriquet Khoja 
makes it probable that he belonged to the same family as the group of 
chiefs last described, and was not a descendant of Sheiban, as some 
have argued. On some of his coins he is called the son of Nugan, which 
name is read doubtfully. It is probably a form of Nugai or Tughai, and 
I would provisionally suggest that he was the son of the Tughai already 
named. His coins first occur in the year 764 {i.e., 1362-3), at New Serai, 
when he styles hunself " The Just Sultan Mir Pulad Khan." Two 
years later we have another of his coins, struck at the same place, in 
which he is called " The Supreme Sultan Pulad Khoja Khan." Two 
years later again, we have a coin of his with the name " Pulad Timur, 
son of Nugan." On the reverse of this coin is the curious posthumous 
ejaculation, "The sanctified Sultan Janibeg Khan, may his empire 
endure."* His coins were struck at New Serai, which city is also named 
New Gulistan on them. Master of the country on the middle Volga, 
he harassed the Russian frontiers. We are told that Dimitri, Prince of 
Nijni Novgorod, and his brother Boris attacked him and drove him 
beyond the Piana. A great number of his people were slain or drowned. 
This took place, according to Karamzin, in 1367. Pulad sought refuge 
at Serai, where Azis was then ruling, and by his orders he was put 
to death.t 


Azis Khan is not mentioned in Khuandemir's list of the chiefs of the 
Kipchak. Abdul Ghassar tells us that after the death of Merdud, the son 
of Khizr Khan, troubles ensued, and that Alaji Oghlu, a prince of the 
blood, settled on the Volga, where many Tartars went over to him.J He 
was doubtless the Azis Khan to whom we now turn. Aziz is styled the 
Sultan Aziz Sheikh Khan on his coins, which were struck at Gulistan, 
New Gulistan, and New Serai, in the years 766 to 768 {i.e., 1365-6 to 
i367-8).§ He is called Osis in the Russian chronicles. I don't know 
who he was, but it would seem from his putting Janibeg's name on his 
coins that he claimed to represent in some way the legitimate line of the 
chiefs of Kipchak. The name of Janibeg is mentioned with a formula 
showing he was dead, a custom, says M. Soret, which prevails in the 
modern Janid coins of Bokhara. I have mentioned how it occurs in 
a similar manner on a coin of Pulad Timur. This use of the name of 
the dead Khan has led to a curious invention of a second, and even a 
third Janibeg by the Russian numismatists, for whose existence there is 
no other warrant. Azis continued the same policy towards the Russians 
which was patronised by Murad. Vasili, surnamed Kirdapa, the son of 

* Ffichn, Detcription of Fuch's Collection, 18, ig. t Karamzin, v. 11. 

I Op. cit., i. 378. § Soret Lettre a M. le Capitnine Kossikofslu, 23. 


Dimitri of Suzdal, being at the horde, was sent home with a diploma 
constituting his father Grand Prince in the place of the grandson of 
Kalita, Dimitri Ivanovitch, but the latter shrank from the dangerous 
patronage of the Khan. Andrew, Prince of Nijni Novgorod, dying 
about this time, the Prince of Suzdal, who was his brother, endeavoured 
to secure the succession for himself, but was forestalled by his younger 
brother Boris. The former now appealed to the Grand Prince, and the 
latter to the Tartars.* We are told that Beiram Khoja on the part of 
the Khan Azis, and Hassan on the part of the Khan's wife,t who was 
probably a person of some consequence, duly installed Boris as Prince 
of Nijni Novgorod. The Grand Prince, assisted by the clergy, who 
closed the churches of Nijni, speedily brought the recalcitrant prince to 
submission, and he resigned his position at Nijni to his brother, while 
he was allowed to retain Gorodetz. The same year Russia was again 
ravaged by the plague. This terrible plague is described in graphic 
terms by the annalists. " The victims were suddenly struck," says the 
chronicler, " as with a knife, at the breast, at the shoulder-blade, or 
between the shoulders ; a devouring fire consumed the entrails, blood 
flowed at the mouth, a burning fever was succeeded by a shivering cold, 
tumours appeared on the neck, the hips, under the arms, or behind the 
shoulder-blade. The issue was always the same — inevitable death, swift 
but terrible." Out of each hundred persons but ten remained well. The 
dead were buried seven or eight together in the same grave, and whole 
houses were stripped of their inhabitants. In 1364 it ravaged Nijni 
Novgorod, Kolomna, and Pereislavl ; the next year Tuer, Torjek, and 
Rostof ; in 1366, Moscow. It came and went intermittently, and we 
are told that after three visits but five people were left alive in 1387 at 
Smolensko, which was filled with corpses. J We may be sure, although 
we have no direct information on the subject, that the same pestilence 
must have devastated the Kipchak, whence it probably first passed into 
Russia. At Moscow the plague was followed by a fire which burnt its 
four quarters, and led to the construction of a stone Kremlin in place of 
the wooden one which previously existed there. § 

Meanwhile we read how the merchants of Novgorod, who, hke most 
mediaeval merchants, were attached to buccaneering, formed bodies of 
irregular troops styled volunteers, who pillaged the neighbouring 
districts. In 1367, under a young man named Alexander, they 
followed the course of the Obi as far as the sea, and plundered not only 
the Ostiaks and Samoyedes but also the dwellers on the Dwina. 
Another section descended the Volga on one hundred and fifty vessels of 
various kinds, || massacred a great number of Tartars, Armenians, 

♦ Karamzin, v. 7, 8. t Golden Horde, 320. I Karamrin, v. g, 10. ^ Id., 10. 

U Seven kinds of boats are mentioneti, namely, Pauski, Uchani, Misbani, Bafchiti, Strugi, 
Kerbati, and Lodi. 


Khivans, and Bukharias, at Nijni Novgorod, and carried off their 
wives, children, and goods. They penetrated to the Kama, ravaged the 
towns of Bulgaria, and returned home laden with booty. The Grand 
Prince did not fail to reprimand the Novgorodians for thus acting as 
brigands and attacking the foreign merchants who brought wealth to 
Russia.* I don't know when and how Azis was displaced. We have 
no coins of his, however, after 768 {i.e., 1367-8). 


During the period of confusion which we have been describing, 
Mamai apparently filled the same rdle which Nogai filled at an earlier 
day. Although Fraehn publishes a coin of his struck at Azak in 763,! 
it is doubtful if he actually occupied the throne. He preferred the part 
of a maker and patron of kings. 

When he displaced Timur Khoja in 1361, as I have mentioned, he 
nominated a Khan of his own named Abdullah, with whom and with a 
large section of the horde he crossed the Volga, and settled down in the 
hilly country beyond.J The chronicle of Troitski calls him Audulia.§ 
He was probably a nephew of Mamai's, and doubtless belonged to the 
family of Tuka Timur. While Mamai and his protegi retired, as I have 
said, beyond the Volga, Murad reigned at Serai. In 1361 he fought 
against Murad, and put to death many princes of the horde. Another 
battle was fought between them in 1362, in which Mamai's people were 
surprised and similarly slaughtered. || Abdullah first appears on coins, 
according to M. Soret, in the year 764, during which year and 765 he 
coined money at Azak and New Serai ; after this it has been suggested 
that he led a purely wandering hfe, as his mint place is almost always 
" the Ordu." In 766 and 767 Abdullah was living in the East, as is shown 
by his striking money then at Yanghicher and Cher el Jedid, both 
meaning the same place ; but he again struck a coin at Azak in 769, 
which has been published by M. Savilief, showing he had then returned. 
His last coins are dated in 770 {i.e.^ 1368-9). 


On the flight of Pulad Timur from Bulgaria, as I have mentioned, || it 
would appear that this district of the Khanate did not fall into the hands 
of Azis Khan. We are told that in the year 1366 Karach, Haidar, and 
Tutekash made a raid on the Russian borders, which was repeated in 
1368. Two years later, we read that Dimitri, Prince of Suzdal, sent his 
brother Boris and his son Vasili, accompanied by the Tartar Haji Khoja, 

• Karamzin. v. 12. \ Catalogue of Fuch's Collection, ao. 

I Karamzin, iv. 446. fjote, 88. hid. M«/«, 202. 

ILBAN. 207 

against Bulgaria, and we are told they deprived Haidar of his authority 
there and gave it to the son of the bek.* Who then was this bek or 
beg ? Abul Ghassar tells us that one of the crimes of Bazarji was that 
he killed Alibeg, one of the most distinguished Tartars, and that Hassan, 
son of Ah, took refuge with Hussein, the ruler of Khuarezm.t I believe 
the bek above referred to was Alibeg, and that his son, who was 
appointed ruler of Bulgaria by the Russians, was Hassan, He was 
probably the Hassan who was sent as an envoy by the wife of Azis Khan 
to the Russian court in 1364. J Nikon tells us, according to M. Savilief, 
that he captured Serai in 768.§ He is the same person who is called A coin struck by him in 771 {i.e., 
1372) was found at Tetiuchy,*[ and he is again named as Khan of 
Bulghari in 1376. We read that in that year the sons of Dimitri of 
Suzdal, uniting with the Muscovite troops, advanced upon Kazan, where 
Hassan and Muhammed Sultan then reigned. The people of Kazan 
marched to meet them mounted on camels, intending in this way to 
frighten the Russian horses; but this policy was unavailing, the Russians 
burnt their villages, their winter quarters, and their boats, and compelled 
Hassan and Muhammed Sultan to submit and to pay a tribute of 2,000 
roubles, part of which was assigned to the princes of Suzdal. They also 
paid down a sum of 3,000 roubles to be distributed among the troops, 
and they even consented to allow a Muscovite customs officer or com- 
missary of taxes to reside in their town.** We do not hear of Hassan 


In 772 and 773 we find coins struck at New Serai by Tulunbek. The 
curious thing about this personage is that on some of these coins Tulunbek 
appears as the name of a king and on others as those of a It is 
probable that it was a queen who thus used ambiguous phrases, and it 
may be that she was the widow of Azis, for the wife of the latter during 
his life exercised the exceptional right of sending a special ambassador 
(Hassan) to represent herself, while Azis was represented by an envoy 
named Beiram Khoja. 


In 775 we find one Ilban striking coins at Seraichuk. M. Savilief reads 
the name on a coin very like his Alp Khoja. Ilban was the son of 
Maengu Timur, and belonged to the line of Sheiban. I know nothing 
more of him. On another coin Kaganbek, son of Ilban and "grandson of 
Maengu Timur, is mentioned. 

♦ Golden Horde, 3JI. t Langles, op. cit., 378. J Golden Horde, 320. 

S Soret, op. cit., 24. || Golden Horde, 323. IT Soret, op. cit., 24. 

** Karamzin, op. cit., v. 51. \\ Frahn, Catalogue of Fuch's Collection) 22. 



Kaganbek, the son of Ilban and grandson of Maengu Timur, struck a 
coin published by M. Savilief. He is probably the same person of whom, 
under the name of Ghayas ud din . . . aghabek,* we have a coin struck 
at New Serai in the year 777 {i.e., 1377). I know nothing more of him, 
nor yet of Cherkesbek, who struck a coin at Astrakhan in 776, unless he 
was the Qxerkes Khan already referred to, as I have suggested.t 


Let us revert from , these somewhat spectral figures to a more 
substantial person. On the disappearance of Abdullah, we find him 
replaced by another protege of Mamai's, namely, Muhammed Sultan. 
His proper name, according to M. Frsehn, was Muhammed Bulak. He 
is severally styled Muhammed Khan, Bulak Khan, Ghayasuddin w'ed 
dunya Muhammed Khan, and Ghayasuddin Muhammed Bulak Khan 
on his coins. M. Soret has published a coin of his struck at New Serai 
in 773. Otherwise he does not seem to have struck any money at Serai 
or the other older mint places of the horde, but at Astrakhan (which now 
occurs for the first time in history), at New Majar, and for the greater 
part in the Ordu. His coins range from the year 771 to 777.^ 
I believe he was the Muhammed Sultan who is mentioned more than 
once as the son of Hassan, the ruler of Bulgaria, already mentioned. He 
was only nominally khan, however, and the chief authority no doubt 
rested, as previously, with Mamai, who appears in the Russian annals as 
the de facto ruler. 

In Russia the terrible civil strife, occasioned by the rules of succession 
and the various jealousies of the princes, continued in spite of the attack 
of the Tartars from without and the plague from within. The strife 
especially showed itself at Tuer, where the young Prince Michael and 
his uncle were rivals for the throne ; the former leaned on the support of 
his powerful brother-in-law Olgerd, the Prince of Lithuania, and 
eventually prevailed. He was ambitious, and took the title of Grand 
Prince of Tuer, which was a menace to the Princes of Moscow. This 
was in I367.§ His intentions were not sobered by the treacherous 
conduct of the Grand Prince Dimitri, who, having invited him to 
Moscow, arrested him, but Karacha, a distinguished representative of the 
Khan, arriving at Moscow, took his part and compelled Dimitri to give 
him his liberty. The army of Muscovy having entered his dominions, 
he appealed to the Lithuanians, whose chief Olgerd was not unwilling to 
interfere. He marched with his brother Kestute, and his son Vitut 

* Frchn, Resc, 301. ti<n/r, 183. I Soret, op. cit., 24, J Karamzin, v. 14. 


compelled the Prince of Smolensk to join him. He kept his secrets 
well, and his attack on Russia was as sudden as it was disastrous. For 
forty years it had been free from war, but it now suffered at the hands of 
one quite as terrible as the Tartar. Its towns were burnt, its people 
slaughtered, and its army dispersed. Dimitri and his friends shut 
themselves up in the Kremlin and burned its environs. There they 
resisted for three days the Lithuanian attack, while Olgerd pillaged the 
churches and monasteries. Fearing to besiege the fortress in winter, he 
at length retired, leaving behind him many tokens of his ferocity.* This 
attack was followed by another by the Livonian Knights on the small 
principahty of Pskof, to redress the grievances of the German traders 
who resorted there. 

In 1370 Michael, who had been allowed to settle in his appanage of 
Tuer once more, quarrelled with Dimitri, who had ruthlessly plundered 
the town of Zubtsef. He again appealed to the Lithuanians. He also 
went to Mamai to solicit from him the patent of Grand Prince of 
Vladimir. Mamai, who apparently wished to conciliate Olgerd and the 
Lithuanians, sent an envoy with him to invest him duly at Vladimir, but 
Dimitri had the roads guarded and compelled him to seek shelter at 
Vilna. There his sister urged upon her husband Olgerd to make a fresh 
attack upon the Grand Prince of Moscow. As soon as the roads were 
hardened by the frost he set out, and battered in vain for three days at 
the wooden fortifications of Volok Lamski. Failing to take it, he 
marched on and appeared before Moscow in the first week of November, 
1370. He was again foiled by the defences of the Kremlin, by the 
assembling of forces at Peremysl, which jeopardised his retreat, by the 
threatening conduct of the Teutonic Knights, and more especially by 
the terrible weather, " for this," says Karamzin, " was the severest winter 
mentioned in the Russian annals, Snow began to fall in the beginning 
of September, and prevented the reaping. of the crops. December and 
January proving very open the snow disappeared, and the harvest, which 
had been covered with snow, was only got in in February. "t Olgerd 
accordingly agreed to terms, and gave his daughter Helena in marriage 
to the Prince of Vladimir. The unfortunate Prince of Tuer once more 
repaired to Mamai, who offered him an army, but he dreaded introducing 
the Tartars among his own people, and contented himself with the company 
of Sari Khoja, the Khan's envoy. The people of Vladimir would not 
receive him, nor would Dimitri admit his claims. Sari Khoja therefore 
merely gave him his diploma, and then went on to Moscow, where he 
was sumptuously feasted and gained over. Dimitri determined to adopt 
the same policy towards Mamai, and being assured of the good offices of 
Sari Khoja, he set out for the horde, and was accompanied as far as the 
Oka by the metropolitan Alexis. He was received by the Khakan and 

♦ Karamzin, v. 16-20. t Karamzin, v. aj. 



Mamai with great honour. They confirmed him in the office of Grand 
Prince, reduced the amount of the taxes which Moscow was wont to pay, 
and went so far as to scornfully tell Michael of Tuer that, having refused 
their offer of an army to seat him on the throne of Vladimir, he might 
now seek protectors elsewhere. Michael's son Ivan was retained as a 
hostage at the horde for the sum of 10,000 roubles, which his father 
owed the Khan. Dimitri redeemed him, and kept him himself as a 
hostage for Michael's good behaviour until he in turn redeemed him. 
The latter was not appeased by this act, however, but continued his 
attacks, nor was the Grand Prince a very conciliatory person. We now 
find him attacking the turbulent Oleg, Prince of Riazan, and making a 
terrible slaughter of his arrogant people. He would probably have been 
crushed, but that Michael of Tuer prevailed once more on his friends the 
Lithuanians to invade the Muscovite dominions. They approached 
Pereislavl, whose suburbs they burnt, imposed a heavy fine on Dmitrof, 
made the Prince of Kashin acknowledge Michael as his master, and 
also captured Torjek. Meanwhile the crafty citizens of Novgorod, not 
knowing exactly whether Michael or Dimitri was doomed to dominate 
over Russia, threw in their influence with the former, whom they elected 
as their prince in case he should be confirmed by the Khan. When 
Dimitri received his diploma they transferred their allegiance to him, 
and marched to recapture Torjek, but were badly defeated, and Michael, 
in revenge, set fire to the town, which, like the other wooden towns of 
Russia, burnt very easily. The monasteries, churches, &c., were 
destroyed, and their treasures and those of the inhabitants plundered. 
The visit of Michael recalled at Torjek the terrible apparition of Batu.* 

Olgerd now prepared for a third invasion of Russia, and, as 
usual, advanced with great rapidity. He was joined by Michael at 
Kaluga. But the Muscovites were this time prepared, defeated his 
advanced guard, and marched on till their army confronted that of the 
Lithuanians, Only a narrow ravine separated them, and both sides were 
afraid to begin, the risk supervening on defeat in either case being very 
great, and overtures were made for a treaty of peace. By it Michael 
surrendered all the conquests he had made in Muscovy and agreed not 
to molest its frontiers ; Dimitri made a similar promise in regard to 
Tuer, and Olgerd undertook not to intrigue at the horde against either 
of them.t 

During the year 1374 there was peace between the horde (where the 
plague had made sad ravages) and Russia, but we read of a Lithuanian 
army defeating the Tartar chief Tahmuras.J Meanwhile some envoys of 
the Tartars, who arrived with a considerable following at Nijni 
Novgorod, began to pillage the inhabitants of that town, who turned 
upon and slaughtered them and their escort to the number of a 

* Karamxin, v. 32-53. t Id,, 36-3S. I Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 323. 


thousand. Their leader, the murza Seraiko, was at the same time 
imprisoned, but having escaped, he tried with some of his remaining 
followers to fire the archbishop's palace. He was thereupon attacked 
and torn in pieces. Mamai revenged the slaughter by sending an army 
into the province, which harried the country on the Kisha and the Plana 
and as the Grand Prince Dimitri was deemed to be privy to the deed 
Mamai prepared to revenge himself upon him also. 

There still remained at Moscow an institution dating from the ante 
feudal period. This was the office of Tissiachsky, the boyar of the 
city or of the commune, a kind of civil and military tribune elected 
by the people.* Dimitri abolished this office, which was too 
democratic for the feudal notions that were rapidly spreading. The 
last Tissiachski, Vasili Veliaminof, left a son Ivan, who was ambitious to 
succeed his father, and repaired with a rich Moscow merchant named 
Nekomat to Michael of Tuer, and persuaded him that circumstances 
were favourable for him to make a venture upon the Grand Principality. 
He sent them on to Mamai, and repaired himself to Olgerd, who agreed 
to assist him, while Mamai sent Haji Khoja with a diploma. He would 
not wait for them, however, but invaded Muscovy and attacked Torjek 
and Uglitch. The Grand Prince Dimitri was not less active ; he 
collected a great army, summoned the dependent princes, and proceeded 
to lay siege to the city of Tuer, while the province of the same name was 
devastated, and as the Lithuanians prudently delayed coming to the 
rescue, Michael was compelled to sue for peace. This was concluded, 
and its terms were generous. Michael renounced all claims to the 
principality of Vladimir, and to the allegiance of the people of Novgorod 
and of Kashin, agreed to release all the Muscovites whom he had taken 
prisoners, and to restore the treasures he had captured at Torjek. He 
agreed further to enter into close alliance with Dimitri against the lattei's 
enemies, that the boyards should be free to pass from the service of one 
prince to that of another on condition of their forfeiting their land in the 
principality they deserted, that each citizen should own allegiance and 
pay tribute to the prince of the district where he had his domicile, 
notwithstanding his being in the service of another, &c. Michael also 
entered into a separate treaty with Novgorod, in which mutual advan- 
tages were secured. Content with having humbled his rival, Dimitri left 
him his practical independence and his crown. His country had paid 
dearly for his ambition, for, as Karamzin says, " the recognised mode of 
warfare in those days was to lay everything waste with fire and sword.t 
Ivan and Nekomat, the instigators of the war, were executed at 

Next year there happened the campaign against Bulgaria, to which I 
have already referred.| This was followed by the appearance of a fresh 

* Kelly's Russia, i. yo. t Op. cit., v. 4?. lAHtt,ao^. 


Tartar leader, in the person of Arabshah, the chief of the horde of 
Sheiban, of whom a coin struck at New Serai in 779 is extant, and who 
arrived with a large force from the borders of the Blue Sea {i.e., of lake 
Aral). The Grand Prince of Moscow was informed of this by fiis 
father-in-law, Dimitri of Suzdal, to whom he sent a considerable army. 
This army he incorporated with his own and sent them against the 
enemy. They allowed themselves to be surprised while refreshing 
with hydromel and beer and sheltering unarmed in the hot sun. 
The Tartars were guided by the wiUing Mordvins. We are told 
Arabshah was small in stature, but had great energy. He attacked the 
Russians on five sides, and so impetuously that they were panic-stricken. 
They fled towards the Plana amidst a great slaughter. Prince 
Simeon was killed in the flight, and Ivan, the son of Dimitri of Suzdal, 
was drowned in the river, whose name Plana means the river of 
drunkards, and this disaster gave rise to the Russian proverb, "one is 
drunk on the banks of the Plana."* The victorious Tartars marched 
quickly on, and appeared on the third day after at Nishni Novgorod, 
which was burnt. Dimitri, the Prince of Suzdal, fled to Suzdal, and 
most of the inhabitants took to their boats on the Volga. They next 
captured Riazan, and we are told not a village remained unburnt on 
the river Sura. Having wreaked their vengeance they retired, but their 
advent was followed by that of marauding Mordvins, who destroyed 
what the Tartars had spared. The latter were intercepted on their 
retreat by Prince Boris Constantinovitch, Prince of Gorodetz, who 
slaughtered a great number of them, and their bodies, says Karamzin, 
joined the corpses of the Russians which crowded the Plana. Boris 
then overran their land, fired their houses, slaughtered their people, and 
put their wives and children in irons. Many of their chiefs were put to 
death at Nijni, where the enraged people dragged them along the ice, 
and had them worried with dogs. This terrible revenge excited the 
anger of Mamai, for the country of the Mordvins was dependent on 
him. He sent a fresh army, which again captured Nishni Novgorod, 
and again fired it and devastated its neighbourhood. It then marched 
to join a larger force which Mamai had sent against the Grand Prince. 
This was in July, 1378. The Tartars were commanded by the murza 
Beguitch. They were met by the Muscovites under Dimitri on the 
banks of the Volga, in the province of Riazan, and were badly beaten 
and driven across the river. They lost several thousand men, among 
them being their commander Beguitch and the murzas Hajibeg, 
Kowergui, Karabalik, and Kostrok. The Russians afterwards secured 
the deserted camp and baggage of the enemy. This remarkable victory 
was the first of any consequence which the Russians had gained over the 
Tartars since the year 1224.! Mamai was naturally enraged at the 

* Kamaxin, v. S4- t Karanusin, v. s6< Goldeu Horde, 325. 


defeat, and marched with a fresh force against Riazan, whose Prince 
Oleg was too weak to resist, and fled beyond the Oka. The Tartars 
overran the province, burnt Pereislavl, and took possession of Dubak.* 

Meanwhile the Muscovites gained an important success against their 
mortal enemies the Lithuanians. The famous Olgerd died in 1337, after 
he had been baptised under the name ot Alexander, and was succeeded 
by his favourite son Yagellon, who put his uncle, the aged Kestut, to 
death, and compelled Vitut, the latter's son, to seek shelter in Prussia. 
Yagellon's brother Andrew of Pronsk also left the country and repaired to 
Moscow, where these civil commotions in Lithuania were very welcome. 
Dimitri determined to take advantage of them, and sent an army which 
occupied Starodub and Trubchevski, old dependencies of Russia, which 
had been appropriated by the Lithuanians. 

We now find him interfering in a very arbitrary way with the 
government of the Russian church. As is well known, the Russian 
clergy consist of two entirely different classes, the white clergy or 
seculars, who supply the parish priests, and the black clergy or regulars. 
The bishops and dignitaries are chosen, I believe, entirely from the 
latter class, who are better educated. The aged metropolitan Alexis was 
on the verge of the grave, and the patriarch Philothaeus nominated 
Cyprian, a learned Servian, as his successor without consulting the 
Grand Prince. The latter was aggrieved, and determined to appoint 
Mityai, the parish priest of Kolomna, who was his confessor and keeper 
of the seals, and had a wide reputation, but who was a secular. 
He secured the secret benediction of Alexis for him. On the death of 
Alexis he was accordingly seated on the metropolitan throne, much to 
the surprise of the clergy, and he set out for Constantinople to get the 
patriarch to ordain him bishop. He set out with a lordly attendance, 
including three archimandrites, six priests, &c., but as he travelled 
beyond the frontiers of Riazan in the deserts of the Poloutsi, he was 
arrested by the Tartars and taken before Mamai, whom he succeeded in 
conciliating, and received a safe conduct from the Khan Talubeg, the 
nephew of Mamai, says Karamzin, who was then reigning.t Perhaps 
the Tughluk Timur previously mentioned still survived-^ Mityai, 
however, did not reach his destination, but died en route. Dimitri 
had given his prote^i several signed warrants to be filled up as 
Mityai wished. Pimen, the archimandrite of Pereislavl, who was 
apparently one of his followers, had the audacity to fill one of these up 
asking, on the part of Dimitri, that the patriarch should consecrate 
himself, Pimen, as metropohtan, and although suspicions were aroused 
at Constantinople, an antidote was found for them in a liberal distribution 
of presents, and he was duly consecrated in St. Sophia. 

The Grand Prince was naturally enraged when he discovered the trick. 

* Golden Horde, 325. Kartmain, v. 58. t Op. cit., v. 66, 67. lAnitttai. 


He refused to recognise him, and had him seized and conducted to 
Chuklom, where he was divested of his white mitre, and Cyprian was 
duly inaugurated as metropohtan of Russia* 

Controlling all the forces of the horde, Mamai apparently determined 
to overwhelm the Russians. He summoned his people from all sides, 
Tartars, Poloutsi, Circassians, Yasses or Ossetes, Burtanians or 
Caucasian Jews (? the Kaitaks), Armenians, and Genoese,t and at a 
council of his chiefs he told them he meant to follow the example of 
Batu. " Let us punish the rebel slaves," lie said, " reduce their towns, 
villages, and churches to ashes, and appropriate their wealth." He made 
a treaty of alliance with Yagellon, who promised to invade Russia on the 
further side, while Oleg, Prince of Riazan, who felt sure that Muscovy 
would be annihilated by such a combination, and that he would be the 
first victim, entered into negotiations with both, and promised to be on 
the Oka with his forces to assist them in September. Mamai on his part 
promised to surrender all Muscovy to him and Yagellon on condition 
of their paying tribute. 

Dimitri, on hearing the terrible news, first fulfilled the calls of religion* 
and then summoned all the troops of the Grand Principality to Moscow. 
The Princes of Rostof, Bielosersk, and Yaroslavl, the boyards of 
Vladimir, Suzdal, Pereislavl, Kostroma, Murom, Dimitrof, Moyaisk, 
Zwenigorod, Uglitch, and Serpukof joyfully went to him with their 
troops, and rendezvoused at the Kremlin. When all was ready Dimitri 
repaired to the famous monastery of the Trinity, where the abbot Sergius 
blessed him and bade him go and triumph, foretelling that he would 
succeed after a terrible carnage, and after the laurels had been crimsoned 
with the blood of many a Christian hero.J 

Leaving the voivode Feodor in command at Moscow, he set out, and 
was joined at Kolomna by the troops of Polotsk and Briansk. The 
Russian host was larger than any which had hitherto been brought 
together, and numbered more than 1 50,000 men. Mamai was encamped 
on the Don, awaiting the arrival of Yagellon. He sent a summons to 
Dimitri to pay the tribute which Russia had paid in the days of Janibeg, 
Dimitri replied he was willing to pay a moderate tribute, but he could 
not see his country ruined to satisfy outrageous demands, an answer 
which was not deemed satisfactory.! 

The Russians crossed the Oka on the 26th of August, and entered the 
province of Riazan. Oleg in perplexity, fir he did not expect the 
Russians so soon, sent couriers to Mamai and Yagellon with the news. 
On the 6th of September the army approached the Don. Counsels were 
divided as to whether the river should be crossed or no, but it was 
determined to pass over in order to prevent the junction of Mamai and 
Yagellon. On the 8th of September the river was crossed, and the army 

* Karamzin, V. 6i-6g. 1 Id.,6g. I Id., 7^. i Id., 76, 


was set out in battle array on the banks of the Nepriadwa. It was a glorious 
sight that was surveyed by Dimitri from a piece of elevated ground, 
the sun shining on the several ranks. " Great God, give the victory to our 
sovereign," was the cry that rose from them, while Dimitri on his knees, 
surveying the image of the Saviour on his black banner, prayed for the 
Christians and for Russia, and then rode round the ranks on horseback.* 
The battle took place on the plain of Kuhkof, and raged with varying 
success over a distance of ten versts. The issue was at length decided 
by a sudden attack of Dimitri of Volhynia and Dimitri's brother Vladimir, 
who had been planted in ambush, which caused the route of the enemy. 
Mamai cried out when he saw the result, " The God of the Christians is 
great," and then headed the crowd of fugitives. They were pursued as 
far as the Mesha, where many of them perished. A vast booty became 
(as usual in battles with nomades who carry much of their wealth with 
them) the prize of the victors. 

When the fight was over, Vladimir returned to the battle-field, planted 
the black standard there, and sounded the big trumpet to summon the 
various princes to him. Dimitri was not among them, a search was 
made for him, and he was found fainting under a tree. He had been 
stunned by a terrible blow, but on seeing his victorious people about him 
speedily recovered, and rode over the- field on horseback. There lay, 
according to some of the annalists, 100,000 of the enemy, together with 
many Russians. Among the latter was Alexander Peresvet, a monk of 
Saint Sergius, who had engaged in single combat with a Pecheneg, one of 
Mamai's champions. He dragged him from his horse, and each fighting 
on foot gave the other a mortal stroke. Dimitri promised to reward his 
faithful followers, and tarried by the more illustrious of the dead to cover 
them with praises, and a special feast, known as the Saturday of Dimitri, 
was appointed to commemorate the battle. There was naturally immense 
enthusiasm when the news reached the various towns of Russia. The 
people gave the hero of the victory the soubriquet of Donski, by which 
he is known in history, and also of " The Brave," and although Russia 
was more than a century before she finally emancipated herself, this was 
in effect the death-knell of Tartar supremacy, Yagellon was only about 
thirty or forty versts distant when the battle took place, and when he 
heard of the result he returned quietly home, where he was joined by the 
perfidious Oleg of Riazan. Dimitri's return was a continuous triumph. 
Some months later he pardoned Oleg on condition that he gave up his 
alliance with the Lithuanians. 

The rivers Oka and Zna were fixed as the boundaries of Riazan 
and Muscovy, the town of Tula, so named from the Tartar princess 
Taidula, and formerly governed by her agents, was conceded to 
Dimitri, as well as the district of Mechera in the country of the 

* Karamzin, v. 80. 


Mordvins, bought by him from its chief Alexander Ukovitch, who had 
been converted to Christianity. 

Mamai retired to the horde determined upon having his revenge, but 
his career was cut short. We now reach a new turn in the history 
of the Golden Horde. Toktamish, the protege of the great Timur, 
marched against him. Retiring from the Don to the Kalka, a battle 
ensued near Mariupol, at the place where the Russian princes had been 
so terribly beaten in 1224. Mamai was completely defeated and fled 
to Kaffa, where he was treacherously put to death by the Genoese.* 


I have already described how the patrimony of Juchi was divided, and 
how Batu came to have a much larger share than his elder brother 
Orda,t but although the most powerful and the dominant chief, Batu was 
not treated as the head of the family at Karakorum. This honour was 
allowed to Orda, the eldest son, and continued in his family, which held 
an independent though smaller territory in the Eastern Kipchak. This 
family and its subjects is known to Eastern writers as the Ak Orda or 
White Horde («.<?., the Dominant Horde), while the horde of Batu is 
known as the Blue or Black Horde {i.e., the Dependent Horde). The 
Russians have confused matters a good deal by sometimes applying the 
name Blue Horde to the Eastern division, because it lived in the neigh- 
bourhood of the Sea of Aral or the Blue Sea. For a long time the Blue 
Horde was naturally supreme. The prestige of ancient victories, a 
beautiful capital, and a commanding situation were advantages, supple- 
mented by the possession of vast dependencies in Russia, Poland, and 
Khuarezm. The black death, the rising power of the Russians, and 
internal feuds, as we have seen, broke it to pieces. In the further east, 
in the harsher cradle of the desert, the White Horde preserved a more 
vigorous life. 

Abulghazi and Ghassari are at issue about the ancestry of Urus Khan, 
the real founder of the supremacy of the -White Horde. Von Hammerf 
has discussed the relative authority of these two authors, and has 
decided, as I think most reasonably, that Abulghazi is wrong, and that 
we ought to follow the relation of Abulfeda, Ghassari, &c. In the first 
place, Abulfeda and Ghassari are older writers than Abulghazi. In the 
next place, their narrative is very trustworthy where we can test it, and 
in describing the history of the White and the Blue Hordes agree with 
that of Rashid. The account of Ghassari, after Rashid ceases to write, 

* Karamzio, V. 91. Golden Horde, 326. \ Ante, it. I Golden Horde, 327, 328. 


is most consonant with the history of the two hordes as we otherwise 
know them, while that of Abulghazi is the reverse. Abulghazi makes a 
clean jump over the fifteen years which separated Berdibeg from Urus 
Khan, and makes the latter immediately succeed the former. He ignores 
the famous Mamai altogether. He tells us the country of Krim being 
very far off he did not know the ancestry of its Khans rightly. He 
even hints that the sovereigns of Germany were descended from Sheiban.< 
The fact is, that Abulghazi is not of great value as an authority for the 
history of any of the Mongol Royal houses except the one to which he 
himself belonged. 

I shall therefore follow the authority of Abulfeda, Ghassari, and of 
Munejimbashi. As I have said, Orda dominated over the Eastern 
Kipchak. His chief towns, according to Von Hammer, were Sighnak, 
Taras, and Otrar.* Orda accompanied the Tartar army in its invasion 
of Europe, but as a subordinate commander, the chief authority being 
held, as I have shown, by Batu, the skilful general, and not by the head 
of the horde. With his other brothers Orda went to attend the 
inauguration of Ogotai.t Carpini, in describing the plains east of lake 
Balkash, tells us Orda, who was older and superior to Batu, lived there.| 
It is almost certain that, like the Tartars elsewhere, the tribes subject to 
him moved their quarters in winter and summer, and that these were 
the summer quarters of the White Horde, which retired to the Jaxartes 
in the winter. 

According to Rashid, Orda left seven sons, namely, Sertaktai, Kuli, 
Kurmishi, Kunkrat, Jurmakai, Kutukui (Kirikui), and Khulagu.§ I 
know nothing of any of these princes, and Sertaktai looks suspiciously 
like a repetition of the name Sertak, the eldest son of Batu. The same 
author gives Sertaktai a son Kubinji. He is called Kapchi or Kapgc 
by Abulfeda, and is no doubt the same person as the Kochi Oghul 
mentioned about the year 1280.II Abulfeda makes him the son and not 
the grandson of Orda, in which he is confirmed by the authority followed 
by D'Ohsson,!" who makes him a grandson of Juchi, and it is very 
probable that the name Sertaktai has been interpolated by mistake into 
Rashid's table. 


Kubinji or Kochi, as the head of the White Horde, was a much 
more important person than is generally supposed. He is mentioned 
among the chiefs of the Kipchak in the Yuen shi, and is there called 
Kuan sa.** He is also mentioned by Marco Polo, who has a somewhat 
romantic account of him, as follows : — 

♦ Golden Horde, 329. t Abulghazi, 179. I D'Avezac, 751. 

S Golden Horde, Genealogical Table. I Ante, 133. ^ ii. 454. 

•• firetscbneider. Notes on Mediieval Geograpby, &c., 106. 



" You must know that in the far north there is a king called Conchi. 
He is a Tartar, and all his people are Tartars, and they keep up the 
regular Tartar religion. A very brutish one it is, but they keep it up just 
the same as Jingis Kaan and the proper Tartars did, so I will tell you 
something of it. . . . The king is subject to no one, although he is of 
the Imperial lineage of Jingis Kaan, and a near relative of the Great 
Kaan. This king has neither city nor castle ; he and his people hve 
always either in the wide plains or among great mountains and valleys. 
They subsist on the milk and flesh of their cattle, and have no com. 
The king has a vast number of people, but he carries on no war with 
anybody, and his people live in great tranquillity. They have enormous 
numbers of cattle, camels, horses, oxen, sheep, and so forth. 

" You find in their country immense bears entirely white, more than 
twenty palms in length. There are also large black foxes, wild asses, 
and abundance of sables ; those creatures I mean from the skins of 
which they make those precious robes that cost i,ooo bezants each. 
There are also vairs in abundance, and vast multitudes of the Pharaoh's 
rat, on which the people live all the summer time. Indeed they have 
plenty of all sorts of wild creatures, for the country they inhabit is very 
wild and trackless. 

" And you must know that this king possesses one tract of country 
which is quite impassable for horses, for it abounds greatly in lakes and 
springs, and hence there is so much ice, as well as mud and mire, that 
horses cannot travel over it. This difficult country is thirteen days in 
extent, and at the end of every day's journey there is a post for the 
lodgement of the couriers who have to cross this tract. At each of these 
post-houses they keep some forty dogs of great size, in fact not much 
smaller than donkeys, and these dogs draw the couriers over the day's 
journey from post-house to post-house, and I will tell you how. You see 
the ice and mire are so prevalent, that over this tract which lies for those 
thirteen days' journey in a great valley between two mountains, no 
horses can travel, nor can any wheeled carriage either. Wherefore they 
make sledges, which are carriages without wheels, and made so that they 
can run over the ice and also over the mire and mud without sinking too 
deep in it. Of these sledges indeed there are many in our country, for 
they are just the same as are used in winter for carrying hay and straw 
when there have been heavy rains and the country is deep in mire. On 
such a sledge, then, they lay a bear skin, on which the courier sits, and 
the sledge is drawn by six of those big dogs that I spoke of. The dogs 
have no driver, but go straight for the next post-house, drawing the 
sledge famously over ice and mire. The keeper of the post-house, 
however, also gets on a sledge drawn by dogs, and guides the party by 
the best and shortest way. And when they arrive at the next station 
they find a new relay of dogs and sledges ready to take them on, whilst 


the old relay turns back ; thus they accomplish the whole journey across 
that region always driven by sledges. 

"The people who dwell in the valleys and mountains adjoining that 
tract of thirteen days' journey are great huntsmen, and catch great 
numbers of precious little beasts which are sources of great profit to 
them. Such are the sable, the ermine, the vair, the erculin, the black 
fox, and many other creatures, from the skins of which the most costly 
furs are prepared. They use traps to take them, from which they cannot 
escape. But in that region the cold is so great that all the dwellings of 
the people are underground, and underground they always live-"* 

This description clearly applies to Siberia, and it is very probable, as 
Colonel Yule suggests, that it may have been derived from some member 
of the embassy sent by Kochi to Gaikhatu, to which I shall refer 

Let us now turn to other notices of Kochi. Abulfeda calls him lord 
of Bamian and Ghazni and the other districts of that province, and has 
some notices of his descendants in that neighbourhood. This is very 
curious, for it implies either that he had been ousted from his northern 
possessions or that he had acquired an additional dominion in the south, 
which was separated from his ancient patrimony by the Khanate of 
Jagatai. I believe this latter view to be correct, and that the explanation 
is to be found in the facts I have before stated,t namely, that when the 
contingent which was furnished by the princes of Kipchak to Khulagu 
left the latter and seized upon Bamian and Ghazni, they placed them- 
selves under the domination of Kochi, the ruler of the White Horde. It 
will be remembered that the troops furnished by the White Horde for 
this expedition were commanded by Orda's son Kuli, who it was 
suspected was poisoned at the instance of his cousin Khulagu. J I 
believe Kochi Oghul to be the prince called Buchi Oghul on one 
occasion by D'Ohsson,§ and confused by Von Hammer with Tekshin, 
the son of Khulagu. || Ghazni and Bamian doubtless formed a part of 
the original Khanate of Jagatai, and we are told that when Borak, the 
grandson of Jagatai, crossed the Oxus to attack Khorassan, he sent word 
to Buchi Oghul to evacuate the district between Badghis and the Indus 
(i.e., the district ruled by Kochi), which had belonged to his ancestors, 
which he refused to do.^ He said that he had been given it by his agha 
and lord Abaka, and that he must first consult him. Abaka the Ilkhan, 
on being consulted, insisted that the district belonged to the Khanate of 
Khulagu and not to that of Jagatai.** This was in the year 1270. 
Borak's campaign against Khorassan will occupy us in the next volume. 
Here I may say that it does not seem to have affected the domination of 
the White Horde over Ghazni and the neighbourhood. I may add that 

♦ Yule's Marco Polo, ii. 410-412. t Antt, 114. J Id. 

\ iii. 436. I Ilkhans, i. 264. T D'Ohsson, iii. 436. ** Ilkhans. i. 264. 


it is not improbable that the Karaunas of Marco Polo, to whom Colonel 
Yule has devoted a long note, characterised by his usual learning and 
ingenuity,* were the subjects of Kochi Oghul. When, in 1284, Arghun 
was hard pressed by the Ilkhan Ahmed, we are told he was recom- 
mended by the emir Nurus to take shelter with Kubinji {i.e., Kochi) 
beyond the Oxus.t This was clearly our Kochi, and not the insig- 
nificant twelfth son of Sheiban, with whom Von Hammer identifies 
him. In 1293 we are told how Kubinji sent an embassy to the Ilkhan 
Gaikhatu with assurances of goodwill.t Abulfeda tells us that Kochi 
died in the year 701 (2.^., i3oi-2).§ 


Aqcording to Abulfeda, Kochi left six sons, namely, Bayan, Koblokum, 
Tok Timur, Buka Timur, Mongatai, and Sasai, who after their 
father's death struggled with one another for supremacy, but Bayan at 
length prevailed, and obtained the kingdom of Ghazni.ll Other 
authorities make Kochi have only four sons, namely, Bayan, Bajg- 
sartai, Chaganbuka, and Magatai.^ The struggle he refers to was 
apparently between Bayan and Kobluk or Kiulek, who is called his 
cousin and rival by Rashid,** and not his brother, as by Abulfeda. It 
would seem that Bayan succeeded to the country north of the Jaxartes, 
properly subject to the White Horde, while Kobluk probably retained 
Bamian and Ghazni. Bayan I take to be the Bohu named immediately 
after Kuan sa in the list of the chiefs of Kipchak in the Yuen 

D'Ohsson tells us Bayan, whom he calls Nayan, was chief of the ulus 
of Orda, and that he carried on a long struggle with the two allies Dua 
and Kaidu, who supported Kobluk, during which fifteen battles were 
fought. Weakened by this war, Bayan proposed to the Ilkhan of Persia 
and the Khakan Timur to attack their common enemies on three sides 
at once. This plan promised well, but was not carried out because 
Timur, on his mother's persuasion, would not venture so far into the 
desert, and Bayan's envoys were sent back with a civil answer. Abulfeda 
tells us that in the year 709 {ue., 1309-10) Bayan deprived Kobluk of his 
kingdom of Ghazni. Presently, however, Kobluk collected some 
adherents, and in turn ousted Bayan, but he soon after died. His son 
Kash Timur continued the work he had begun but was not able to 
complete. We are told further, that a section of Bayan's people obeyed 
neither Kobluk nor his son, but were governed by Mangatai, who was 
Bayan's brother.Jt 

♦ Op. cit., i. 102-109. t Ilkhans, i. 354- I Id., 403. % Op. cit., v. 179. H Id., 180. i8i. 

f Von Hammer's Table. •* D'Ohsson, ii. 515. 1 1 Bretsehneider, Notes, &c., 106. 

\\ Abulfeda, v. 225. 



Bayan left four sons, Shadi, Sasibuka, Tekne, and Saljikutai, and 
was succeeded, as Rashid tells us, by Sasibuka.* Munedjimbashi 
makes bim a son of Tuli (? Kuli), the son of Orda.t Abulfeda, in 
tabulating the various rulers of Asia in the year 8ii {i.e., 131 1), tells us 
that Ghazni and Bamian were governed by Mangatai, the son of Kochi, 
while the country beyond the Oxus in Turkestan {i.e., the country of the 
White Horde proper) was ruled by Sam Capgi,J which is probably a 
corruption of Sasibuka. 


Sasibuka was succeeded, according to Ghassari, by his son Ebisan, 
who is called Eideren by Haidar.§ He died in 1320.II 


Ebisan was succeeded by his brother Mubarek Khoja. He died in 
1344, and was buried at A very interesting coin of Mubarek, 
being the earliest coin of the White Horde extant, was found in the 
famous hoard at Ekaterinoslaf. It is inscribed. The Just Sultan 
Mubarek (Kho) ja, whose reign may God prolong. < Struck at Sighnak in 
the year 729 (or perhaps 739), i.e, 1329 or 1339.** 


Mubarek was succeeded by his nephew Chimtai, the son of Ebisan, 
who reigned for seventeen years {i.e., till 1360 or 1361). According to 
Munedjimbashi, he was succeeded by his son Himtai, who after a reign of 
two years was followed by his brother But Himtai does not, 
I believe, occur elsewhere, and I am disposed to think his name an 
interpolation, and that Chimtai was immediately followed by his son 
Uras. This was in the year 762 {i.e., 1360). 


Urus was an ambitious person, and being opposed in his schem,es by 
Tuli Khoja, he attacked and killed him.|t Von Hammer makes Tuli 

* Golden Horde, 329. t Ilkhans, i, 414. 

I Op. cit., V. 351. 5 Ilkhans, i. 413. || Golden Horde, 329. H Ghassari, Golden Horde, 329. 

** Soret Lettre et M. le Capitane, &c., Kossikofski, Brussels, iSCo, 25. 

It Golden Horde, 329. Note, 7. II Golden Horde, 329, 330. 


Khoja the cousin of Urus. I believe him to have belonged to another 
stock altogether, namely, to the rival family of Tuka Timur.* On the 
death of Tuli Khoja, his son Toktamish fled for shelter to Timur, the 
famous Timur, who is so widely celebrated as Timur i leng (or the lame). 
It was while Timur was engaged in his fifth campaign against the 
Jets or people of Mongolistan that Toktamish sought refuge at his 
court. Timur ordered his temnik or general Timur Uzbeg to receive 
him with all honour and ceremony. He himself made his way back 
to Samarkand, where Timur Uzbeg conducted Toktamish. The great 
conqueror received his guest in Imperial fashion, gave him a magnificent 
feast and made him many rich presents ; gold and precious stones, arms 
and rich dresses, furniture and horses, camels and tents, drums and 
banners, horses and slaves, and ended by styling him his son.t He 
also invested him with the government of Sabran, Otrar, Sighnak, 
Sairam, Serai, and other towns of the Kipchak.l Von Hammer replaces 
Serai by Seraichuk, and argues that Toktamish was invested with the 
towns of the Eastern Kipchak between the Yaik and the Sihun only.§ 
When he had established himself, Urus Khan sent an army under his 
son Kutlugh Buka against him. In the battle which followed Kutlugh 
Buka was wounded, and died the next day of his wounds. Toktamish was 
however defeated, and he was obliged to again take refuge with Timur, who 
received him with even greater honours than before, and supplied him 
with a fresh army. He was again met by the troops of Urus Khan, 
commanded by the latter's eldest son Toktakia, who, with Ali Beg and 
other princes of his house, was determined to revenge the death of his 
brother Kutlugh Buka. Toktamish was again defeated, and having 
retired to the Sihun, plunged in to save his life. He was pursued by 
Kazanji Behadur, who fired an arrow at him and wounded him in the 
hand. When he had traversed the Sihun he entered a wood bareback, 
wounded, and alone, and threw himself on the ground among the brush- 
wood to rest. He was there rescued by Idiku Berlas, who had been sent 
to him by Timur to be his councillor in governing his kingdom, and who 
passed by chance. Having supplied him with some refreshment, he 
conducted him to Timur, who was then at Bukhara, and who again 
supplied him with a fresh outfit in a lordly style. At this time Idiku, of 
the tribe of the Manguts (and according to Abulghazi, a son of Timur 
Kutlugh Khan), II who had been a supporter of Toktamish, arrived at 
Bokhara with the news that Urus Khan was marching at the head of his 
troops to punish that chief; and soon after Kepek Mangut and Tulujian 
arrived at Timur's court as envoys with the message, " Toktamish has 
killed my son, and has since sought refuge with you. I demand the 
surrender of my enemy, and in case you refuse, I declare war. We must 

Vide infra. t De la Croix's Sherifuddin, i. 276, 277, I Id., 278. 

J Golden Horde, 331. || Op. cit., 171. 


choose a battle field." Timur replied, " Toktamish has put himself under 
my protection. I will defend him against you. Return to Urus Khan, 
and tell him that I not only accept his challenge, but also that I am 
ready, and my soldiers are like lions, who do not live in forests but have 
their abode in the battle field."* 

Leaving the emir Yaku in charge of Samarkand, Timur set out towards 
the end of the year of the crocodile {i.e., 1376),! and encamped on the 
plains of Otrar. Urus Khan had rendezvoused his men at Sighnak, which 
was twenty-four leagues off.t A terrible storm of rain, followed by 
intense cold, prevented any action for three months. At length Timur 
ordered Katai Behadur and Muhammed Sultan Shah, with five hundred 
men, to make a night attack upon the enemy. Timur Malik Aghlan, a 
son of Urus Khan, met them at the head of three thousand men. The 
battle was fought in the night. Katai Behadur and Yarek Timur were 
both killed, while on the other side Prince Timur Malik was wounded in 
the foot and Elchi Buka in the hand, but Sherifuddin claims that the 
victory remained with Timur's men, who were received with triumph at 
their camp.§ Timur now sent Muhammed Sultan Shah to explore. The 
emir Mubasher was sent out on the same errand. They each returned 
with a captive, from whom they learnt that two brave warriors named 
Satkin, the elder and the younger, had been sent out by Urus Khan, 
with two hundred men, on a similar errand to their own. They were 
encountered by accident by Uktimur and Allahdad, who had been to 
Otrar to provision the troops there. Aktimur and his men feigned a 
retreat, and when the enemy were broken in their pursuit, he turned on 
them and utterly scattered them. His nephew Kebekji, the yurtji {i.e., 
the quartermaster), II killed the younger Satkin, and Indushah seized the 
elder one and took him to Timur. 

Meanwhile Urus Khan, apparently despairing of success, returned 
homewards. He left Karakesel in command of the troops, the latter 
shortly after deemed it prudent to retire too, and thereupon Timur 
returned once more to Kesh. 

When the season became favourable, Timur set out once more towards 
the Kipchak, and gave the command of the advance guard to Tok- 
tamish, who acted as guide to the troops, and marched so rapidly that 
in fifteen days he had reached Geiran Kamish {i.e., the reeds of the 
deer). The inhabitants were taken by surprise, the town was 
pillaged, and a large number of horses, camels, and sheep were carried 
off. But Urus Khan was already dead.T[ As I have said, he only reigned 
in the Eastern Kipchak, and, according to M. Soret, his only undoubted 
coins were struck at Sighnak in 774 {i.e., 1372-3) and 777 («>., 
1375-6). Fraehn mentions a coin of his struck at Schihun, which he 

* Sherifuddin, i. sSt, 382. t Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 332. Note, i. 

I Sherifuddio, i. aSa. S Id., 2844 Golden Horde, 332. f Sherifuddin, i. 286, 287. 


identifies with a ruined town on the Terek, but its reading is very 


Urus Khan was succeeded by his eldest son Tuktakia, who soon after 


Tuktakia was succeeded by his brother Timur Malik. Toktamish was 
meanwhile warmly supported by his former patron Timur, who again 
presented him with a Royal equipage, and also presented him with the 
horse Kunk Oghlan, whose speed was famous, and which would equally 
enable him to overtake a flying enemy or to escape pursuit.^ In the 
struggle which ensued Toktamish was again defeated, and had to escape 
once more to Timur. The latter again supported him, and sent him to 
Sighnak, escorted by the temnik Timur Uzbeg, his son Balti Koja, 
Ozuntimur (? Uzbeg Timur), Ghayassuddin, Terkhan, and Benki 
Kuchin.§ Abderresak calls his companions Ghayassuddin, Terkhan, 
Toman Timur, Yahia Khoja, Uzbeg Timur, and Nikbei.ll They 
accordingly installed him at Sighnak, and, as was customary, strewed 
gold and jewels over him.^ 

When Toktamish escaped to Timur he was accompanied by Uzbeg 
Timur.** Urus Khan had therefore confiscated the tatter's goods, and he 
was accordingly recompensed by Timur. Having accompanied his 
master Toktamish against Timur Malik, he was made prisoner; being set 
at liberty again, and reduced to great distress, he appealed to Timur Malik 
to give him his former seignory, offering him his services. The haughty 
Khan refused him, and said he should be more pleased to be without his 
services. He accordingly fled, and escaped to Samarkand, where he had 
the honour, says Sherifuddin, of kissing the carpet of Timur's throne. 
He reported there how Timur Malik spent his days and nights in 
debauchery. That he slept until ten o'clock in the morning, which 
was dinner time, that no one dared to awaken him to attend to his 
duties, that his people were weary of him, and wished for the return 
of Toktamish. Timur accordingly sent to the latter, who was at 
Sighnak, and told him to march against Timur Malik, who had spent the 
winter at Karatal {i.e., no doubt the Karatagh hills). He accordingly 

* Resc, &c., 303. t Sherifuddin, i. 287. 

I M., 287. J Id., 288. II Golden Horde. 333. If Sherifuddin, i. 288. 

** Sherifuddin says Orkitmur, but Von Hammer says this is a corruption. (Golden Horde* 
333« Note, 3.) 


marched against him and defeated him, and sent Urus Khoja to Timur 
with the news. Timur was greatly delighted, spent several days in 
feasting, and granted an amnesty to the prisoners, while he presented 
Urus Khoja with a robe and girdle of gold brocade, and some jewels, 
and provided him with money and horses for his return journey. All 
this took place apparently in 1277, and Toktamish returned to winter at 
Sighnak. Hitherto the princes of the White Horde had confined their 
struggles to their own district, the Eastern Kipchak, but we now read 
that in the spring following, Toktamish levied a considerable army and 
marched against the kingdom of Serai and the country of Memak* {i.e., 
the Western Kipchak, and the country governed by Mamai). This 
campaign was probably only a renewal of the struggle with Timur 
Malik, who, we are told, had repaired to Prince Muhammed Oghlan, 
perhaps the titular Khan of Serai, and asked for his alliance against 
Toktamish. On his refusing and trying to dissuade him from the war 
he killed him, and again marched against his former enemy Tok- 
tamish. He found him near Karatagh. Timur Malik was himself 
defeated and killed.t We are told that Balinjak, the faithful companion 
of Timur Malik, was taken before the conqueror, who would have spared 
him, but going down on his knees, he said : " I have spent the best 
part of my life in the service of Timur Malik. I cannot bear to see 
another on his throne. May his eyes be torn out who wishes to see you 
on Timur Malik's seat. If you would be gracious to me, cut off my 
head and put it under that of Timur Malik, and let his corpse recline on 
mine, so that his delicate body may not be begrimed with dust." 
Toktamish, we are told, granted the request of the faithful Balinjak, and 
sent him to join his master.J It would surely be hard to match the 
chivalry of some of these Eastern heroes in our western cradles of 
preux chevaliers. 


As I have said, I am disposed to make Toktamish Khan descend from 
Tuka Timur, and not from Orda, as Ghassari and Munedshimbashi do. 
Toktamish Khan and his descendants were constantly at feud with the 
descendants of Urus Khan, which seems to point to their being 
champions of rival dynasties. Again Abulghazi is supported in making 
Toktamish descend from Tuka Timur by the old Russian genealogical 
tables of the Mongol Khans.§ This conclusion is only tentative, as s 
many others unfortunately are in this inquiry, but I believe it accords 
with the balance of evidence. 

• Sherifuddin, i. 294- t Golden Horde, 333. 334- I li., 334, 

t Veliaminof ^ernof, op. cit., i. 40, 41. 



All the authorities are at one in making Toktamish the son of Tuli 
Khoja, who is styled Tui Khoja Oghlan by Abulghazi,* and Togoza 
Ulan in the Synodal Register.! According to Abulghazi TuU Khoja was 
the son of Tokul Khoja Oghlan, the son of Saricha Kunchak Oghlan, the 
son of Uz Timur, the son of Tuka Timur.|; Let us now on with our 

Toktamish, by the defeat of Mamai, secured the Western as well as 
the Eastern Kipchak, the latter of which alone had been subject to Urus 
Khan. The Russian princes hastened to send their sword-bearers with 
their homage, and we are told that Kutlughbugha and Mokshi, the two 
armour-bearers of the Grand Prince Dimitii, with other sword-bearers, 
returned to the various principalities bearing gifts and diplomas, sealed 
with golden seals. § But Toktamish was not to be satisfied with these 
courtesies. He wanted tribute also, and to restore the ' dominant 
authority of the Khans, upon which such great inroads had lately been 
made. He accordingly sent the tzarevitch Ak Khoja with an escort of 
seven hundred soldiers to summon the Russian princes to go in person 
to the horde. The chief envoy himself stayed at Nijni Novgorod, and 
sent some of his people on to Moscow with his message. The 
Russians were too much elated with their recent great victory on the 
Don to Usten patiently to this summons, and an excuse was sent by the 
Grand Prince Dimitri.|| A year passed by without further intelligence 
from the horde, during which interval Toktamish was mustering and 
preparing his army, then news suddenly arrived that the Tartars had 
seized the Russian boats in Bulgaria in order to transport their army 
across the Volga, and that the treacherous Oleg of Riazan was prepared 
to act as a guide to the invaders, and to show them the best way of 
crossing the Oka. The courage of many began to quake. Dimitri of 
Nijni Novgorod, godfather of the Grand Prince, sent his two sons to 
the Tartars with presents, but Toktamish had already left, and they 
overtook him at Sernach. The Grand Prince himself left his capital in 
the hands of the boyards, and retired to Kostroma to collect a larger 

Toktamish, having captured Serpukof on the Oka, marched onwards 
to Moscow. The citizens were summoned by the ringing of the 
church bells to a general meeting, and the ancient Russian custom was 
appealed to, by which the vote of the majority decided the course to be 
taken. A large number of the people lost heart and retired from the 
city, following the example of the metropolitan Cyprian, who went to 
Tuer, and whose conduct is grimly excused by Karamzin on the 
ground that he was not a Russian. General confusion spread over the 
town. Meanwhile there arrived a brave young Lithuanian, a grand- ' 

• Op. cit., 187. Golden Horde, 330. t Veliaininof Zernof, i. 41. J Id. 

S Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 334. \ Karamzin, v. gi. ^ 


son of Olgerd, called Ostei, who had been sent by Dimitri. His conduct 
reassured confidence. The peasants from the surrounding villages came 
with their families and treasures for shelter in the mother city. Even 
the monks demanded arms, and numerous regiments of brave but 
untrained militia garrisoned the ramparts. At length the smoke of" 
burning villages in the distance heralded the approach of the Tartars, 
who reached the outskirts of the town on the 23rd of August, 1382. 
Some of the invaders knew Russian, and asked where the Grand Prince 
was, and on being told he was not at Moscow, they closely examined the 
Kremlin. The siege now began. The showers of arrows which were 
poured in killed whole ranks of the inhabitants, but the attacking 
parties were met with showers of boiling water and crushed by heavy 
stones. For three days the attack was pressed with great bravery by 
the Tartars, who had no battering-rams or other artillery with them. 
Finding himself baffled, Toktamish had recourse to stratagem. Some 
of his principal chiefs were sent to tell the inhabitants that the Khan 
loved them as his faithful subjects, and that he bore no ill-will to them, 
but only to his personal enemy the Grand Prince, and that he would 
withdraw without delay if they would send him presents and allow him 
to enter ' the city to see its curiosities. These messengers were 
accompanied by Vasili and Simeon, the two sons of Dimitri of Nijni 
Novgorod, who were either acting under compulsion or believed the 
Khan to be sincere, and pledged their words as Russians and Christians 
that the Tartars would keep their word. Ostei thereupon took counsel 
with the priests, the boyards, and the people, who all agreed that the 
word of the two princes would not be broken. The gates were accord- 
ingly thrown open. Ostei was the first lo go out, bearing rich presents, 
and was followed by priests bearing a cross, the boyards, and the 
people. He was taken to the Khan's tent, where he was killed, and 
upon a given signal thousands of Tartars drew their swords and began 
their work of slaughter. They entered the city, where the soldiers 
without leaders were a mere rabble, and rushed about the streets crying 
like women. Old men and children, women and priests, were equally 
made victims of the indiscriminating sword of the Tartars. The church 
doors were burst open, and the various treasures brought there for safety 
from the country round were plundered. A vast booty in images and 
precious vases, the gathered treasures from the Grand Prince's exchequer, 
and of the boyards and rich merchants, fruits of long saving were pillaged; 
and while the historian notes these losses, he lingers more regretfully over 
the story of the manuscripts and ancient books which were also destroyed. 
Having gorged themselves with booty, they set fire to the houses, and 
driving before them a crowd of young Russians, they went to feast in ihe 
neighbouring fields. The army of Toktamish then spread over the 
Grand Principality. Vladimir, Zwenigorod, Yurief, Mojaisk, and 


Dimitrof met with the same fate as Moscow. Pereislavl was burnt, 
but its inhabitants took to their boats and thus escaped. Kolomna 
was also captured, and then ToktamisTi prepared to return home. 
Crossing the Oka, he traversed the Principality of Riazan, which was 
terribly ravaged and plundered, notwithstanding the treachery of Prince 
Oleg, who was himself constrained to fly.* He also sent Sheikh Ahmed 
as an envoy to the Prince of Suzdal or Nijni Novgorod, and at the 
same time sent back Simeon, one of his sons, the other, VasiH, he took 
with him to Serai.t The terrible destruction of so many flourishing 
cities, which had taken so much care to nurse to their then condition, 
and the general prostration of the country was a heavy blow to Russian 
progress, and it would be easy, but hardly just, to draw the moral that it 
would have been better to follow the pliable attitude of Ivan I. or of 
Simeon, whose sycophancy to the Khans enabled their country to thrive 
so much, instead of attempting to beard him when neither the discipline 
of the people nor perhaps their resources were equal to a conflict. 
The disaster was not so crushing as it would seem from the 
wail raised by the beaten princes, who cried out, "Our fathers, who 
never triumphed over the Tartars, were not so unfortunate as we are." t 
The fact is, that the victory on the Don had broken the spell of Tartar 
invincibility, and there was now a trysting-place in Moscow and its 
Grand Princes which did not exist in the disintegrated Russia of an 
earlier day, and we find the burning of Moscow followed directly by the 
extension of the Grand Principality. Dimitri having returned to his 
capital, ordered the dead to be buried. We are told a rouble was paid 
for every eighty corpses disposed of, and three hundred roubles were so 
spent ; thus making the number of victims, independent of those who 
were burnt and drowned, 24,000. He then marched to punish Oleg of 
Riazan, to whose treachery he attributed his misfortunes. Oleg fled, but 
his city of Riazan was razed to the ground. The craven Cyprian was 
reproved in strong language by Dimitri, who recalled Pimen from his 
exile and made him metropolitan of Russia. He nominated Sawa as 
bishop of Serai.§ Cyprian retired to Kief. It seems he had been 
intriguing with Michael, Prince of Tuer, who was ambitious of displacing 
Dimitri from his position as Grand Prince. 

Michael, we are told, had sent his sword-bearer Gurlen to the Khan 
with presents, and was rewarded with the diploma of Grand Prince. 
The next year {i.e., in 1382) he went in person with his son Alexander. 
There he had to leave his son as a hostage for the payment of 8,000 
roubles, but he did not gain his end. Toktamish, like his immediate 
predecessors, favoured the policy of strengthening Moscow, probably 
deeming it easier in this way to recover his dues. He had sent one of 

* Karatnzin, v. 92-102. t Golden Horde, 335. I Karamzin, v. lo;;. 

i Golden Horde, 33C. 


his murzas named Karachai with a conciliatory message to Dimitri. 
The latter thereupon sent his son Vasili to the horde. He took no pre- 
sents, for Moscow being destroyed he was too poor, but was well received. 
He was detained as a hostage, and a fresh levy of taxes was levied upon 
the Muscovites. Each hamlet of two or three houses was in future to 
pay half a rouble of silver, and each town a quantity of gold.* We 
read that at this time Boris Constantinovitch of Gorodetz, the 
brother of the Prince of Suzdal, was entertained at the horde.t The 
Grand Prince Dimitri now showed his statesmanship by making 
advances to and concluding a peace with Oleg, the treacherous Prince 
of Riazan, and by overlooking the recent intrigues of his rival the 
Prince of Tuer. He then turned his attention to the affairs of Novgorod. 
The democratic citizens of that old trading mart had lately, to appease 
the Lithuanians, ceded to them the towns of Ladoga and Russa, and the 
banks of the Narva, without his consent. Its inhabitants, like the 
ancient Noresmen and the merchants of Elizabeth's day, had also been 
engaged in buccaneering as well as trade. Under the name of " brave 
people " they marauded along the banks of the Volga, the Kama, and the 
Viatka. In 1371 they had captured Yaroslavl and Kostroma, and in 1375 
they again captured the latter town, put its inhabitants in irons, burnt 
its houses, and threw into the river what they could not carry away. 
Thence they went on to Nijni Novgorod, where they made many 
Russians prisoners, and actually sold them as slaves to the Eastern 
merchants who frequented Bolghari ; but they made even a bolder 
venture, and under the command of a leader called Procopius and of an 
ataman from Smolensk, they ravaged the borders of the Volga as far as 
Astrakhan, where, however, they were destroyed by the Tartar Prince 
Salchei.J In 1378 another band of these plunderers was destroyed near 
Kazan by the Viatkans. The people of Novgorod further went so far as 
to sequestrate the revenues due from them to the Grand Prince, and to 
refuse to recognise the supremacy of the metropohtan of Moscow. 

Dimitri determined to punish them. He marched a large army 
northwards, which cowed the delinquents, and peace was concluded 
on the terms of their acknowledging his suzerainty and paying the annual 
tribute, as well as a fine of 8,000 roubles for their recent excesses, 
retaining meanwhile their old rights of self-government. § 

Lithuania was now growing into a very important kingdom, and was 
becoming a menace to the Russians. It was governed by Ladislaus, 
well known as Yagellon. He had married Hedwig, the heiress of the 
Polish crown, a marriage which was accompanied by his baptism. It 
reads almost like a farce to be told that he ordered his subjects to be bap- 
tised at the same time, and that there being a large number of them they 

• Karamzint v. 106. t Golden Horde, 33O. t Karamsio, v. io7.iog. 

$ Id,, 112, 114. 


were baptised in batches, the priest sprinkling them with water and 
naming one batch Peter, another John, &c. The sacred groves and 
idols at Vilna were destroyed, and the neophytes had white garments 
distributed to them in lieu of their former skin dresses. Most people are 
scarcely aware that in the end of the fourteenth century paganism was 
still the State religion so near Central Europe as Vilna. The conversion 
was the work of Polish priests, who were Roman Catholics, and Yagellon, 
who had previously tolerated the Greek church, began to persecute its 
followers, and forbade the marriage of Russians and Catholics. Many 
of the Lithuanian nobles remained faithful, however, to the Eastern 
church, and from these events we must date that religious feud which has 
made the history of White Russia and Lithuania so famous in later days. 
Soon after the Lithuanians laid siege to Polotsk, which they captured, 
and sent its prince, Andrew, a prisoner to Poland. Sviatoslaf, Prince of 
Smolensk, having invaded Mohilef, to ri:iake a diversion in favour of 
Andrew, committed the most terrible atrocities there. The Lithuanians 
marched to the rescue, and having met him near Mitislaf, they defeated 
and killed him, and made many distinguished prisoners. Retaining a 
son of Sviatoslaf as a hostage, they placed Yuri, the other one, on the 
throne of Smolensk. The latter acknowledged himself as their vassal. 
These wars broke down the ramparts which defended Muscovy on the 
west, but Dimitri, who had also the Tartars to reckon with, was powerless 
to avenge them. 

Dimitri, Prince of Nijni Novgorod and Suzdal, died in 1383, after 
surrounding the former town \yith a stone wall. The Khan npw divided 
his appanage, and gave Nijni to his brother Boris, while Suzdal was 
granted to his two sons Simeon and Vasili, on condition that the latter 
stayed at the horde as a hostage. He was some time after allowed to 
go home, when the two brothers drove their uncle out of Nijni. Boris 
went to the Tartar court, while his nephews appealed to the Grand 
Prince. Vasili, the latter's son, who had been a hostage at the horde for 
three years, now escaped to Moldavia, and by the favour of the 
Lithuanians was permitted to join his father at Moscow.* These events 
were sufficient to create a tension between the courts of Serai and Moscow. 
They were followed by a quarrel between the Grand Prince Dimitri 
and his brother Vladimir, who, like Damon and Pythias, had hitherto 
been most faithful to each other. The treaty by which they made friends 
again is a famous one in Russian history, and effected one of the most 
important revolutions in its administration. Hitherto the law of 
succession in Russia had been that brother should succeed brother, a 
very pernicious rule. Kelly has the following pertinent remarks on the 
change then made : — 

"This natural order of succession Dimitri Donski established, by 

* Id., X18, 119. 


a treaty in which his kinsman consented to renounce the mode 
of succession from brother to brother. It was the most remarkable 
among them, Vladimir the Brave, who was the first to sign this act. In 
several other conventions he acknowledged himself the vassal and 
lieutenant, not merely of Dimitri but also of Vasili his son, and even of 
the son of Vasili when he was only about five years old. ... It is easy 
to conceive," says the historian, "the infallible effect of this succession, 
and with what promptitude it must necessarily have extended and 
consolidated the power of the Grand Prince. In fact the ideas of the 
father being transmitted to the son by education, their policy was more 
consistently followed up, and their ambition had a more direct object, for 
no one labours for a brother or a nephew as for his own children. The 
nobles could not fail to attach themselves devotedly to a prince whose 
son and heir, growing up amongst them, would know only them and 
would recompense their services in the person of their children ; for the 
consequence of the succession of power in the same branch was the 
succession of favours and dignities in the same families." The boyards 
had already seen this. " This was the reason of their restoring the 
direct hne in the person of the grandson of Ivan KaUta. It was they 
who made him Grand Prince at the age of twelve years, and who 
subjected the other princes to him. . . . The contemporary annalists 
declare that these ancient boyards of the Grand Principality detested 
the descent from brother to brother ; for in that system each prince of 
the lateral branch arrived from his appanage with other boyards, whom 
he always preferred, and whom he could not satisfy and establish but at 
the expense of the old. On the other hand, the most important and 
transmissible places, the most valuable favours, an hereditary and more 
certain protection and greater hopes attracted a military nobility around 
the Grand Princes. In a very short time their elevation to the level of 
the humbled petty princes flattered their vanity, and completed their 
junction with the powerful authority. This circumstance explains the 
last words of Dimitri Donski to his boyards, when he recommended his 
son to their protection, * Under my reign,' said he, * you were not 
boyards, but really Russian princes.' In fact we see that the armies were 
as often commanded by boyards as by princes, and that from this epoch 
it was no longer a prince of the blood, but a boyard of the Grand Prince, 
who was his lieutenant at Novgorod." * 

The treaty with his brother was speedily followed by the death of the 
Grand Prince. Dimitri's imposing presence (he was very tall and stout, 
with black hair and beard and brilliant eyes), his engaging manners, and 
his magnificent victory on the Don, made him the idol of his people. 
The first vanquisher of the Tartars, his reign was not marked by 
any great extension of the empire, but it was a famous epoch in other 

* Kelly's Russia, i. 88, 89. 


respects. It was then that Stephen, one of the missionary apostles of 
the Eastern church, converted the Permians who lived between the 
Dwina and the Ural mountains. The bonds, both religious and com- 
mercial, which tied Russia and Constantinople were drawn closer. 
Karamzin has translated a curious narrative of the journey of the 
metropolitan Pimen to Constantinople. In it we are told how the 
travellers went along the Don past Sarkel, the famous capital of the 
Khazars (then in ruins). It was there, says the traveller, we first saw 
on both banks of the Don the Tartars of the horde of Sarikhosa, as 
well as an immense multitude of sheep, lambs, oxen, camels, and horses. 
They were not ill-treated by the Tartars, who merely asked where they 
were going to and gave them milk. They afterwards passed the camps of 
Vulat and Akbuguin (/.<?., Pulad and Akbugha), arrived at Azof, and thence 
went on their journey.* It is during the reign of Dimitri we first meet with 
coined money among the Russians. " Before this time the chronicles make 
frequent mention first of grivnas and afterwards of roubles, but by these 
words are understood a certain weight of silver. Foreign commerce was 
therefore carried on after the manner of the East, by barter or by 
exchange against gold or silver taken by weight. For petty transactions 
the current money was bits of marten skins called mortki, and still 
smaller scraps of fur, consisting of squirrels' heads, or even the ears only 
(marked with the official stamp), called polushki, worth some fraction of 
a farthing. Moscow and Tuer were the first towns that employed a 
Tartar coin called denga, named from the word tamgha, Mongol for a 
seal or stamp. At first the legend was only in the Tartar language, then 
Tartar on one side and Russian on the other,, and finally Russian only."t 
These dengas were of silver ; besides them another Tartar coin in 
copper, called a pula, was also in circulation. The silver coins bore a 
horseman on one side. Accounts were kept in altins (derived from the 
Turkish for six), consisting of six dengas, and in dengas.J The last year 
of Dimitri was also marked by the introduction of firearms (which were 
to effect such a mighty change in the conditions of Eastern warfare) 
into Russia. 

Dimitri was succeeded in 1389 by his son Vasili, who was duly 
installed at Vladimir by Sheikh Ahmed, the Khan's deputy, and soon after 
Boris Constanovitch, who had been dispossessed of his appanage by his 
nephews, and had gone to Serai for redress, as I have mentioned, 
returned home again with the Khan's diploma.§ 

We have now reached a period when the rulers of the Golden Horde 
found a foeman more than his equal in power in the person of the Great 
Timur ; but before we treat of their struggle we must take a short survey 
of some transactions elsewhere. 

In the year 1380 Ramasan, who represented Toktamish at Solgat in 

♦ Karamzin, v. 140. t Kelly, i. 94. 93. I Karamzin, v. 141. ^ /^., 146. 


the Crimea, concluded a treaty with the Venetians. Andrea Venerio 
represented the republic on this occasion. It was arranged that the 
Venetian merchants should pay a duty of three per cent, on their 
goods, except on goods not for sale and those for the consumption of the 
Venetians themselves ; that disputes should be decided by the com- 
planiei ; that where an attempt was made to cheat the customs the 
goods should be forfeited. Three years before this a treaty had 
been made between Ehas, the beg of Solgat, Gianone del Bosco, the 
consul, and Barnabo Kiccio and Teramo Pichenotti, the two syndics of 
Kafifa, on behalf of the republic of Genoa and its colony, by which 
protection was extended to all the subjects of the Khan resident at 
Soldaya while eighteen neighbouring villages, with the district between 
Cembalo and Soldaya, which had been colonised by the Genoese, and of 
which they had been forcibly deprived, were restored to them. 

Seven years later, namely, on the 12th of August, 1387, a fresh treaty 
was entered into. Yunisbeg Kutlughbugha, beg of Solgat, repre- 
senting the Khan, and Gentile di Grimaldi and Gianone del Bosco, the 
syndics and procurators of the republic, Giovanni degli Innocenti, 
who was styled consul of Kaffa, of the Genoese, and of all Ghazaria 
{i.e., the Crimea), and Nicolo di Marin and Gianone di Vivaldis as 
syndics on behalf of the citizens. The former treaties were confirmed, 
and Kutlughbugha promised, on behalf of himself and the Khan, that 
the money coined should be as good as in the days of his predecessor 
Elias. This notice is very curious, and seems to point to the money 
having been coined for the use of the Genoese traders. There are coins 
extant of Toktamish, struck at New and Old Krim.* 

After his great campaign in Russia, Toktamish busied himself 
chiefly with the affairs of the eastern part of his Khanate. He seems 
to have been of a ruthless disposition. We are told he caused his 
wife Towlui or Tawlui to be executed. He also quarrelled with his 
protector and patron Timur. The cause of this quarrel would seem 
to have been the appropriation by Timur of Khuarezm, which formed 
a portion of the Golden Horde. During the troubled times, when 
Urus Khan was chief of the Eastern Kipchak and Mamai of the 
Western, a chief named Hussein Sofi, son of Yanghadai of the 
Kunkurat tribe, seized upon the districts of Kat and Khiva. Timur sent 
an embassy to him at Khuarezm claiming that these districts belonged to 
the Khanate of Jagatai, and demanded their surrender. Hussein said he 
had conquered the district with the sword, and that it must be taken 
from him in the same way. Timur would have marched against him, 
but the mollah Jelal ud din of Kesh, who filled the post of mufti, per- 
suaded him to let him go and try to bring Hussein to reason. Hussein 
not only refused his counsel but cast him into prison.! Timur accord- 

♦ Von Hammer, Goldcp Horde, 337, 338. t De la Croix's Sherifuddin, i. 226-229. 



ingly marched against him. Leaving Bokhara he went by way of 
Sepaye (?) on the Oxus, where some advanced pickets were captured and 
beheaded. The army then went on to Kat, which made a determined 
resistance, but was at length captured. The greater part of its garrison 
was put to death, as well as a large number of its inhabitants, and the 
women and children were carried off as captives. The enemy's army 
was now defeated and the country devastated. Hussein Sofi took refuge 
in Khuarezm, and having been misled by a false rumour that a large 
section of Timur's army would pass over to his side, he had the temerity 
to march out and offer battle on the banks of the river Kaun, two leagues 
from Khuarezm. The troops of Timur were victorious, and forced the 
enemy to take shelter in the town, where Hussein Sofi shortly after died 
of despair.* Peace was now made. Timur granted Khuarezm to Yusuf 
Sofi, the son of Hussein Sofi, on condition that the latter's cousin, a 
famous beauty called Sevin Bei, and surnamed Kanzade {i.e., daughter 
of the king), was married to his son Jehanghir ;t but soon after some 
fugitives from Timur's camp, who had a grudge against him, incited 
Yusuf Sofi to break the treaty he had made, and we find him attacking 
and ravaging the town of Kat and dispersing its inhabitants. In the 
spring of 1372 Timur set out to take his revenge. . Yusuf Sofi 
submitted with the greatest deference and received a pardon. The 
marriage which had been agreed upon now took place. It is described 
in great detail by Sherifuddin, but forms no part of our present subject. 

Two years later we again find Timur marching an army upon 
Khuarezm, which he entered by way of Kat. He had reached Khas 
when he was suddenly recalled by an outbreak of some of his officers, 
who had marched upon- Samarkand. It was shortly after this that 
Toktamish was nominated as Khan of Kipchak by Timur, as I have 
mentioned, although for some time his authority was only nominal. 
While Timur was wintering at Otrar watching Urus Khan, Yusuf Sofi 
took advantage of his absence, and made a raid upon the district of 
Bokhara. Timur sent an envoy to remonstrate with him, who was 
cast into prison by the ruthless chief of Khuarezm. A courteous letter 
was now sent to complain of this breach of the law of nations, 
and we arc told that, as an especial honour, it was written in fresh musk 
upon silk. Yusuf Sofi replied by sending the messenger to join the 
envoy in prison, while he made a raid upon the camels of some 
Turkomans then near Bokhara. Timur was not the person to submit 
quietly to such treatment. Accordingly, in the spring of the year 1378, 
he marched by way of Eskizkuz, (?) and at length sat down before 
the capital. Yusuf Sofi sent him a challenge, saying it was better 
they two should fight it out than that so many Mussulmans should 
perish. Timur gladly accepted it, donned his Imperial casque and the 

• Id., 229-238. t Id., 239, 240. 


armour he kept for duels, and, against the entreaties of his friends, went 
out to meet his rival. He went near the city and called to him to come 
out, and told him it was better to die than to live after breaking one's 
word ; but the prudent Yusuf did not reply. Meanwhile we are told that 
some of the first melons of the year were taken to Timur from Termed. 
He gracefully sent some in a golden salver to his rival, who-replied in a 
characteristic fashion, by throwing them into the ditch and giving the 
salver to the porter. The garrison made a brave sortie, and there was 
terrible bloodshed on both sides. The siege now progressed, and the 
walls were much battered with the primitive artillery then in use. The 
attack lasted for three months and sixteen days, and the matter went so 
badly with the Khuarezmians that Yusuf Sofi died of grief and chagrin. 
Matters were now pressed, and after a stubborn resistance the breaches 
were stormed, many of the people killed, and a large treasure of pearls 
and precious stones captured. AH the sherifs, doctors, and men of 
letters were sent to Kesh, with a vast crowd of women and children.* 
The capture of Khuarezm took place in 1379. Thus was this ancient 
province, which had long formed a part of the Khanate of Kipchak, 
added to the dominions of Timur. 

When Toktamish had defeated his various rivals and had firmly 
seated himself on the throne, he doubtless also wished to recover 
possession of Khuarezm from Timur, who, although his patron, he must 
have felt was in fact a person who did not belong to the Imperial 
Mongol stock descended from Jingis Khan. It is probable that Timur, 
who was not given to surrendering what he had won, refused, and that 
this was the cause of quarrel between the two chiefs.t The first open 
strife between them commenced on the side of Persia, where Toktamish 
probably also kept up the claims of his ancestors to the provinces of 
Arran and Azerbaijan. 

During the winter of 1385 Toktamish advanced upon Tebriz by way 
of Derbend, at the head of 90,000 men. Under him were twelve Oghlans 
(the princes of the Royal blood were so named), the chief of whom was 
Bek Pulad. Three others were called respectively Aisa Beg, Yagli Beg, 
and Gazanshi. Having passed Shirvan, they entered Azerbaijan and 
laid siege to Tebriz. Its governor was an incapable person, and the 
inhabitants, by the advice of the emir Veli, and Mahmud Kalkali, 
fortified the town and repulsed the enemy for eight days, but eventually 
the superior numbers of Toktamish prevailed, and he captured it, 
and Veli and Mahmud Kalkali fled to the country of Kalkal. The troops 
of Kipchak ravaged the town most severely, and the vast riches and 
works of art which had been accumulated there for many years were 
plundered in the course of the ten days' sack. After which Toktamish 
and his people retired once more before the winter was over by the same 

* De la Croix, 1. agJ-joC. t Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 339. 


route by which they had invaded the country. Timur was much grieved 
at this disaster to a town so attached to Islam, but he had the conquest 
of Iran on his hands at the time, and postponed his revenge for a while.* 
Von Hammer reports how Toktamish on this occasion carried off the 
famous poet Kemal of Khojend, who lived four years at Serai, and wrote 
verses aboutlts beauties.t In the spring of 1387, when he had finished 
his enterprise in Persia, and had been spending the winter on the banks 
of the river Urus, Timur heard' that Toktamish was meditating another 
invasion by way of Derbend. This was contrary to the advice of Ali 
Bey the Kunkurat, of Oronk Timur, and Akbuka the Barin, who 
bade him remember what he owed to Timur. "Who knows," said 
they, " if in some change of fortune yoa may not have to go again to him 
for help ;" but their counsel was overborne by that of Gazanshi, a 
parricide, and of Ali Bey, at whose instance he determined to break with 
Timur and to invade Azerbaijan.^ 

Timur set out from Berdaa, and when he arrived on the Kur, finding 
a body of unknown people on the other side, he sent the Sheikh Ali 
Behadur, Ikutimuf, Osman Abbas, and others to reconnoitre, and if these 
were the troops of Toktamish he ordered them not to molest them on 
account of the treaty he had with that prince. They went to inquire, and 
having discovered that the strangers were the troops of Toktamish, they 
were retiring when they were fiercely attacked, and being overborne in a 
bad position for defence, were defeated and lost forty chiefs. Meanwhile 
Timur had sent the murza Miran Shah, Haji Seifuddin, and others to 
support them. Having crossed the Kur, the latter were spectators of the 
disaster, attacked the victorious army, and routed them. They were 
pursued to Derbend and lost many prisoners, among whom was Khuridi, 
brother of Mubasher. The prisoners were sent to Timur. He inquired 
about Toktamish, whom he reproached with ingratitude and bade them 
warn him to remain on good terms with him. The prisoners were then 
given clothes and money and sent home. Sherifuddin, apropos of this 
generosity, quotes a verse of Saadi's, " How can he stint his favours to 
his friends when he is so generous to his enemies."§ Timur after this 
fought against the Turkoman Kara Muhammed, and also marched 
against Fars, which he annexed. Hardly had he done so, when a courier, 
who had arrived in seven days from Mavera un nehr, brought word that 
Toktamish had sent an army to invade that province. He had probably 
found it impracticable to attack Timur by way of Derbend. This 
army was commanded by the Bek Yarok Oghlan, Aisa Beg, Satgan 
Behadur, &c., who having advanced from Sighnak, attacked Sabran and 
laid siege to it. Timur Khoja Akbugha, who commanded there for Timur, 
bravely defended it, and the enemy was obliged to raise the siege, and pro- 

* Sherifuddin, i. 402-404. t Golden Horde,'339. J Id., 4«3-425. 

5 Op. cit., 427-4*9- 


ceeded to lay waste other districts. The murza Omar Sheikh, who was at 
Andikan, collected some troops, and was joined by the emirs Suliman Shah 
and Abbas, who took with them a portion of the troops of Samarkand. 
They crossed the Sihun and attacked the enemy on the plain of Yuklik, 
five leagues to the east of Otrar. Omar Sheikh, " the bravest man of the 
century," penetrated into the thick of the forces of Kipchak. His people 
thought he was killed, lost heart, and fled, and the emir Abbas was 
wounded with an arrow. The Sheikh had, however, escaped, and 
reached Andikan, where he collected the broken debris of his people. 

News now arrived that Ankatura, a chief of Mongolistan, had also 
broken faith with Timur, and was with an army in the neighbourhood of 
Sairam and Tashkent. He was opposed by Omar Sheikh, and retired 
after a fruitless campaign. The troops of Kipchak meanwhile proceeded 
to plunder the rich valley of Soghd, and one section of them appeared 
before Bokhara, and burnt the beautiful palace of Zendgir Serai, for 
which Timur exacted ample vengeance at a later day.* When he heard 
of these doings he set out for Samarkand, and at the approach of his 
troops the enemy scattered. One section retired towards Khuarezm, the 
other went northwards towards the deserts of Kipchak.t Sherifuddin 
says naively, that the troops being accustomed to victory, he deemed it 
strange that they should have been beaten in the battle at Yuklik, and 
he had the commanders tried. Those who had been unskilful were 
punished, while others who had displayed courage were rewarded. 
Among the former was Berat Khoja Kukiltash, who had his beard cut off, 
his face was painted white and vermillion, his head was dressed like a 
woman's, and he was then made to run barefoot through the town.J 
Timur does not seem to have taken means to revenge this defeat 
immediately, but undertook another campaign in Khuarezm. 

After the death of Yusuf Sofi that district had fallen into the hands of 
Suliman Sofi, probably Yusuf's brother, and of Ilikmish Oghlan, a Prince 
of Kipchak, who had married Suliman's sister. They were doubtless 
dependents of Toktamish. Timur now marched against them, and his 
advance guard was commanded by Timur Kutlugh Oghlan and Kunji 
Oghlan, two princes of the White Horde, who had taken refuge with 
him. Having passed the rivers Bagdadck (.') and Shedris (?) they 
learnt that Suliman Sofi and Ilikmish had fled to Toktamish, a division 
under Timur's eldest son Miranshah was sent in pursuit. They went by 
way of Kongkend (? Khanki) and Kiz (? Kazavat), overtook the fugitives, 
and captured a large booty. Timur now went to the capital (z".^., Old 
Urgenj), whose inhabitants he transported to Samarkand, while he razed 
the city to the ground and sowed its site with barley, in punishment for 
its rulers having declared war against him.§ Three years later, and 
after his return from the campaign in Kipchak, which we shall presently 

• li„ 463-469' t /«*., 47!>- I Ii< 473-473- S Sherifuddin, ii. 1-4. 


describe, he sent Musiki, the son of Yunki Kutshin, to restore the ruined 
city. He was very successful in this, rcpeopled and rebuilt it, and also 
surrounded the towns of Kat and Khiva with walls.* We now read 
of another aggression made by Toktamish, who, we are told, col- 
lected the forces of Russia, Circassia, Bulgaria, Kipchak, the Crimea, 
Kaffa, Alania, and Azak, as well as those of Bashkirland and 
Muscovy, a force so numerous that the poets compared it to the drops 
in a hurricane or the leaves in a thick grove. He set out towards the 
end of the year ygo.t When Timur heard of his march he also 
set out with the. troops of Samarkand and Kesh, and encamped ai 
Sagruj, a village six leagues from Samarkand. He also sent the 
Tavachis into various parts of the empire to collect his people. The 
winter was an exceedingly cold one and the ground covered with snow. 
The news presently arrived that the advanced guard of the army of 
Kipchak, commanded by Ilikmish Oghlan (the chief of Khuarezm, who 
had taken refuge with Toktamish), had crossed the Sihun, and that it was 
encamped near Azak Zernuk.} Timur determined to attack the enemy, 
and when his chiefs, on their bended knees, begged him to wait till his 
other men had come up he would not listen, but set out over the snow 
(which reached the breasts of his horses),with only the troops of the district. 
He marched day and night, and was joined en route by the murza Omar 
Sheikh with the troops of Andikan. Detaching a division to cut off the 
retreat of the troops of Kipchak, he on the following day crossed the 
hill of Telanbar, and found himself before the enemy. The great war 
cry of Suron was raised, and a bloody battle ensued. The enemy fled, 
many of them were drowned in the Sihun, the remainder were for the 
greater part surrounded and killed. Airdi Berdi, secretary of State to 
Toktamish, was well received by Timur, who gave him presents and 
otherwise honoured him. Timur now returned home again, and encamped 
at Akar, near Samarkand. This was in February, 791. 

When spring fairly arrived there also came to him the various con- 
tingents he had summoned for the war. The murza Miranshah, at the 
head of the troops of Khorassan, while others came from Balkh, Khunduz, 
Bakalan, Badakhshan, Katlan, Hissar, Shaduman, and many other 
towns. He ordered a bridge of boats to be built on the Sihun opposite 
Khojend, and others in other places, and set out early in the year 791. 
The advance guard of his army was commanded by Timur Kutlugh 
Oghlan, Sevinjik Behadur, and Osman Behadur. They sent people ahead 
to reconnoitre, who discovered the enemy's advanced posts off their 
guard and surprised them. This was on the river Arch (? the Arys). 
The army of Toktamish had attacked Sabran, but it had resisted so 

• Id., ii. 5. t lA; ii. 23. 

\ This was one of the halting places of Jingis Khan on his march to Samarkand, and is 
mentioned in the journey of Haithon. It was situated on the left bank of the Jazartes, not far 
from Otrar. 


bravely that he had been forced to raise the siege, and to retire towards 
Yassi or Turkestan, in whose meadows he was encamped with the main 
army, collected with so much pains, as I have mentioned. No sooner 
did they hear of the approach of Timur's people than they decamped, 
" like grasshoppers in a plain," and the pursuers saw only the dust raised 
by their horses' feet. A few troopers were sent on ahead to follow their 
traces, and came up with their rear guard in a place called Sarek Uzan 
(? the Sari Su river). This they dispersed, and captured Kitba Terkhan, 
a chief of a hundred men, with his people. They returned safely to Ak 
Suma (i.e., the modern Ak Sumbe, north of the Alexandrofski mountains), 
where Timur himself was encamped. 

The latter now advanced with the main army by way of Uzenk 
Shakel (?), and arrived at Bilen (?), thence by way of Sarek 
Uzan (? the Sari Su), and Kurjun (?). He pitched his camp at 
Alkushun (?). There, at a council held with his principal chiefs, it was 
determined before proceeding against Kipchak, to secure the rear of the 
attacking force by first destroying the power of the Khan of Mongolistan 
{i.e., the Khan of the house of Jagatai), who held his court at Almaligh.* 
This Timur succeeded in doing very effectually, and then once more 
returned to Samarkand. 

At length, in the year 792 {i.e., in A.D. 1390), he set out on his famous 
expedition, in which he completely overthrew the power of Toktamish, 
and to which he was incited not only by repeated treachery but 
also by the solicitations of one of the latter's principal chiefs, named 
Idiku Uzbeg, who is called chief of the Nogais,t and about whom we 
shall have more to say elsewhere. 

A campaign in the deserts of Kipchak is a very serious matter, how 
serious may be judged by the accounts of the recent expedition of the 
Russians against Khiva, when they crossed the same country, and 
Timur made adequate preparations. He sent out Tevachis or couriersj 
to summon the troops, and also the contingents of those tribes who were 
tributary, " both Turks and Tajiks," and to collect provisions for a year. 
Each man was ordered to furnish himself with a bow, with thirty arrows, 
a quiver, and a buckler. The army were mounted, and a spare horse 
was supplied to every two men, while a tent was furnished for every 
ten, and with this were two spades, a pickaxe, a sickle, a saw, an 
axe, an awl, a hundred needles, half a men {i.e., 8ilbs.) of cord, an ox's 
hide, and a strong pan. They were also furnished with horses from the 
studs, coats of mail and cuirasses, and money was distributed among 
them.§ Orders were issued that after leaving Tashkend each soldier should 
limit himself to one men {i.e., I7lbs. troy) of flour per month, forbidding the 
cooking of bread, biscuits, and macaroni in the camp, and ordering that 
they should limit themselves to hasty pudding or flour porridge. || 

* li., ii. 31. t Chartnoy Memoirs, St. Petersburgh Academy, ii. joa. 
I Charmoy, op. cit., 131. Note, 2. $/<<., 100, 422, 444. |/i., 423. 


He left Samarkand when the sun was in the sign of Capricorn, and 
having built a bridge over the Sihun, he took up his winter quarters in 
the district of Tashkend, between Barsin {i.e., Barchin) and Chihas (?).* 
Before setting out he visited the tomb of the Sheikh Maslahet, at 
Khojend, where he distributed 10,000 kup^gi dinars in alms.t 

Having returned to Tashkend he fell dangerously ill, and was so 
for forty days. When he recovered, his son, the murza Miran Shah, 
arrived with the contingent of Khorasan, and Timur proceeded to 
distribute largess (okulga)+ among the troops. He appointed three 
Princes of Kipchak, who had sought refuge with him, namely Timur 
Kutlugh Oghlan, son of Timur Malik Khan, Guneje Oghlan, and Idiku 
Uzbeg, to act as guides to the army. Having made arrangements for 
the government of the empire during his absence, he set out on the 19th 
of January, 1391, accompanied by his favourite wife Chulpan Malik Agha, 
daughter of Haji Beg Irkanut, Prince of Mongolistan. The army was 
detained for some days at Kara Saman.§ There, there arrived envoys 
from Toktamish, who were honoured with a special audience by Timur, 
and who presented him with a sonkar or royal falcon I| and nine horses. H 
They prostrated themselves, and touched the ground with their fore- 
heads in the recognised manner, and delivered the message of their 
master. The latter has addressed Timur in humble terms, and asked that 
his revolt, which he attributed to evil counsels, &c., might be forgiven. 

Timur, putting the falcon on his fist, replied that " The whole world 
was witness of how he had protected Toktamish, what sacrifices he had 
made to place him on his throne. How he had, notwithstanding, used 
the opportunity when he (Timur) was absent in Irak and Fars to revolt. 
How he had, nevertheless, been ready to forgive him if he had shown any 
contrition ; but instead of this he had again invaded his borders with a 
number of vile infidels, who pillaged and devastated far and wide, and 
when he returned to the rescue of his people he had basely retreated, 
and now wished once more to beguile him with his false promises, but 
that he had been treacherous too often for him (Timur) to be again 


t Charmoy has a note on this money, whose name recalls the Russian copecks. Kupegi 
dinars mean dinars with the dog, and were, he thinks, the same as the gold Dutch coins called 
in Egypt abu kelb (the father with the dog), and by corruption abokelle. They were so called 
on account of the lion on them, the noble animal being styled dog either out of contempt for 
the Christians or on account of the base metal of which they were made. These lion thalers 
were of less value than those of Venice and Spain. (Id.. 135. Note, 8.) 
I De la Croix, ii. 73. 

J This name means black straw in Turkish, and is written Karaiman and FiJrahman in other 
manuscripts. De la Croix places Kara Saman, on what authority Charmoy cannot say, in 
45.6 north latitude and 99 east longitude. It was probably situated to the north of Tashkend 
and the south-east of Yassy or Turkestan, and not far from the Bodame, a tributary of the 
Sihun. {Id., 136. Note, 13.) 

g These abound in the mountains of Ufa, and the falcons of that province are still very 
faraoys. (Charmpy, op. cit., 137. Note, 14.) 

f Probably from Kazan, whose breed is also famous. 


misled, and he meant to carry out his purpose of punishing him. Never- 
theless, if he was sincere and wished to give a proof of his real intentions, 
let him send his first minister Alibeg to treat, and he (Timur) would act 
in the way that wisdom and the interests of his empire required."* 
Timur gave the envoys a grand feast and presented them with em- 
broidered kaftans. They were assigned special quarters, but orders were 
given to watch them closely. 

A grand council of war or kuriltai was held on the 21st of February, 
I39i.t A day under an auspicious star was chosen for the start, and 
the envoys of Toktamish were sent home. The army marched by way 
of Yassy (the modern Turkestan), Karachuk (a river which falls into the 
Sihun about five versts from Turkestan), and Sabran, then turning more 
to the north, it went for six weeks over barren steppes,| where 
it lost many horses for want of fodder, and at length reached Saruk 
Uzen or Saruk Erin, as other manuscripts have it, that is the yellow 
water which, as M. Charmoy has argued, is undoubtedly the well-known 
river Sari Su.§ They reached this river on the 6th of April, 1391, and 
the horses were unhaltered for a few days, and thanks were offered to 
heaven for the happy progress of affairs. The river was flooded, and the 
halt was necessary until it could be forded. The evening when the 
crossing was effected two dependents of Idiku escaped to Toktamish, 
and evaded all efforts for their capture. On the 26th of April the army 
reached the mountain Kuchuk Tagh {i.e., the Little Mountain), one of the 
most famous of the steppe. Two days later they reached the Ulugh 
Tag (/.^., the great mountain). It is called ulugh or great because the 
inhabitants deem it the greatest mountain of their country. In this chain 
rise the various affluents of the Sari Su, known as the Jeilanlu Kinghir, 
Jislu Kinghir, Kara Kinghir, and Saru Kinghir. The Ulugh Tag and 
Kunchuk Tag mountains were anciently known as the Ortagh (high 
mountain), and Kar Tagh (/.<?., dirty mountain), and were the summer 
residence of the Khans of the Oghuz Turks. || Timur climbed 
the Ulugh Tagh, and from this magnificent vantage looked over 
the beautiful prairies that stretch far away towards the horizon 
and caused a stone obeUsk to be planted on the summit, with 
the date and an account of his presence there ; a monument which 
was supplemented in later days by a similar one in his own honour, set 
up by the Uzbeg chief Abdullah Behadur Khan.^ Setting out again, and 
hunting en route, the army arrived on the following day at the river 
Ilanchuk {i.e., the snakehke).** Eight days after crossing it they 

♦ Id., 102, 103. De la Croix, ii. 76-78. t Charmoy, »<*., 138. Note, 13. 

J Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 346. § Op. cit., 139, 140. Note, 17. 

II Id., 140-143. Note, 19. ^ Id. Vidt infra. 

** This rivtr is mentioned by Levchine, who reports Irom the accounts of the Kirghiz 

Kazaks that it springs in the VUgh Tagh and falls into the lake Yakan ak gul {i.e., the White 

lake that burns), one hundred versts south-east of lake Ak Sakal Barbi. (/rf., 143,) 



reached Atakaraghui or Ana karaghui.* The army had been four 
months on the march from Tashkend, and provisions began to run 
short. As much as a hundred kupeghi dinars was paid for a 
sheep, while the price of corn was similarly augmented, and the 
troops had recourse to the eggs of wild birds, probably of wild 
geese, which abound there, and all kinds of animals and herbs for food,t 
while the only rations issued consisted in a kind of soup, made of flour 
and flavoured with an herb called muthr {i.e., the tuft of the millet), J 
and the officers were constrained to live like their men. On the 6th of 
May, 1 391, Timur ordered a grand hunt to be organised on the old 
Mongol method of enclosing a large space with a ring of men. This 
was very successful, and a vast number of steppe antelopes (the 
cervus pyrargus of Pallas), deer, and elks were killed. The latter were 
new to Timur's people, and are called kandaghai by the Mongols, while 
the inhabitants of the steppes call them bulans.g So numerous were the 
game that only the fat ones were used (the lean ones being allowed to 
escape), and they furnished the. army with meat for several days.|| 

After the hunt Timur held a grand review of his men. Charmoy 
conjectures that this review was held in the great plain stretching 
between the mountains Kezbel and Kotur and the Kara Adir range, 
about five degrees east of Orskaia Krepost, where the Tobol springs.^ 
He inspected the troops drawn up in battle array, and variously armed 
with lances, swords, daggers, maces, and lassoes, with bucklers covered 
with crocodile hides, and with tiger skins on their horses. Such a 
gathering must have been a grand and unique spectacle in the lonely 
Siberian steppes, Timur himself, we are told, had a crown ornamented 
with rubies on his head, and bore a mace terminating in the head of an ox. 
As he passed by, the various commanders knelt and did homage, and one 
of them presented him with a splendid charger. He examined the troops 
carefully, and finding, we are told, that they were equipped as well as if 
on parade on the flowery meadows of Akiar, dear Kesh, where he held 
his reviews,** he distributed rewards. The army marched past to the 
sound of timbals, shouting the war cry Surun {i.e., charge). 

Timur now sent on an advance guard, of which, at his request, he gave 
the command to his grandson the murza Muhammed Sultan Behadur, 
and the latter set out on the 12th day of May, a day which had been 
declared propitious by the Great MoUah Abdullah Lisan (.? Kisan).tt 
Two days after setting out the young prince found traces of the enemy, 

* Probably, as M. Charmoy han argued, a corruption of Karaturghai, a river which springs 
in the lead mountains, spurs of the Ulugh Tagh, and which, after running for a certain course, 
changes its name to Ulugh Turghai {i.e., the Great Turghai). It traverses the marshes of 
Bishe Kupa and the sands of Koshelok and falls into the lake Ak Sakal Barbi. The epithet 
ulugh great explains the parallel epithets of ata (I'.r, father), and ana (t.f., mother), used by 
Sherifuddin, Mirkhond, &c. (Id., 144.) 

t Id., 446. I Id., 145 and 371, Note, 23. % Id., 106 and 146. Note, 27. 

II Id., 106. 5 Id., 148. Note, a8, •* M, 149. Note, 30. 1 1 Id., 108 and 448. 


and came upon a recently abandoned camp, in which the fires were 
scarcely out.* Following up the traces he hastened on, and at length 
reached the well known river Tobol, upon which the city of Tobolsk is 
built, and which derives its name from a small tree called Tobul by the 
Kazaks and Tavolga by the Russians. This river was the old frontier 
between the government of Orenburgh and the Kazaks. The route 
followed by Timur and his people was doubtless, as M. Charmoy says, 
the same which is still used between the Ulugh Tag mountains and the 
Tobol.t Having crossed the river videttes were sent out, and reported 
that they had found abandoned fires in seventy different places, but had 
not seen the enemy. 

Timur having heard of this, advanced by forced marches, and soon 
reached the Tobol, and rejoined his advance guard. He then sent 
on an experienced Turkoman named Sheikh David, who had been 
brought up on the steppes, to reconnoitre. After a forced march of 
two days and nights he came upon some huts, where he lay in 
ambush, and waited until he saw a horseman come out. Having over- 
taken and seized him, he returned to Timur, who rewarded him with a 
gilt shoulder strap on which to sling his quiver, and a caftan. 

The captive informed him that he had left the country of Toktamish 
a month before, and had seen nothing of his men till a few days ago, 
when he had noticed ten men in armour, who were then concealed in 
an adjoining wood. Timur sent to surprise these warriors. They 
resisted, and some were killed, while the others were captured. Having 
heard definite news from them about his enemy, Timur once more 
advanced by forced marches, and after traversing several rivers and 
lakes, arrived on the 29th of May on the banks of the Yaik.J There the 
army halted. One of the guides informed Timur that there were three 
fords over the river, namely, Aighir Yaly, Bura-Guechit, and Chapma 
Guechit or Khime Guechit.§ Timur preferred not to cross by these 
fords, as the enemy might be ambushed behind. He therefore crossed 
it higher up, where the water was deep, and six days later reached the 
river Semur, where he halted. || There he heard that the army of 
Toktamish, which had been posted in the neighbourhood, had recently 
retired. He accordingly issued orders that the advance should be made 
very circumspectly, and that no fires were to be lighted at night. On 

•Af.,382. t/rf.,151. 

I This was probably near Kizilskaia. We still find on the route from the Tobol to this 
station several lakes, such as the Aghatch Gul (lake of the wood), Balik Gul (the fish lake), 
Sari Gul (yellow lake), Ala Gul (blue lake), and several rivers, such as the Tagh Karaghai 
(mountain pines), Kara Ali Aiat, Tuguzak, and Sarimsaklu (the garlic river). (Charmoy, op. 
cit., 151. Note, 34.) 

§ These Charmoy identifies with great probability with the positions of the modem forts of 
Orskaia, Tanalitzkaia, and Kizilskaia. 

I This was probably the Sakmara, which springs in the mountain Ak tuba (white hill), in 
the district of Verkhni Uralsk, and running parallel for some distance with the Yaik, at 
length falls into it. {Id., 152. Note, 35.) 


the 4th of June, 1391, he arrived at the river Ik.* Meanwhile Toktamish 
had been encamped at a place variously called Kerk Gul {i.e., the forty 
lakes) or Koruk Gul (the dry lake), where he awaited the contingents of 
the dependent hordes of Bulghar and Azak {i.e., of the later Kazan and 
Krim Tartars). He had planted ambuscades at the usual ferries over 
the Yaik.t 

Timur ordered his men to exercise renewed vigilance, to keep 

close watch over the camps, and also to make a circuit of the immediate 

neighbourhood every night, so as to prevent a surprise. Having passed 

a night on the banks of the Ik, the troops again set out, marching with 

difficulty over the marshy ground, and soon the advanced posts reported 

having seen three of the enemy's regiments. Timur accordingly ordered 

his men to range themselves in order of battle, and made a fresh 

distribution of bucklers, cuirasses, and money.J From a prisoner, who 

was afterwards put to death, he learnt that Toktamish was adopting 

a Fabian policy, as he understood that provisions were wanting in 

Timur's camp. Sending forward Mubesheshir Behadur to reconnoitre, 

the latter came up with a detachment, of whom he made forty prisoners. 

From them he learnt that they had set out to join Toktamish at the 

rendezvous of Kerk Gul, but had not met with him. These prisoners 

were also cruelly put to death. Soon after a more important capture 

was made in the son of Mamai, who was wounded, and who, falling on 

his knees, also reported that he had set out from Serai to join Toktamish, 

but had not found him at the rendezvous.! Shortly after this the army 

of Toktamish was discovered by an advance guard which Timur sent out 

to explore, under Jelal ud din, the son of the emir Hamed, and other 

chiefs. When Timur heard this news he ordered Aiku Timur, a chief of 

the Berlas tribe, to advance with a body of troops and reconnoitre. 

Having gone some distance and crossed two rivers, probably the 

Dema, a tributary of the Belaia, and the Great Kinel, a feeder of the 

Samara, or perhaps the Sok,(| he came up with Jelal ud din and the other 

videttes. Seeing some of the enemy's troops encamped on a hill he went 

up to them, and when they descended occupied their position, whence 

he discovered a considerable force, in coats of mail, drawn up. 

Deeming his people too weak to cope with them, he ordered them to 

retreat, and himself took charge of the rear guard of seven or eight men. 

The enemy, seeing his isolated position, marched upon him. His horse 

was wounded by an arrow, and he was struck by a second one. He now 

sped along, but his horse fell exhausted. Receiving a remount, another 

arrow struck his second horse. He was now surrounded and killed, and 

his head was cut off. Some of his companions suffered the same fate. 

* There are four rivers of this name in the government of Orenburgh, but M. Charmoy con- 
kiders that the one meant is a tributary of the Sakmara. (/</., 153- Note, 37) 

t Id., III. I Id. J Id., i. 12. II Id., 159. Note, 44- 


The pursuit of the enemy was stopped by a body of troops which Timur 
ordered to the rescue, and which poured in a well-directed flight of 
arrows. He rewarded all those who had distinguished themselves in the 
skirmish, conferring upon the sons of the emir Aiku the distinguished 
title of Terkhan, and issued instructions to the Yesauls or orderlies to 
permit them at all times to enter the Imperial palace or tent without 
question, and not to inflict punishment upon them or their descendants 
until they had offended nine times, privileges which, it will be remem- 
bered, Jingis associated with the title of Terkhan. The great seal and 
the seal for sealing despatches were intrusted to Shah Malik, son of 
Kaljighai, who was invested with the office filled by Aiku Timur. The 
latter's death caused great depression in the army. 

Timur's army had advanced to the 54th degree of latitude, and to the 
district where there was no tnie night in summer. The Mussulmans 
accordingly received dispensations from the Imams in regard to their 
saying the midnight prayer. As Toktamish continued his Fabian 
tactics, with the intention of wearing out his army, the great conqueror 
called a council of his principal chiefs, where it was determined 
that the murza Omar Sheikh should advance by forced marches with 
20,000 men and force an engagement. He was accompanied by the 
emir Sevinjik, Sultan Sanjar, Haji Self ud din, the emir Otsman, son of 
Abbas, Hasane Jandar, and other distinguished officers. They soon 
came up with the rear guard of the enemy, and in the grim phrase of the 
chronicler, " The sun hid himself in thick clouds, so as not to light up 
the horrors of the fight."* It was very cold, and snow fell for five or 
six days. At length, on Monday the i8th of June, the weather cleared.1" 
Timur set his men in order at Kandurcha, in the country of the 
Bulghars.t He divided them into seven divisions, from a reverence 
he felt for the number seven, which is the number of verses in the first 
Sura of the Koran, and gave them to his principal officers and 
dependents. Although much harassed by their long march, while the 
enemy was more or less fresh, there was great enthusiasm in the ranks, 
and a general desire to test the issue. Timur, it seems, had seduced the 
standard-bearer of Toktamish, and ordered him to pull down his 
standard when the two armies were engaged. A more serious defection 
from his duty was that of an emir of the tribe Aktaf or Aktagh {i.e.^ of 
the White Mountain),? who commanded the left wing of the army of 
Toktamish. Having a deadly quarrel with another emir who had 
murdered one of his relatives, he chose the moment when the two armies 
were before each other to demand the surrender of his enemy. Tok- 
tamish promised to surrender him after the struggle was over. Dis- 

♦ I A., 116. t Id. Note, 56. 

1 This was probably the place still called Kandurchinskaia on the borders of the governments 
of Orenburgh and Simbirsk, on the left bank and near the sources of the Kandurcha, which 
falls into the Sok near Krtsnoiarska. $ Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 353. 


contented with this answer he withdrew, and with him a number 
of others, and the whole of the tribe of Aktagh. Von Hammer says 
these Tartars of Aktagh had settled in the Dobrudja when Timur 
overran Asia Minor.* They now retired beyond the Danube, and 
planted themselves near Adrianople.t 

When his men were set out in battle array, it was found that both on 
the right and the left wing they overlapped those of Timur. His 
principal generals are thus enumerated : — Tash-Timur, Beg Yaruk, 
Ilkimish, Beg Pulad, AU Oghlan, and Jinta Oghlan. These were all 
descendants of Juchi. Besides these there were AH, Suliman Sofi, and 
Nurus, of the tribe Kunkurat; Aktaf, Akbuta (Akbuye of Von Hammer), 
and Uruschuk, of the tribe Kiat; Ikabeg (Isabeg of Von Hammer), the 
elder brother of Ideku, Hasan beg, Serayi, Kuke bugha,| and Yaghli bi, 
of the tribe Baharin ; Kunkur bi or Kunkurti, and others from the 
steppes of Kipchak. 

On the side of Timur the first corps was commanded by Sultan 
Mahmud Khan, assisted by Suliman Shah. The second corps, which 
was the main body, was commanded in person by Timur, assisted by 
Prince Muhammed Sultan, son of Jihangir. The murza Miran Shah 
Gurkhan was placed at the head of the third corps, and was assisted by 
Prince Muhammed Sultan Shah. The fourth corps was commanded by 
the emir Haji Seif ud din, the fifth by the murza Omar Sheikh. The 
names of the commanders of the other two corps are not mentioned, 
but we are told that among the eminent chiefs on Timur's side there 
were also Berdibeg, son of Sarbuka, Khudad i Huseny, and many others.§ 
Before the battle Timur prayed to God, and dismounting prostrated 
himself twice, while the troops deployed to the famous cry of Allah 
akbar (God is very great), and the shout of Surun {i.e., charge) mingled 
on each side with the clang of drums and iron timbals. 

Meanwhile the chief of the Sherifs Seid Bereke, a descendant of Ali, 
who had prophesied that Timur would prove victorious, uncovered his 
head and raised his hands aloft in prayer, while the Imam Khauja Zia 
ud din Yusuf and Sheikh Ismsel, both descended from the Sheikh ul 
Islam Ahmed Jam, recited in concert a verse from the Koran, " Oh, 
believers, remember the blessings of the Lord. It is he who stops the 
arms of your enemies when they venture to turn their weapons towards 
you. Fear God. It is in him whom believers ought to trust." Then 
throwing a handful of gravel towards the enemy, the Imam cried out, 
*' May their faces be darkened," and then towards Timur, he said, " Go 
where thou wilt, God protects thee."|| 

The emir Seif ud din was the first to attack the enemy, whose left 
wing he broke. The people of Toktamish, who, as I have said, over- 

•W-i 353- t Charmoy. 118. I Von Hammer, 351. Note, 4. $ Charmoy, op. cit., 117. 

/</., 119. 


lapped on either flank, tried to surround him, but were prevented by the 
emir Jihan Shah Behadur, who forced them back again. Kilinjik 
Behadur and the emir Mirian Shah Gurkhan also charged the left wing, 
which was partly destroyed and partly forced to retire. Afterwards 
the various commanders brought their men into conflict with the troops 
opposite them, and a terrible slaughter ensued. Toktamish, finding that 
he could not stop the centre and right of Timur's army, concentrated 
himself on the left. Nothing, we are told, could withstand the im- 
petuosity of his attack there, and Timur's left flank was broken, its 
divisions were detached from the main army, and Toktamish actually 
pierced through the opposing ranks and took up his ground behind them. 
Notwithstanding the critical state of affairs, Timur, in order to inspire 
his men with confidence, ordered his grandson Abubekr, with the 
advance guard of 10,000 horsemen, to dismount and to proceed to pitch 
their tents, light their fires, and prepare their victuals. This piece of 
bravado disconcerted Toktamish, who was further distressed when he 
found his standard-bearer lowering his standard, as he had agreed. He 
thereupon retired in all haste, and fled, according to some, to the 
mountains of Georgia, and according to others, to the court of Withold 
or Vitut, Duke of Lithuania.* The battle had lasted three days, and was 
a terrible disaster for the forces of Kipchak, a space of forty ferasenks was 
strewn with corpses. The number of which, we are told, amounted to 
100,000. The baggage and an immense booty became the prize of the 

The conqueror encamped on the field of battle, and returned thanks to 
God for his victory. His various great officers then paid their respects 
to him on their knees, and bestrewed him with gold and precious stones. 
Timur returned their felicitations, set aside large sums for charity, and 
then ordered seven men out of every ten to set off" in pursuit of the 
enemy. They followed them to the Volga, where those who were not 
drowned were slaughtered. A few only escaped, but their wives, children, 
slaves, and worldly goods, as well as the harem of Toktamish, became 
the prey of the victors. The troops of Timur spread over the Kipchak 
as far as Azak, and the towns of Serai, Seraichuk, and Haji Terkhan or 
Astrakhan were ravaged and devastated. This battle and its con- 
sequences were a fatal blow to the Golden Horde, from which it never 
recovered. Its population was so terribly decimated and its towns so 
ravaged and destroyed, that its glory may fairly be said to have passed 
away. Wc who are accustomed to a temperate climate and a rich soil 
cannot realise the terrible task of building up a stable and prosperous 
civilisation where climate and soil are both harsh, where the desert 
and its robber tribes are close at hand, where the inhabitants are 
only half reclaimed nomades themselves, and where civilisation is not a 

♦ Id., 121. t Id., 12a. 


home-grown plant, but an exotic which grows only under constant care 
and with prosperous surroundings. Such was the civilisation on the 
Volga which the terrible vengeance of Timur trod under. We cannot 
say that he was not provoked, but it makes us shudder to think how 
under such conditions the ruin and misery of large nations may be 
entirely at the mercy of intemperate and wayward rulers, whose one false 
step may sweep away what centuries have accumulated. 

The campaign of Timur was facilitated, as so many Eastern cam- 
paigns previously have been, by the divisions and treachery of the 
commanders of the other side. Three great chiefs of Kipchak served in 
his army ; these were Timur Kutlugh Oghlan, who aftenvards became 
Khan, Guneje Oghlan, who also belonged to the Royal stork, and Idiku> 
the Nogay chief. They were treated with great consideration by Timur, 
who loaded them with gifts, jewelled girdles, precious robes, and splendid 
chargers with gilded saddles. After the defeat of Toktamish they 
requested permission on bended knees to join their respective hordes, 
under pretence that they wished to conduct them to pay honour to Timur 
himself. This permission was given, and Timur also gave them special ' 
yarlighs or "letters patent" exempting them from taxation and sur- 
veillance. They accordingly departed, and Timur followed his victorious 
advance guard to the Volga, and pitched his camp in the beautiful 
meadows of Urtupa, in which perhaps we have a corruption of Atruba, 
one of the lower branches of the Volga, not far from the Kandurcha, in 
the district of Stavropol.* There the warriors encamped and rested from 
their fatigues, and feasted generously. Of the three princes of Kipchak, 
who had left with fair promises on their lips, only Guneje Oghlan 
returned with his people according to promise, and was treated very 
graciously. The other two had " fish of their own to fry," and we shall 
hear of them again. Meanwhile the net was thrown over the devoted 
land, and a vast booty in horses, camels, cattle, sheep, and young slaves 
was drawn into it. The Krim and the district of Bulghar apparently 
escaped most easily. So great was the number of captives that we are 
told 5,000 maidens and pages distinguished by their figures and their 
bright complexions were reserved for the personal service of Timur 
himself, while the whole army was satiated with wealth.t 

Timur spent twenty-six days at Urtupa, where he sat on his Royal 
throne and presided at the splendid banquets. Wine, kumiz, hydromel, 
date wine, and arak were handed round in golden cups, amidst music 
and singing, while the lovely banks of the river, shaded by trees and the 
pure serene air made a splendid background to the picture. The 
conquest of Kipchak was also celebrated by special compositions called 
Fath nameh i Kipchak (bulletins of the conquest of Kipchak).J 

Timur now set off on his retnm home. His march being that of a 

• Charmoy, pp. dt.| 167. t Id., 124. ' J Id., 169. 



conqueror loaded with spoils, and we are told that among these 
were a great number of kibitkas or portable felt tents, which were 
carried on waggons. On arriving at the river Yaik, Guneje Oghlan 
and his people withdrew without notice, and went back to their own 
country. Shortly after passing the river, Timur, having confided the 
command of the troops to Haji Seif ud din and other emirs, returned 
home by forced marches. He arrived at Sabran in October, 1391, and 
thence went on by way of Otrar to Samarkand, where he was received 
with great rejoicings.* 

Thus by one fatal battle (which was curiously enough fought on the 
1 8th of June, the day of Waterloo) Toktamish, like Napoleon, lost an 
empire and made his country the camping ground of foreign hosts. We 
must now examine how the debris of the Golden Horde were gathered 
together, and how the story of its decline proceeded. 

It would seem that in the confusion that immediately followed the 
defeat of Toktamish, one of the chiefs set up an independent authority. 
This was Beg Pulad, of whom we have coins struck during the years 
793-796 {i.e., 1 390- 1 to 1393-4), struck at Krim, Azak, the New Ordu, and 
Beled {i.e., the town or city). Beg Pulad is mentioned as one of his 
opponents in the yarligh addressed to Yagellon, mentioned below. He 
is also, probably, the ht% Pulad mentioned in the account of the 
metropohtan Pimen's journey to Constantinople in 1283, when he had an 
ulus on the Don.t M. Soret makes him a son of Toktamish. I don't 
know on what authority, and it is hardly likely, if he was the same 
as the person just mentioned, nor do I know who he was, but he 
probably belonged to the rival family descended from Urus Khan. I may 
add that there occur certain coins during the years 789 {i.e., 1387) with the 
name of Toktamish on one side and on the other Berdibeg or Muhammed 
Berdibeg Khan.t M. Frashn identifies him with Kerimberdi, the son of 
Toktamish, but if so he would hardly be striking coins during his reign. 
It is more probable that he was the Berdi, also mentioned in the yarligh 
already referred to. Berdibeg, son of Sarbuka, is named as one of 
Timur's generals against Kipchak. If Sarbuka be the same as Sarikhoja, 
it may be that the Berdibeg of the coins was the son of Sarikhoja, who 
also had an ulus on the Don when Pimen passed that way. 

Let us now turn for a while to Russia. Vasili, as I have mentioned, 
was now Grand Prince. He had married Sophia, the daughter of the 
Lithuanian Prince Vitut, who afterwards became so famous. He was 
the son of Kestut, who had been killed by Yagellon, and had himselt 
been an exile in Prussia,§ where Vasili met his bride on his circuitous 
journey from Serai to Moscow. This marriage took place on the 9th of 
January, 1391. It was probably in the spring of the same year that 
Toktamish sent Bektut with an army along the Volga and the Kama 

* lA., 123, 116. Vidt anitt lyt. I Friebo, Resc, 335, 336. $ KaruiuiD, v. 39. 

X I 


into the province of Viatka, which was inhabited by emigrants from 
Novgorod and by indigenous tribes of Ugrian race. This raid was 
probably made in punishment of the buccaneering excursion of "The 
Brave People," to which I have before referred. The country was much 
ravaged. We are told that a section of the inhabitants determined 
to revenge themselves. They united with the Novgorodians and the 
people of Ustiug, and embarking in some large boats, descended the 
Viatka, and passing along the Volga, ravaged Yukotin, Kazan, and the 
Bulgarian towns dependent on the Tartars, pillaging without mercy the 
merchants whom they encountered. On the 15th of July, we find the 
Grand Prince repairing in person to the horde, where he was received by 
Toktamish with great honour, as a friend and ally rather than a 
tributary. It was clear that he wished to secure his friendship in his 
terrible struggle with Timur. He not only gave him the principality of 
Nijni Novgorod, with which he had endowed Boris Constantinovitch, 
but also the districts of Gorodetz, Mechera, Torussa, and Murom ; the 
two last had been appanages of the Princes of Chernigof, and had 
not belonged to the descendants of Monomakhos. Vasih, no doubt, in 
return furnished Toktamish with material assistance in men or money 
for his great war. He arrived at Moscow, accompanied by the Khan's 
deputy Alan (? Oghlan), who went to instal him. Nijni was surrendered 
by the boyards, who, when Boris appealed to them, cried out, "We 
no longer belong to you."* Here we have a palpable example of the 
boyards helping on the centralising tendency of Moscow. " The motive," 
says Kelly, " is to be found only in their interest, as the Grand Prince of 
Moscow intrusted them with the government of the appanages, and thus 
substituted the nobles in the place of princes."! Vasili soon after went 
there in person, and appointed Dimitri Vsevolof as its governor. Thus 
terminated the independent history of the principality of Suzdal. On the 
death of Boris, his nephews tried to reconquer their appanage, and 
appealed to the Khan. Simeon, with the aid of the Tartar Eitiak, 
captured Nijni by stratagem, but was too weak to retain it. His wife 
escaped to the country of the Mordvins, who were dependents of the 
horde, and lived in a village near a Christian church founded by a 
converted Tartar named Khazibaba, while Simeon himself wandered 
about for eight years with the Tartars, and having served under four of 
their Khans, returned to Russia, and not long after died. 

Soon after Vasili's return from the horde, we read that three of the 
Khan's chamberlains, named Batu or Bashti Khoja, Khizr Khoja, and 
Muhammed Khoja, were baptised at Moscow, and that the Tartars 
ravaged Riazan, as they had done two years before. In the archives of 
Moscow there is preserved a yarligh or missive of Toktamish to 
Yagellon, written in the Uighur character and the Mongol language, and 

Karanuio, v. 154- t Op. cit, i. 89. 



dated the 20th of May, 1393. In it Toktamish mentions seven of his 
opponents, namely, Idiku {i.e., the Nogay chief). Beg Pulad (who lived 
on the Don), Khojamuddin,* Begish (?j, Turduchak (?), Berdi, and 
David, and in the Lithuanian copy we are told that Toktamish had 
informed Yagellon by his envoys Hasan and Kutlughbugha of his 
accession to the throne.f 

We must now turn once more to the intercourse between Toktamish 
and Timur. 

It was three years after his previous campaign in the Kipchak that, 
having traversed Persia and Georgia and found himself on the banks of 
the Kur, Timur determined once more to march into the steppes of the 
Volga to punish Toktamish, who had not only recovered his former 
position there, but also threatened his frontiers. Having distributed 
largess among his soldiers, and sent one portion of his harem for safety 
to Sultania and another to Samarkand, he set out on the 28th of 
February, 1395,! the left wing of the army, as was customary among the 
Tartars, leading the yan. Before setting out he forwarded a letter to 
Toktamish, in which he demanded of him, " whom the demon of pride 
had turned from the right path, what was his motive in issuing from his 
borders. He asked him if he had forgotten what had occurred in the 
previous war, where his country and goods were crushed to powder ; he 
reminded him how those who had treated him amicably had been 
similarly treated in return, while he had pursued with his vengeance 
those who had behaved in a contrary fashion. He reminded him also of 
his own victorious career, which made him indifferent whether he was at 
peace or war with Toktamish ; that he was ready to welcome either his 
friendship or enmity with open arms, and he bade him, in conclusion, 
send him speedy word of his intentions." 

This letter was taken by Shemsuddin Almahghi, a person who is 
described as a consummate diplomatist, and well versed in the maxims 
of Turan and of the Tartars. Having had an interview with Toktamish, 
he had almost persuaded him to submit, when a contrary policy was 
urged by his courtiers and generals, to whom, according to Sherifuddin, 
war was profitable. Following their advice, Toktamish returned a 
haughty answer by Timur's envoy, to whom he presented a robe of State. 
The latter rejoined his master on the river Samara, at the foot of the 
Caucasus, five leagues from the Caspian. 

Timur now passed his troops in review on the banks of the Samara. 
The left wing of his army rested on the mountains, while the right wing 
reached to the sea. The various emirs and chiefs did homage to their 
master on their knees. The big drums and the war trumpet Kerenai 
were sounded. The soldiers thereupon seized their swords and turned 

* Von Hammer thinks him the same as the Guneje Oghlan already named. 
t Golden Horde, 353. Note, 9. { Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 3)9, 


in the direction of Kipchak, and having cried out Surun {t.e., forwards), 
they set out headed by their officers. After passing the defile of 
Derbend, news arrived that the Kaitaks, who were subjects of Toktamish, 
were prepared to oppose them. Timur, deeming that a good com- 
mencement of a campaign is a gauge of a good ending, ordered them to 
be exterminated. A terrible slaughter accordingly took place, and their 
villages were destroyed. 

An envoy from Toktamish now drew near, but when he saw the 
number of Timur's forces he withdrew hurriedly to report to his master. 
At Terki, Timur learnt that the enemy's outposts, commanded by 
Gazanshi, were posted on the Kayussu {i.e., the Osen). Marching all 
night, a body of troops was sent over the river, which overwhelmed the 
advanced guard with great slaughter. Timur then continued his march 
to the Sewinje,* where he halted for the rest of his people to come up. 

Toktamish meanwhile was encamped on the Terek. His position was 
strong, and was protected by a number of waggons ranged in the form 
of a rampart or barricade, but on Timur's approach he abandoned it and 
retired. Timur now crossed the Terek, while his rival encamped on the 
Kura.t He marched along the Terek towards JuUad in the Little 
Kabardah,t called Kulat by De la Croix, but hearing that Toktamish 
was following him beyond the river, he turned to meet him. The armies 
faced each other on the 14th of April. Timur's was intrenched, and he 
gave orders that no fires should be lighted, and that silence should be 
kept. During the night of the 21st, Ibashi Oghlan deserted him and 
went over to the enemy. On the 22nd he ranged his forces in seven 
divisions, which he inspected. The main body of his army was com- 
manded by his son, the murza Muhammed Sultan, while he himself was at 
the head of twenty-seven companies of picked men, who formed the 
reserve. The conflict commenced amidst a shower of arrows and cries 
of Dar u gar {i.e., give and kill, hold and take).§ A messenger came to 
Timur to tell him that Guneje Oghlan, Barkiarok Oghlan, Aktau, Utarku, 
and Daud Sufi, the son-in-law of Toktamish, were advancing upon his 
right wing. He thereupon charged them at the head of his twenty-seven 
companies, and drove them back, but his men pursued too far, and were 
in turn pushed back and their ranks broken. The enemy seeing this, 
pressed in pursuit, and Timur himself, whose quiver was exhausted and 
his lance and his sword broken, would have been surrounded if Sheikh 
Nuruddin, with fifty other heroes, had not dismounted and covered him, 
and kript up a flight of arrows. Three others of his chiefs succeeded in 
seizing three of the enemy's carts, and fixing them together formed a 
kind of bulwark before their master. His troops now began to gather 
round ; the trumpets sounded the rally, while the dismounted soldiers, 

*•'.«., the Kcissu, also called the Sulak and the Shellinje (see Koch's map), t ? the Kuru Terek. 
\ Frashn, quoted in Golden Horde, 359. Note, i. § Sherifuddin, ii. 346. Golden Horde, 539. 


kneeling on one knee, kept up a flight of arrows. Meanwhile the 
enemy's ranks grew thicker, but they tried in vain to break the cordon 
"about Timur. Khodadad Hussein, with the advanced guard of the left 
wing, broke in between Kuneje Oghlan, who commanded the right wing 
of Toktamish's army, and the contingent under Aktau (doubtless the 
same chief who had been treacherous in the former battle), and attacked 
the latter, who was pressing Timur hard in rear, while the murza 
Muhammed Sultan brought up strong reinforcements, planted them on 
his father's left, and speedily routed the enemy's right wing, compelling 
Aktau to fly. 

While this was taking place on Timur's left, his right wing was faring 
badly. The enemy, commanded by Aisa Beg and Bashi Khoja,' broke 
and surrounded it. Thereupon its commander ordered his men to 
dismount and crouch down under their shields, forming a defence 
analagous to our squares. They were hard pressed by the opposing 
cavalry, who charged them scimitar and lance in hand. Seeing their 
dangerous position, Jihansha Behadur went to the rescue with his 
cavalry, and the assailants were charged on either flank by Timur's 
lancers and mace men. This attack reversed the previous condition of 
affairs. The two chiefs united their forces, and drove back the enemy's 
left. The main body on either side then joined issue, that of Kiprhak 
commanded by Yagblibi Behrin, a relative of Toktamish, while on the 
other side the command was in the hands of the young murza Rustem, 
son of Omar Sheikh. Yagblibi challenged Osman Behadur to single 
combat, and they accordingly rushed at one another, their followers 
imitating their example. The combat was very fierce and bloody, but at 
length the troops of Kipchak gave way, a proceeding which was heralded 
by the flight of Toktamish with his Oghlans and Noyans. The people 
of Timur rushed in pursuit, and with terrible vengeance slaughtered 
a vast number of the fugitives, and we are told they afterwards hanged 
most of those they captured alive. Timur knelt down, uncovered 
himself, and thanked heaven for his victory, while his principal chiefs 
congratulated and scattered gold and jewels over him. He in turn 
rewarded his faithful followers, especially the Sheikh Nuruddin, who 
had rescued him. He promoted him and presented him with a noble 
courser, a robe of gold brocade, a jewelled girdle, and a hundred 
thousand kupeghi dinars. He then distributed treasure among his other 
soldiers, and made a general promotion of his officers.* 

The details of this battle show what a matter of uncertainty an Eastern 
fight was, with its sudden rushes and its intermittent fortunes. While 
the jeopardy of Timur, who was the keystone of a vast organisation, 
shows also how the existence of the mediaeval empires of the East were 
perpetually menaced. We cannot also doubt that defeat in such cases 

* Sherifuddin, 346-334. 


was much more fatal and disastrous than it is with our better disciplined 
and more orderly armies. Having left his baggage and the booty he had 
captured near the battle field in charge of the murza Miran Shah, who ' 
had been wounded in the struggle, Timur went on in pursuit of 
Toktamish. He halted for a while on the Volga, at the ford called 
Turatu, and summoning Koirijak Oghlan, a son of Urus Khan and 
brother of the Khans Tuktakia and Timur Malik, who was one of his 
household. He invested him with a robe of golden tissue and a rich 
girdle, gave him an escort of Uzbeg cavalry, and nominated him Khan 
of Kipchak. 

Timur's troops now pursued the enemy along the Volga as far as 
Ukek, -capturing and killing many of them on the way. Toktamish 
himself sought shelter in the woods of Bolghari. Having advanced to 
the point where they had crossed the Volga in their former campaign, 
the victors returned again with a vast booty, gold and silver and furs, 
rubies and pearls, beautiful boys and girls. Murza Miran Shah, with 
the baggage, &c., rejoined Timur at Yulukluk Asukluk. The latter sent 
back some of his principal chiefs with part of the army to Persia, to 
look after the administration there, while he himself determined to go on 
to the Dnieper. 

Osman commanded his advance guafd. On the Dnieper, at a place 
called Mankirman, he came up with Barkiarok Oghlan, who lived there 
with some other chiefs. He destroyed nearly all of them. Barkiarok 
with difficulty escaped. Tashtimur Oghlan and Aktau fled, says 
Sherifuddin, to the country of Hermedai (? between the Dnieper 
and the Danube),* where the people were hostile to them, so they 
went to Asia Minor, where they settled in the plain of Isra 
Yaka, whence they were transported to the neighbourhood of 
Adrianople by Muhammed I. The place where they settled is still 
called Tatarbasari or the Tartar market.t Timur now returned to the 
Don, whither Barkiarok had fled, and where he was overtaken. His 
harem was captured, but he himself escaped to the Karasu (probably the 
river of this name in the Krim). Timur treated his captured family 
with generosity, gave them horses and other presents, and then sent 
them back to him. Meanwhile the murza Miran Shah, with other troops, 
were busy elsewhere. We are told they exterminated Beg Khoja and 
other chieftains of Kipchak, and also the subjects of Onkul.t They 
captured Eletz, where reigned Feodor, a descendant of the Princes of 
Karachef and a tributary of Oleg of Riazan. 

Vasili, the young Grand Prince of Moscow, leaving his uncle Vladimir 
in charge of his capital, had escaped with his forces to Kolomna, behind 
the Oka. Thence he wrote to the metropolitan bidding him take the 
ancient image of the Virgin, which Andrew Bogolubski had removed from 

♦ De la Croix, ii. 35i. t Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 361. J Pe la Croix, ii. 363. 


Vuichegorod, to Vladimir, and with which he had triumphed over the 
Bulgarians, to Moscow. The image was conveyed in State between two 
rows of worshippers, who cried out as it passed, " Mother of God, save 
Russia !" She was welcomed at Moscow, and was met outside by a 
procession of ecclesiastics and grandees, and was conveyed to the church 
of the Assumption.* It was to this image the Russians ascribed their 
deliverance, for Timur, after marching for some distance along the Don, 
suddenly halted and turned his steps elsewhere. Sherifuddin is 
mistaken in reporting that Timur actually captured Moscow. His 
retreat wus probably influenced by the approaching autumn and the 
menacing attitude of the Russian army, which had so lately triumphed 
over Mamai. The invaders retired with a vast booty, gold ingots and 
silver bars, pieces of Antioch linen and of the embroidered cloth of 
Russia, mule loads of furs, beavers, sables, and ermines, black and red 
foxes, &c., as well as a vast number of colts which had not been shod.t 

To the murza Muhammed fell the task of wasting the district ruled 
over by Kabonji Karaul and the tribes of Kurbuka, Pirlan, Yurkun, and 
Kelaji, who were nomades, and whose tents and families were plundered. 
I cannot identify these tribes, but they were probably Nogais. We 
are told that Timur now wended his way southwards, and went to 
Balchinkin, which De la Croix identifies with the Mseotic marshes.} At 
Azak he was joined by the troops of murza Miran Shah. When he 
reached Azak he was met by a deputation from the town, which was then 
the entrepot where the merchants of the East and West exchanged their 
wares. Egyptians, Venetians, Genoese, Catalans, and Basques thronged 
there. In vain they tried to soften the great conqueror's heart with 
presents. He ordered the Muhammedans to be separated from the 
other inhabitants, whom he then put to the sword, and afterwards gave 
the town up to the flames. § He now marched through the Kuban, where 
he lost many of his horses, the Circassians having burnt the herbage. 
He punished them by ravaging their territory, and then crossed over into 
the land of the Ossetes, who were Christians, and therefore an object of 
religious hatred to him. They were then governed by Bura Khan. 
Their country was overrun, as were also the fastnesses of the Central 
Caucasus, and, according to Sherifuddin, he destroyed many Georgian 
fortresses. After this he held a grand fete. His tent of audience was 
hung with silk ; its poles were golden, or probably covered with golden 
plates, the nails being silver ; his throne was of gold, enriched with 
precious stones ; the floor was sprinkled with rose water. The meats 
were served on golden dishes, and after they were eaten, as is custgmary 
in the East, where people do not drink at meals but after them, Georgian 
wines were passed round amidst the playing of violins and the singing of 
songs. A week was thus consumed in feasting, and the camp was at 

* Ku-iuuiint V. 176, 177. t De 1« Croii, ii. 364. I Id., U. 36s* i Sherifuddin, il. 363. 


length raised on a day declared by the astrologers to be auspicious. 
Timur then captured the mountain fortresses of Kula (? Jullad) and Taus.* 
They were situated on almost impregnable sites, the latter being described 
as like a nest on a rock, and the ablest archer could not shoot over 
its ramparts. It had not hitherto been taken, and Timur summoned 
the tuman or division of the Merkits, who were skilled in mountain 
warfare and accustomed to hunt the gazelle and the mountain goat, but 
they failed to find an approach. Beginning to despair, he had a 
number of ladders fastened together, and a forlorn hope of reckless 
characters were ordered to mount. Many of them were killed by the 
stones hurled at them by the besieged, but fresh swarms, eager for 
martyrdom in the service of Timur, followed them, the garrison was 
at length intimidated, and the fortress captured and burnt, while the 
people of the race of Irkaun,t who had sought refuge there, were put 
to the sword. Timur then went on to Balakan {?), famous for its honey, 
where his soldiers had their fill ; thence to a town governed by Pulad, 
where Utarku, one of the great chiefs of the Kipchak had sought 
refuge. Timur summoned Pulad to surrender the fugitive, but, relying 
on the strength of his fortress, he refused. He accordingly determined 
to capture the place at whatever cost. There was a thick forest between 
him and his goal, so thick that the wind could scarcely penetrate it. 
Through this he ordered a route to be cut, which was three leagues in 
length. The garrison defended themselves bravely, but the place was 
taken, its inhabitants were converted into slaves, and its dwellings burnt. 
Three companies of the enemy, having sought refuge in the mountains, 
were captured and thrown into the fire. This campaign, which reminds 
one of that of the Russians against Schamyl and his mountaineers, was 
probably fought against the tribes of Daghestan. 

Meanwhile the murza Miran Shah, who commanded the right of 
TimuWs army, reported that he had chased Utarku (who had escaped 
by way of the Elburz mountains) across the Caucasus into the country 
of Abkhasia. There he was followed and captured, and when taken 
before Timur he was ordered to be put in chains. J He now went 
to the country of Sem sem (?), governed by Muhammed, the son of 
Gaiur Khan, who was submissive, and was appointed an officer of 
Timur's court. Some of his people having hidden in the mountains were 
pursued. Timur ordered that they should have their hands tied and be 
thrown down from the mountains. The war in the mountains was 
treated by Timur as a holy war, like his campain in India, and we are 
told he purged the land of the infidels who inhabited it, burnt their 

* There is a mountain called Taus Tmi on the Koiisu, on the borders of Lesghistan and 

t A place called Irgauni is marked on Koch's map as situated on the Koissu, a little south 
of Taus Tau. 

I Sherifuddio, ii. 374, 373. 



dwellings, and destroyed their churches and statues ; and to show the 
difficulties he overcame, we are told his men had in some places to slide 
down from one position to another, there being no paths. He now went to 
mount Auher(?), which he gave up to pillage, and thence to Beshkent (? the 
town at Beshtau), whose inhabitants had been very submissive, and were 
duly rewarded with privileges and exempted from the menace of his 
soldiers. He then passed on to the country of the Kazaks of Yutur (.''). He 
put them all to death and harried their country, whence his soldiers also 
obtained a large quantity of honey ; thence he went to the land of Bogaz 
Kum (?), where he wished to pass the winter, and where the people of 
Kazikumuk sent him their submission,* and were well received by him. 
There only remained in these districts the islands (? in the Caspian), 
whose inhabitants were called Balekchian {i.e., the fishermen), who had 
not submitted. Troops were sent to reduce them, who marched over 
the ice.t 

On another side Omar Taban, who commanded at Astrakhan for 
Timur, having noticed some symptoms of treachery in Mahmudi, who 
was kelanter or governor of that town, sent information to his master, 
who determined to destroy it. He marched his army during the winter, 
which was very severe, leaving the murzas Muhammed Sultan, Miran 
shah, and the emir Haji Seifuddin with the baggage. 

The Volga washed the walls of Astrakhan, and, according to Sherif- 
uddin, the inhabitants were accustomed to pile up masses of ice round 
it in the winter, over which they poured water, and thus formed an ice 
rampart round the town, through which they cut a gate. On the 
approach of Timur, Mahmudi was cowed and went out submissively 
to meet him, but he was put under arrest and sent towards Serai. 
Timur then entered, and having ordered the inhabitants, cattle, and pro- 
perty there to be taken out, he destroyed the place. Mahmudi, according 
to orders, was forced underneath the ice of the Volga by his conductors. 
From Astrakhan Timur passed to Serai, the residence of the Kipchak 
Khans. There also the inhabitants were driven out like sheep, and the 
town destroyed, in revenge for the destruction of the capital of Ghazan, 
the Jagatai Khan, namely, Zendjar Serai, which the people of Kipchak had 
destroyed in the absence of Timur on an expedition in Persia. The army 
had been much reduced by the severity of the winter and the hardness 
of the campaign. Most of the horses had perished. A pound of millet 
sold for seventy kupeghi dinars, a cow's head for one hundred, and a 
sheep's head for two hundred and fifty. Timur accordingly ordered that 
the spoils captured at Astrakhan and Serai should be divided among the 
troops, a task which was performed by the Tawachis, and thus each man 
was remounted. 

Having crushed the empire of the Kipchak, Timur set out on his 

* Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 36a. Note, 4. t De li Croix, Sherifuddin, ii. 375-378. 



return home. Leaving his winter quarters of Bugaz Kum, he marched 
by way of Derbend and Azerbaijan, reducing the Kazikumuks, Kaitaks, 
and Kubechi on his route. 

Timur had laid the Khanate of the Golden Horde prostrate, and it 
never recovered again properly. Many of the inhabitants were driven 
away, and Von Hammer enumerates six colonies formed of emigrants 
who left at this time. The most important of them perhaps were 
the Kara Kalpaks or Black caps, who previously lived on the Volga, 
near Bolghari, and who now migrated to the borders of the Aral Sea, 
where their descendants still remain ; the Aktau Tartars, who settled in 
the Dobruja, others in the district of Memnen, near Smyrna, others at 
Tatarbazari, near Adrianople, others in Moldavia, which was thence 
known as Karaboghdan ; and lastly the Likani in Lithuania. These last 
were apparently descended from a body of several thousand Tartars who, 
with their wives and children, were captured and carried off in 1 397 by 
Vitut, the famous Lithuanian chief. There they abandoned Islam, and 
having mixed with the people and lost their characteristics, retained only 
the name of Tartars.* They were settled between Vilna and Troki. 

On the retreat of Timur, Toktamish seems to have emerged from his 
retreat in Bolghari, collected some forces, and re-entered Serai, apprising 
his neighbours of his arrival there. This was about 1 398, but he was 
soon after attacked by Timur Kutlugh, by whom he was defeated and 
driven away from Serai. He then, with his wife and two sons, his 
treasures, and a numerous following, repaired to Kief. For four and 
twenty years he had reigned in the Kipchak, and was certainly one of 
the most potent of its chiefs, and one too in whose reign, and by whose 
policy most important events of far wider interest than that which attaches 
to the steppe lands of Southern Russia were brought about. He was the 
last really great figure in the history of the Golden Horde. 

The coins of Toktamish are the most numerous in the series of the 
Khans of the Golden Horde. On these coins he styles himself Toktamish 
Khan, Nasir ud din Toktamish Khan, Jelal ud din Mahmud Toktamish 
Khan, and Ghayas ud din w'ed dunya Toktamish Khan.t Fraehn 
mentions a coin of his struck in the Ordu in the year ']']'], but this is a 
solitary specimen, and it is not till -783 when the series of his money may 
really be said to begin, and when by the defeat of Mamai he secured the 
whole Khanate. In that year he struck coins at Khuarezm, Krim, 
New Krim, Azak, Serai, New Serai, Seraichuk, and Astrakhan. In 
later years we also find as mint places Ordu, the New Ordu, Derbend, 
Shamakhi, Shaberan, Baku, Mahmudabad, and Kasj Kath or Keth in 
Khuarezm.f His coins occur as late as the year 799 {i.e.^ i396-7).§ 

* Golden Horde, 384. Karamzin, v. 196. t Frsehn, Res., 304-354. 

I X Mahmudabad was situated in the province of Karabagh on the Caspian, between the Kur 
and the Chepehchal. (Frtehn, Fuch's Coll., 39.) 

S Frsehn Res., 326. 


I ought to have mentioned that in 797 there occurs a coin bearing on 
one side the name of Toktamish, and on the other that of Tash Timur. 
It was struck at Krim. Frashn suggests he was a son of Ulugh 
Muhammed, but the date makes this impossible.* I believe he was a 
brother of Ulugh Muhammed, and shall refer to him later. 


We have said httle of Koirijak, the nominee of Timur as Khan of 
Kipchak, because little is to be said. In the West he was a mere 
puppet, and his throne depended on the support of Timur's troops. 
When they withdrew he seems to have disappeared also, for we hear no 
more of him, and the Western half of the Khanate became the object 
of struggle between Toktamish and Timur Kutlugh, the son of Timur 
Malik and grandson of Urus Khan, and the protege of Idiku, the Nogay 
chief, both of them, as I have mentioned, had lived for some time at 
Timur's court. Koirijak, however, doubtless retained his hold on the 
Eastern Khanate, and continued to rule over the White Horde. 

When Toktamish retired to Bolghari Timur Kutlugh seems to have 
occupied the southern parts of the Khanate, and we find him the year 
after Timur's retreat on the Dnieper, granting a diploma with the 
privileges of a terkhan to a person at Sudak in the Krim.t 

Kief was then governed by the Lithuanian Prince Vitut, who, by a 
treaty with Yagellon the Polish King, had been ceded the provinces of 
Volhynia and Brest, and who, as I have said, was the Grand Prince's 
father-in-law. He had been converted by the Germans of Prussia, and 
was a violent and ambitious person. He ordered the deaths of three of 
his relatives, the sons of Olgerd. These were Vigunt, Prince of Kief, 
who was poisoned ; Narimant, whom he ordered to be transfixed with 
arrows after he was suspended from a tree ; while the third, Kongailo, 
was decapitated. Their brother Koribut, who reigned at Novgorod 
Severski, was imprisoned. He drove away Vladimir, another brother, 
from Kief, which he for a short time gave to Skirigailo, the brother of 
the King of Poland, but he was poisoned by the archimandrite of the 
convent of Petchersky, who was probably a creature of Vitut, and who put 
Prince John Olkhanski there as his deputy. He soon after seized upon 
Podolia, a dependence of the crown of Poland. He also subdued the 
Princes of Drutsk, and seized upon Orsha and Vitebsk. He was thus 
master not only of Lithuania bnt also of Little Russia. He next assailed 
the principality of Smolensk, then governed by his brother-in-law Yuri 
Sviatoslavitch. He appeared suddenly before its capital, cajoled the 
garrison by fair promises to come out to him, pretending all the wkile he 

• Soret, op. cit., 31. t Golden Horde, 364. 


was on the march against Timur. The credulous people came out to see 
the hero, but they were soon undeceived. The chiefs were seized, the 
suburbs burnt, and the city captured and plundered. Having stayed 
some months to consolidate his power, he left Yamont, a Lithuanian, 
there as governor, and then made some raids upon Riazan. 

Thus was a dangerous power thrusting its arms nearer and nearer to 
Muscovy. Vasili knew his danger, but he dissembled his suspicions,* 
and went in person to Smolensk to meet his father-in-law, and after- 
wards received a visit from him at Kalomna.t The two then adopted a 
common policy against Novgorod. Vitut wished to detach the 
merchant republic from its alliance with the Germans of Livonia, the old 
enemies of the Lithuanians, and the Grand Prince to insist upon their 
acknowledging the supremacy of the patriarch Cyprian. The people of 
Novgorod had only recently concluded a peace with the Germans after a 
long strife, and the trade with them was too valuable to be hghtly 
sacrificed. They accordingly replied, " Grand Prince, we are and wish 
to be at peace with you, Vitut, and the Germans." They treated the 
envoys civilly, but would not give way. Vasili thereupon declared war 
against Novgorod, and while on the march his troops received the 
submission of the people of the Dwina, the great entrepot for Siberian 
furs and the silver of the Northern Urals ; the country also whence 
the falcons used by the Russian princes came. This was perhaps the 
most valuable dependency of Novgorod. Vasili appointed Feodor of 
Rostof as its governor. This was in 1397. But the victory was short- 
lived, the Novgorodians took up arms and prosecuted their campaign 
vigorously, and Vasili was forced to see his acquisitions pass away again, 
for he learnt that the treacherous Vitut was having secret communi- 
cations with Novgorod and offering to become its protector, and he 
deemed it prudent to treat the stiff-necked repubhc with tenderness. 

Vitut no doubt had ambitious views in the direction of Novgorod, but 
these were postponed for a while by the arrival, as I have mentioned, of 
Toktamish at Kief. He was only too happy to become the patron of 
so important a person, and hoped through him to further his ambitious 
schemes. He accordingly sent Yamont, the governor of Smolensk, on 
an embassy to the Russian Grand Prince, to ask him to join, him in his 
enterprise, but the Russians were quite equal to the occasion. To them 
a war between the Lithuanizms and the Tartars, their two greatest 
enemies, would be a welcome spectacle, and, as Karamzin says, their 
sympathies were by no means with the former in such a struggle, for 
while the Tartars beyond exacting a heavy tribute left them to govern 
themselves, the Lithuanians were ambitious of annexing the Grand 
Principality. The Grand Prince was not, however, strong enough to 
defy his father-in-law, so he sent his wife, with a number of boyards, to 

* Karamzin, v. 186. t Id., 189. 



Smolensk with a courteous message. She was cordially received and 
her father presented her with a number of pictures of the Saviour, 
recently arrived from Greece.* While he kept himself free from any 
entangling alliances with the Lithuanians, Vasili determined upon a 
campaign on his own account against the Tartars, to revenge their recent 
attack on Nijni Novgorod. He sent an army commanded by his brother 
into Bulgaria, which captured its capital Bolghari, Yukotin, Kazan, and 
Kremenchug, and returned home laden with booty. After this war 
Vasili styled himself " Conqueror of the Bulgarians." 

Meanwhile Vitut was prosecuting his plans, one of which was no doubt 
the subjection of the Grand Principality, of which he hoped to get a 
grant from his protege Toktamish.t He assembled his forces at Kief, 
which consisted not only of Lithuanians but of large contingents from 
Poland and from his dependent Russian provinces. The Tartars of 
Toktamish formed a detached corps, as did also five hundred Germans 
richly equipped, sent by the grand master of the Prussian knights. The 
whole were commanded by fifty Russian and Lithuanian princes, under 
the guidance of Vitut. He heeded not the warnings of Hedwig, the 
Polish queen, who claimed the gifts of prophecy, when she foretold that 
misfortune would overtake him.l 

Timur Kutlugh sent an envoy to Vitut with the message, " Surrender 
Toktamish, my enemy : Toktamish, once a great prince, but now only a 
vile deserter. Such is the fickleness of fortune." " I will go and find 
Timur," was the reckless answer, and he accordingly set out, taking the 
same road which Monomakhos had formerly taken in his campaign 
against the Poloutsi. Timur Kutlugh was posted on the banks of the 
Vorskla, beyond the Khorol and the Sula. " Why do you march against 
me ! I never made a hostile attack on your land," was the message he now 
sent him. Vitut replied, " God has appointed me master of the world. 
You may choose, either be my son and tributary, or be my slave.'' 
According to the Russian annalists, Timur was willing to acknowledge 
Vitut as his elder brother and to pay an annual tribute, but the exacting 
Prince of Lithuania also insisted that his arms should appear on the 
Tartar coins. Timur asked for a respite of three days, during which he 
sent presents, and it seems what he wanted was some delay. This was 
marked by the arrival at the Tartar camp of Idiku, the Nogay chief, 
which, as Von Hammer says, was like the arrival of Camillus at the 
Roman camp, putting an end to further parley with Brennus. He recom- 
mended death rather than submission to such terms, and then sent to 
ask for an interview with Vitut. The two chiefs met on the banks of the 
Vorskla. " Brave Prince," said Idiku, " our King has rightly recognised 
you as his father, since you are his elder ; but as you are younger than I, 
pray recognise me, and put my portrait on the coins of Lithuania." The 

* Karamzin, v. 197. t H; i98> 199. I /i., 199. 


irony enraged Vitut, who ordered the fight to begin. Spitko of Cracow, 
the wisest of his voivodes, on seeing the numbers of the Tartars, 
counselled his master to make peace with them on honourable terms. 
This counsel was rejected by ^the Lithuanian chiefs. The illustrious 
Stchoukofski being their spokesman, said : " If love for your young and 
beautiful wife, if the irresistible charms of ease and luxury can make you 
shrink from death, do not interfere when heroes wish to sacrifice their 
lives for glory." " Madman," he replied, " I shall die in the fight while 
you will seek safety in retreat."* Vitut expected great things from his fire- 
arms, which were then a new invention in Europe, but the Tartars, who 
fought in loose order, outflanked his sohd battalions, and artillery was 
then too rude to be well or quickly served. The Lithuanian lines were 
broken by an attack from the rear, made by Timur Kutlugh. Toktamish 
was among the first to fly, and he was followed by Vitut and the vain- 
glorious Stchoukofski, while Spitko, the palatine of Cracow, died, as he 
had said, in the fight, and with him seventy-four noble Lithuanians. 
The carnage was terrible. Two-thirds of the Lithuanian army perished, 
among the slain being Gleb of Smolensk, and Michael and Dimitri of 
Gallicia, descended from the famous Gallician Prince Daniel. The 
fugitives were pursued as far as the Dnieper. Kief had to pay a heavy 
fine, and the monastery of Petcherski was similarly mulcted, while the 
Tartars ravaged the territory of Vitut as far as Lutsk.t 

This decisive battle was fought on the sth of August, 1 399, nor was its 
issue probably at all unwelcome at Moscow, where the Lithuanian power 
was becoming a dangerous menace. Toktamish lived on for seven 
years longer, and was then according to the Russian chroniclers, put to 
death by order of Shadibeg, in the district of Tumen in Siberia, where 
he had fled. Palitzin would read Simbirsk for Siberia.J According to 
Arabshah and othei-s he fell by the hands of Idiku. 

Sherifuddin tells us how, while Timur was engaged in his war 
against the Siah Posh Kaffirs of Kaferistan, envoys went to him from 
Timur Kutlugh and Idiku, who were well received by him. It is curious 
that he should in one place call them envoys of the Uzbegs.§ 

Timur Kutlugh does not seem to have survived his victory many 
months, and died in the autumn of 1399.II The news of his death, we 
are told, was pleasing to Timurleuk, as was the news of the confusion 
which reigned in Kipchak, since Timur Kutlugh had treated the great 
conqueror ungratefully.l^ Coins of Timur Kutlugh, struck at New Ordu 
and Krim, are known from the year 799 to 802 (1396-7 to 1399- 1400). 

♦Karamzin. v. 20«. t Id., 204. 1 Golden Horde, 370. Note, 3. } De la Croix, iii. 30 and 34. 
II Golden Horde, 366. Note, 4. ^ Ue la Croix, iii. 212. 




On the death of Timur Kutlugh, he was succeeded by his brother 
Shadibeg as de jure Khan, while Idiku was probably the real controller 
of his policy. He only ruled over the Western Khanate however. The 
Eastern was subject to Koirijak. Abdul Ghassar says expressly that he 
ruled concurrently with his uncle Koirijak.* The history of the Golden 
Horde at this time is closely connected with Russia. Michael, Prince of 
Tuer, who was in some respects a rival to the Grand Prince of Moscow, 
died in 1399, and divided his dominions among his sons and grandsons. 
Michael had been a close friend of the Lithuanian chief Vitut, with whom 
he was united by the marriage of his son with Vitut's sister. On the 
defeat of the latter by the Tartars, Michael's son prudently sent envoys to 
the Khan Timur Kutlugh, bearing rich presents for himself, his wives, and 
begs, to ask for a confirmation of his authority. This embassy arrived 
about the time when Timur Kutlugh died. Michael's sword-bearer 
(Kilichi), called Elcha, returned with the Tartars Bechin and Satkin, 
bearing the yarligh or diploma for him ; but he being dead, fresh envoys, 
in the persons of Constantino and Theodore Gushen, and the Tartar 
Safrak, were again sent, and returned with a similar diploma for his son.t 

Ivan having received the Khan's diploma, began to persecute his 
brothers and nephew. He also formed a close alliance with his brother- 
in-law Vitut of Lithuania, whose fortunes had received such a shock in 
his fight with the Tartars that Yuri, the Prince of Smolensk, collected an 
army and captured his ancient capital. He was received joyfully by the 
inhabitants, but proceeded to take cruel revenge on the Lithuanians and 
their adherents, which led the citizens to remark, " The stranger Vitut 
reigned peaceably within our walls, while a Russian prince only enters 
them to bathe in our blood."t Yuri successfully resisted the attacks of 
Vitut's armies, but the town was afterwards surrendered by treachery 
when he was absent at the court of Moscow.§ An attempt on the part 
of the Prince of Riazan to recover possession of Briansk, which formerly 
was dependent on Chernigof, and had been appropriated by the 
Lithuanians, was also defeated by Vitut, who made Rostislaf, the son of 
Oleg of Riazan, prisoner. The latter prince soon after died, and was 
succeeded by his son Feodor, who received a diploma from Shadibeg and 
married a daughter of the Grand Prince. Meanwhile the Tartars were 
becoming more and more indifferent to the doings of the Russians. In 
the year 1400, we are told the Princes of Riazan, Pronsk, Murom, and 
Koselsk defeated an army of them on the borders of Chemayar, near 
Khobr on the Don, and captured a chief named Muhammed Sultan. 
The following year the Grand Prince Vasili sent an army into the 
country of the Mordvins to find the widow of Prince Simon Dimitrovitch, 

* Langles, op. cit., 385. 1 Von Hammer, 368. I Karamzin, v. 311. | li,, 213-217. 


who, as I have said, had taken refuge at Chebirchia.* The following 
year {i.e., in 1402) the Tartars ravaged the borders of Riazan.t In 1403 
Aintak, their envoy, went to Moscow, and the same year there died Sawa, 
bishop of Serai, while, as we read in the narrative of the Spanish 
traveller Clavigo, there also went envoys to Timur to announce to him 
the accession of a nephew (nieto) of Toktamish to the throne.J In 1404 
the Tartars made another invasion of Riazan, but were defeated and lost 
many prisoners. § Their country was the asylum where many desperate 
characters sought refuge. Thus we read that in 1402 Vasili, who had 
many grievances against the people of Novgorod, sent an army under 
two brothers, named Aifal and Gerassim, formerly priests and renegades, 
also from Novgorod, to ravage the country of the Dwina.|| This they 
accomplished, but having been defeated near Kholmogory, the mother of 
the later Archangel, they were obliged to fly. We are told that Aifal 
turned buccaneer. He had two hundred and eight boats on the Volga, 
and one hundred on the Kama. With these he made an excursion 
towards Serai. The flotilla on the Kama was captured by the Tartars, 
that on the Volga escaped. He himself was made prisoner, and was 
eventually killed at Viatka by Rassokhin, who, like himself, was a 
deserter from Novgorod.lf 

A more distinguished fugitive escaped to Novgorod in 1406. This was 
Yuri of Smolensk, who, after he had lost his city and in vain appealed to 
the Grand Prince for aid, turned to the people of Novgorod, who 
willingly listened to him, hoping no doubt to utilise him against their 
exacting suzerain. They granted him an appanage consisting of the 
towns of Roussa, Ladoga, &c. Growing weary he returned to Moscow, 
and was appointed governor of Torjek by Vasili, but his violent 
temper undid him. Conceiving a passion for Julienne, the wife of 
Simeon, Prince of Viazma, he tried to seduce her, and failing, stabbed 
her husband at a feast, and was proceeding to take liberties with her 
when she wounded him in the hand with a knife. Enraged at this, 
he drew his sword, cut her to pieces, and threw her remains into the 
river. Flying from the consequences of his crime, he escaped to the 
horde, and after wandering for a while in the steppes, ended his days in 
a monastery at Riazan. He was the last Prince of Smolensk descended 
from Rostislaf Mitislavitch, grandson of Monomakhos.** 

We now find the long gathering storm which had been collecting 
between Moscow and Lithuania coming to a crisis. Pskof, the sister 
republic to Novgorod, had formerly been tributary to it, but had been 
enfranchised, and now elected its own magistrates and princes, and had 
its own laws. The Grand Prince, however, had a deputy there, and it 
acknowledged his suzerainty as Novgorod did. Its position was a 

* Vidt ante, 250. Golden Horde, 369. t Golden Horde, 369. J Id. Note, 7. 

} /d. II Aifal is called Nikitish by Von Hammer. (Golden Horde, 373.) 

*f Karamrin, v. 217, 218. Golden Horde, 373. *• Karamrin, v. 219-221. 



critical one, however, for it had the Livonian knights on the one side and 
the Lithuanians on another, while the people of Novgorod were very 
jealous of its wealth and commerce, and far from having cordial feelings 
towards it, were in the habit of attacking its borders. It had also 
recently been devastated by the plague. Vitut determined to take 
advantage of its position. He accordingly attacked one of its depend- 
encies, namely, the town of Koloje, where he made ii,ooo prisoners, 
while the grand master of Livonia ravaged the environs of Izborsk, 
Ostrof, and Kotelno. The brave citizens of Pskof succeeded in defeating 
both antagonists, but feeling that the contest was unequal, they appealed 
to the Grand Prince. He determined to support h\s protege, and sent his 
brother Constantine, who demanded explanation from the Lithuanians, 
while he collected an army together. He also made a close alliance with 
the Prince of Tuer. 

For some years Vasili had refrained from sending tribute to the horde, 
and had evaded the messages of Shadibeg's envoys to go in person to his 
court. Such an envoy went in 1405, in the person of Shadibeg's treasurer ; 
instead of tribute, however, he only received some small presents.* 
Before entering upon his hazardous venture against Lithuania, Vasili 
deemed it prudent to send to the Khan to ask him for assistance, 
inasmuch as Lithuania was their common enemy. He, however, 
refrained from mentioning either tribute or dependence. Shadibeg sent 
some troops, but no decisive action took place. Both sides seemed 
afraid of the risk, and after several border raids a peace was ratified. 
The river Ugra was fixed as the boundary of the Muscovites and 
Lithuanians, the towns of Kozelsk, Peremysl, and Lubutsk were ceded to 
the Grand Prince, and Vitut promised not to molest Pskof t 

We now reach the end of Shadibeg's reign. We are told that Ivan 
Prince of Tuer, having repaired to the horde in the year 1407, to 
complain about the usurpation of Yuri, brother of the last Prince of 
Kholm, Shadibeg was no longer Khan, having been driven away by 
Pulad. He seems to have fled to Daghestan and Shirvan.J According 
to Schiltberger he fled when he heard of the approach of Idiku, by whom 
he was slain.§ Shadibeg seems to have been generally acknowledged as 
Khan of the Western part of the Kipchak, and his coins are found 
minted at Bulghari, Serai, New Serai, Azak, Astrakhan, and New 
Astrakhan, between the years 802 (1399-1400) and 809 (1406-7). || 


Shadibeg was succeeded by Pulad, who is made tiie nephew of 
Shadibeg and son of Timur Kutlugh by Ibn Arabshah, a conclusion in 
which he is followed by Von Hammer, IT Munejimbashi, Khuan- 

• Ktramrin, y. 229. t Id., 223-227. J Frchn's Critici»na, Golden Horde, 385. 

♦ Op. cit., ed. Neumann, 90. II Friehn Res., 362-366. ^ Golden Horde, 370, 



demir,* whose account is adopted by De Guignes, and M. Soret, make 
him the son of Shadibeg. I am not sure that either conclusion is 
right, and am disposed to believe he was Shadibeg's brother. He was 
perhaps the Beg Pulad already named.t I may add that that chieftain 
was probably the same Pulad against whom Timur marched in 1395.+ 
He was certainly 2^ protege of Idiku's.§ 

In the summer of 1409 Ivan, Prince of Pronsk, returned laden with 
honours and gifts from the horde. With the help of the Tartars, he 
drove Theodore from the throne of Riazan, and annexed that princi- 
pality to his own. In the autumn of the same year Pulad made an 
invasion of Lithuania. Next year he sent an embassy to Moscow. As 
Von Hammer suggests, this was probably to order the Grand Prince to 
join him against the Lithuanians. It would seem that Vasili refused to 
obey. He had persistently for many years ignored his dependence on the 
Tartars, and had abstained from sending tribute to their Khan or one of 
his relatives as an ambassador. He now dared to offer an asylum to the 
sons of Toktamish. Pulad, whose policy was really dictated by his great 
subject Idiku, accordingly assembled an army and sent it towards 
Moscow. This, it was pretended, was meant to fight the Lithuanians, 
and to punish them for the evils they had brought upon Russia, and 
Vasili was ordered to go in person to meet it, or to send his brother, his 
son, or one of his grandees as his representative.! The Grand Prince was 
misled by the Tartar professions, and at Moscow people were living 
in fancied security when the news came that the Tartars were marching 
rapidly on the town. Vasili followed the example of his father, and retired 
with his wife and family to Kostroma, leaving the defence of his capital 
to his uncle Vladimir the Brave, his brothers, and a number of boyards. 
The Grand Prince had great faith in the fortifications of Moscow, in his 
artillery, and in the winter, which promised to be one of great severity, 
while he determined himself to raise an army in Northern Russia to raise 
the siege ; but his retreat disspirited the inhabitants, who murmured at 
being thus deserted. Vladimir ordered the outskirts to be burnt, while 
their wretched inhabitants were refused an asylum within the walls, for 
fear that provisions should run short. The Tartar army appeared before 
the city on the ist of December, 1410. Among the chiefs who accom- 
panied it were the princes Buchak and Tanriberdi ; the begs Erekliberdi 
and Altamir ; Pulad Muhammed, Yusuf, the son of Suliman ; Tegin, 
the son of the Sheikh Urus, and his son Serai ; Ibrahim, the son of 
Tahmuras ; Yashibeg and Seid Alibeg, the sons of Idiku ; while Idiku 
himself was commander in chief. If Having detached a body of 30,000 
men to besiege the Grand Prince at Kostroma, and ordered Ivan, Prince 
of Tuer, to join them with his army, his arquebusiers, and his artillery. 

*/<{. Journ. Asiat., 4th8er., XYU. 118. ti4N(<, 249. XAnU.i^d. 

S Schiltberger, 90. \ Karamzin, v. 231. H Golden Horde, 371. 


the Tartars spread over the Grand Principality. They burnt Pereislavl 
Zalesky, Rostof, Dimitrof, Serpukof, Nijni Novgorod, and Gorodetz. 
The horrors of the invasions of Batu and Toktamish were revived. "The 
miserable Russians," says Karamzin, " instead of resisting, were like a 
flock of sheep pursued by wolves. Some were decapitated, others made 
into butts for the Tartar archers. The young people were reserved as 
slaves, the old were stripped of their clothes and left to perish in the 
cold. The prisoners were chained together, and one Tartar sufficed to 
keep guard over forty of them." 

Meanwhile Idiku waited for the artillery which the Prince of Tuer was 
to bring, but the latter returned home again on the plea of illness after 
he had gone half way. The contingent which was sent after the Grand 
Prince also failed in its object. Nevertheless Idiku determined to winter 
at Kostroma and to blockade Moscow, but he was suddenly recalled by 
news which came from the horde. The Tartars no longer could muster 
their former numbers. The plague, the attack of Timur, and internal 
dissensions had made terrible ravages. We accordingly find that Pulad, 
who had remained at Serai while his army marched to Moscow, was at 
the mercy of another aspirant to the throne, and wrote to recall Idiku 
to go to his defence. Meanwhile the Grand Prince was assembling an 
army at Kostroma to attack him. 

He determined therefore to raise the siege. He promised to retire on 
the payment of 3,000 roubles. This was gladly acceded to by Vladimir, 
who commanded in the town, where the people were in a state of panic 
and given up to religious exercises. Retiring by way of Kolomna, he 
captured Riazan en route. The traces of his invasion were not effaced 
for a long time. From the Don to Bielo ozero and Gallicia the land was 
terribly devastated. 

On leaving Muscovy he wrote a letter to the Grand Prince in these 
terms : — " Idiku, after holding counsel with the tzarevitches and princes, 
sends Vasili greeting. H aving learnt that you have given shelter to the sons 
of Toktamish, the Great Khan ordered me to march against you. You not 
only ill-treat our merchants, but you also insult our envoys. Ask your 
old men if it was so formerly. Russia was then famous for its fidelity to 
us. It preserved a sacred respect for the Khans, paid its tribute 
regularly, and respected our merchants and envoys. Instead of this, 
what have you done ? When Timur {i.e., Timur Kutlugh) mounted the 
throne, did you go in person to him, or send one of your princes, or even 
a boyard ? After the death of Timur and during the eight years' reign of 
Shadibeg, did you make a single act of submission .-' And lastly, during 
the three years Pulad has been on the throne, have you, as the senior 
Russian prince, gone to the horde, as it was your duty .' All your actions 
have been criminal. When Theodore Koshka* lived the Russians 

* Doubtless a Tartar commissary. at Moscow. 


heeded his counsel and behaved well, but you no longer heed John, 
his son, your treasurer and friend. You reject the wise counsel of the 
elders. See the consequences in the wasting of your country. If you 
would avoid this, listen to your wisest boyards, to Ilia and Peter, and 
JcJhn Nikitich, &c., and send me one of your grandees with the tribute 
Russia used to send to Janibeg. All the excuses you have made to the 
Khans about the poverty of the Russian people were false. We have 
overrun your country, and we know that every two ploughs pay you a 
rouble. What becomes of this money? We do not wish to ill-treat 
you. Why should you behave like a miserable fugitive? Reflect and 
listen to the counsels of prudence."* 

This magniloquent letter had little effect on the Grand Prince, who 
knew of the dissensions that reigned at the horde. He returned again 
to Moscow, where he greeted his uncle, the brave Vladimir. " The first 
of all the Russian princes," says Karamzin, " to serve under one of his 

Meanwhile Pulad had been driven from the throne by Timur. Of 
Pulad as Khan we have coins struck at Bulghari, New Bulghari, Azak, 
Astrakhan, Khuarezm, and Radjan or Rasan, which some have read 
Majar, but it may be a corruption of Riazan. They range from 8io 
(1407-8) to 815 (1412-13). Friehn suggests, 1 know not why, that the 
coins struck at Khuarezm belong to another Pulad.J 


According to Abdul Ghassar, Timur and Pulad were the proteges of 
Idiku and his son Nur ud din respectively, Idiku supporting the former ; 
but from the facts already mentioned, it is much more probable that it 
was his son who supported the new Khan, while Idiku was the patron of 
Pulad. The author just cited tells us that Idiku and Nur ud din 
quarrelled about their candidates for the throne, and that the former, 
rather than fight his son, retired to Khuarezm, where Nur ud din, 
unmoved by his father's generosity, pursued him.§ 

We are told that at this time Daniel, the son of Boris, Prince of Nijni 
Novgorod, endeavoured to recover his father's patrimony, which had 
been appropriated by the Grand Prince, and at the head of five hundred 
men, the guards of the Bulgarian princes, he defeated the latter's brother 
at Liskof, while his voivode or general Talich, supported by the 
Tzarevitch of Kazan, with a combined army of less than five hundred 
Russians and Tartars, surprised and pillaged the city of Vladimir, which 
was now but the shadow of its former self, and was unfortified. His 
allies, the Tartars of Kazan, returned home with their booty.|| 

* KaranuiD, v. 239-241. t Id., 242. I Res., 372. \ Langles, op. cit., 38s, &c. 

I! KaranuJOi v. 244, 243. 


Timur had only a very short reign, and was succeeded by Jelal ud din 
Sultan, a son of Toktamish, who was apparently living at Kief, and who 
was a close friend of the Lithuanian Prince Vitut. This took place about 
the year 141 1. Although his undisputed reign was short, Timur seems 
to have struck coins during several years. The first one of him known, 
according to Soret, is dated in 809. That was before the accession of 
Pulad. It was struck at Krim, and is now in the Ouwarof collection. 
On the other hand, there is a coin of his of the year 818 {i.e., 141 5-16), 
some years after the accession of Jelal ud din, which may, however, have 
a blundered legend. Two or three dateless coins of Timur were struck 
at Astrakhan, the rest at Bulghari. 


The rapidity of these revolutions and the ease with which they were 
effected proves how weak and disintegrated the central authority at 
Serai was becoming. Jelal ud din Sultan was the eldest son of 
Toktamish. He is called Seleni Sultan and Seledin by the Russian and 
Polish chroniclers, and Jelalberdei by the Turkish writers. Schiltberger 
calls him Segelalladin.* Abdul Ghassar tells us that, having profited by 
Idiku's absence, he marched against Timur, who fled. Jelal ud din seized 
the throne, and having strengthened his position, he attacked and sought 
to kill Nur ud din, and did succeed in killing Pulad, who it seems still 
survived, in the struggle.t Schiltberger also tells us it was he who drove 
away Pulad.:}: Nur ud din escaped, but repented not having followed 
his father's advice. It was doubtless at the instance of Idiku that the 
Mankuts or Kara Kalpaks, his special subjects, now made an attack on 
the borders of Kipchak from beyond the Yaik.g 

I have described how Daniel, son of Boris, Prince of Nijni Novgorod, 
made an effort to regain his ancient patrimony and attacked Vladimir. 
We now find the sons of Boris repairing to the Tartar court, which at 
their instance sent orders to Vasili to cede the principality to them. This 
intrigue and the fact that Vitut of Lithuania was in close alliance with 
Ivan, the Prince of Tuer, and also with Jelal ud din, induced the Grand 
Prince to go himself to the horde, with some of his principal boyards. 
Fourteen days later the Prince of Tuer followed his example, and also 
went to the horde, but another revolution had taken place there. We 
are told that, inflated by his success, Jelal ud din became quite insup- 
portable on account of his pride and avarice, and neglected his nearest 
relatives, to whom he had been indebted for his advancement. |i In a 
battle with Idiku he was treacherously shot with an arrow by his brother 

* Op. cit., go. t Langlcs, 385, &c. \ Op. cit., 90. 

$ Golden Horde, 37^, 373. || Langles, loc. cit. 


Kibak. Von Hammer says by Kerimberdei.* Jelal ud din struck coins 
at Astrakhan and Bulghari, and one of them bears the uncertain date 
814 (/.^., 1411-12),! He was killed, according to Langles, in 1412. 


Jelal ud din was succeeded by his brother Kerimberdei. The new 
Khan, who had no doubt with his other brothers found a useful asylum 
in Russia, was well disposed towards Vasili, and received him very 
graciously. He promised not to support the Princes of Suzdal {i.e., of 
Nijni Novgorod), and that he would not second the machinations of 
Vitut against Russia. At the horde Vasili met a quasi rival in the person 
of Ivan of Tuer, who was also well received by the Khan. Ivan behaved 
in a friendly way, and promised not to molest the Grand Principality.^ 
Vasili, however, seems to have renewed the obligation to pay annual 
tribute to the Tartars, which was duly carried out during the rest of his 
reign, notwithstanding the commotions that went on at Serai. 

In April, 141 3, we read of an embassy which went to Ofen in Hungary, 
bearing rich presents, offering Ladislaus the alliance of the Khan. Two 
years later the Tartars west of the Don invaded the district of Riazan, 
and captured and pillaged the town of Eletz, whose prince was killed. 
While Kerimberdei was on friendly terms with the Russians he was the 
reverse with the Lithuanians. His brother Jelal ud din, we are told, had 
fought with Vitut and Ladislaus against the Prussian knights. Kerim- 
berdei, on the other hand, was hostile to them, and we actually find Vitut 
nominating a new Khan of his own. He was called Betsa Pulad, and 
was solemnly invested at Vilna, decked in a splendid cap of golden 
tissue and a superb pelisse covered with scarlet cloth. He was, however, 
captured and beheaded by Kerimberdei, who was soon after himself 
killed by his brother Jebbarberdei, also called Jarimferdei, who was a 
creature of Vitut.§ The coins of Kerimberdei do not bear dates. They 
were struck at Serai and Astrakhan. 11 


The name of Kibak appears in several corrupt forms. He was called 
Thebacht by Schiltberger, who tells us he reigned both before and after 
his brother Kerimberdei, whom he eventually supplanted. He lived 
amidst constant difficulties. These difficulties are shared by the 
historian, who has now few dated coins to rely upon, and has a 

• Golden Horde, 375. Schiltberger, 90. Langles, loc. cit. t Soret, op. cit., 32. 

J Karamzin, v. 246. ( Golden Horde, 376. Karamzin, v. 246. J Soret, op. cit., 32. 


number of names of various Khans whom he finds it difficult to place, 
and who were doubtless rivals for the throne. Amidst this dearth of 
materials one can only make a tentative arrangement. Kibak struck 
coins at Astrakhan and Bulghari.* From their 'scarcity it is probable 
that he did not occupy the throne very long. It would seem that, like 
his brothers, he was at issue with Idiku, who set up Chekre in his place. 


Khuandemir names Jebbarberdei as the successor of Kibak, Abdul 
Ghassar, on the other hand, tells us both he and Kerimberdei died from 
the wounds they received in a single combat.t We have no coins of his, 
and merely the solitary statement by Karamzin, who calls him Jerem- 
ferdei, that he was in close alliance with the Lithuanians.t 


Chekre is said by Abdul Ghassar to have been a relative of Idiku's, but 
he probably belonged to the family of Urus Khan. The Bavarian 
traveller Schiltberger, who was in his service, tells us he had lived for 
some years at the courts of Miran Shah, and Abubekhr, the son and 
grandson of Timur. While there an embassy came to him from Idiku, 
asking him to return to the Kipchak. He accordingly did so, and was 
supplied by Abubekhr with a force of six hundred horsemen, to whom 
Schiltberger was attached. They travelled by way of Georgia to 
Shirvan, and thence to Derbend, Astrakhan, and a place called Setzulet 
(probably a corruption of Serai), where there were many Christians, who 
had a bishop. Their priests, he says, knew Latin, but read and chaunted 
their prayers in Tartar. They then went on to find Idiku. The latter 
set out on an excursion to Siberia, and Chekre and Schiltberger went 
with him. Our traveller calls Siberia, Ibissibur, and this is one of the 
earliest notices we have of the name. He tells us that in Siberia was a 
mountain two and thirty days long {i.e., the Urals), beyond which, 
according to the inhabitants, was an uninhabited waste reaching to the 
end of the world. In this mountain the people were wild, and lived 
apart from other nations, and only their hands and faces were free 
from hair. They hunted wild animals in the mountains, and also 
ate leaves and grass, and whatever they met with. The ruler of the 
country sent Idiku a wild man and woman who had been captured there, 
also a wild horse not larger than an ass, and other animals. In that 
land (/.^., Siberia), he says, there were also dogs who drew carts and 

* Soret, op. citi, 33. t Langles, 388. I Ktrtin<in, v. 247. 


sledges, containing furs and cloths. These dogs were as big as asses, 
and were also used as food. The people who lived there were called 
Ugine {i.e.., Ugri). When a young unmarried person among them died, 
they dressed him in his best clothes, held a feast, put the corpse on a 
bier, and raised a beautiful canopy over it. This they carried in pro- 
cession. In front went the young people in their best clothes, and 
behind the father and mother and other relatives, raising lamentations. 
They carried the eatables and drinkables to the edge of the grave, where 
they held a funeral feast, the young folk sitting round eating and 
drinking and the relatives wailing. The latter were afterwards accom- 
panied home. In that land men ate no bread, nor had they any corn but 
only beans. These facts Schiltberger reports came within his own 
observation.* We must now on again with our story. 

Kerimberdei having been driven away,t Idiku, we are told, put his 
protege Chekre on the throne, as he had promised. His reign 
lasted for nine months. He and Idiku were then attacked by Ulugh 
Muhammed, Chekre fled to Desht Kipchak, and Idiku was made 
prisoner.^ Chekre's coins are dated in 817 and 818 {i.e., 1415-16), 
and were struck at Bulghari, Astrakhan, and the Ordu. If, as Von 
Hammer suggests, Kibak be the same person whom the Russian 
chroniclers call Kuidat or Kuidadat, as is very probable, then it would 
seem that Ulugh Muhammud's war against Chekre was in support of the 
dispossessed Kibak, and was in fact in favour of the family of Toktamish 
as against that of Urus Khan. This is favoured by the fact that Chekre 
is found in alliance with Idiku, the enemy of Toktamish and his 
descendants, while we find Kuidat the object of resentment to Borrak, 
the representative of the house of Urus Khan in the Eastern Kipchak. 


Abdul Ghassar and Khuandemir make Chekre be succeeded by Seyid 
Ahmed, to whom we shall revert in the next chapter. He seems to have 
been a boy, for the former writer says he had no experience in ruUng, 
and was deposed after only forty-five days' rule.§ 


At this time we meet with another Khan named Derwish, who is made 
the successor of Seyid by Khuandemir and Abdul Ghassar. His coins are 
not unfrequent. They are also found minted in several places, as Astrakhan, 

* Op. cit., ed. Neumann, 88-go. 
t Schiltberger tells us Kibak regained the throne, but he only kept it for a short time. 
IW., 91. Golden Horde, 377. J Langles, 389. 


Serai, Bulghari, Ordu, and an uncertain locality, Bing Bazar.* His dates 
are very corrupt and uncertain. They seem to range from 805 to 822, but 
the matter is very doubtful. He is called the son of Alchi Khan by 
De la Croix.t It is strange that, with the wide authority which 
his various mint places show he had, that we should know so little of his 
history. It is not improbable that, like Chekre, he was a member of the 
family of Urus Khan. 


As I read the authorities, Kibak or Kuidat, the protegi of Ulugh 
Muhammed, still lived, aud he seems now to have again occupied the 
throne of the Western Kipchak, In the Eastern Kipchak or the 
country of the White Horde, Koirijak was dead, and his place was 
occupied by his son Borrak. In 1422 he marched against Kibak or 
Kuidat, as he is called, defeated him, and laid siege to the town o^ 
Odoyef, but did not take it. The next year Kibak returned with a fresh 
army and attacked the same town. He captured many prisoners, but 
these were retaken by the Russian Prince Yuri Romanovitch of Odoyef 
and the voivode of Mzensk. He made another attack some time after, 
but was severely beaten and apparently killed by Yuri and a contingent 
sent by the Lithuanian Vitut, and both his wives were taken prisoners 
and carried off, one to Lithuania and the other to Moscow.! 


We now find the Khanate dominated by Ulugh Muhammed Khan, who 
was a patron of the family of Toktamish and himself belonged to the 
family of Tuka Timur, as I shall show in a future chapter.§ M. Soret 
says that a coin of the collection Pflug, struck at Astrakhan in 822 
{i.e., in 1419), shows that Muhammed was then reigning. || In 1424 we find 
him attacked and defeated by Borrak. The account of what followed 
is contained in an interesting passage from the work of Abderresak, 
quoted by Von Hammer. 


That historian of Timur and his son Shahrokh, in an extract given by 
Von Hammer, says that, having in 1424 defeated Muhammed Khan and 
possessed himself of the command of the Uzbegs, Borrak the following 

* Soret, op. cit., 32. t Journ. Asiat., 4th ser., xvii. 119. J Golden Horde, 382. 

{ Sub. voc, Kazan. || Op. cit., 3a. % Golden Horde, 378. ♦• 378. 

I M 


year demanded from Ulughbeg, the governor of Turkestan, the surrender 
of Sighnak, the old capital of the White Horde, which had been incor- 
porated by Timur with his dominions. Arslan Khoja, the Terkhan who 
governed at Sighnak, reported that the messengers of Borrak had com- 
mitted some depredations in the neighbourhood. Their demands were 
submitted by Ulughbeg to his father Shahrokh, then Khan of Jagatai, as 
heir to the dominions of Timur. The demand was met by preparationg 
for war. Shahrokh sent an army to his son's assistance, commanded by 
another of his sons named Muhammed Choki. They set out for 
Samarkand on the 15th of February, 1427. Meanwhile Ulughbeg set 
out with his own troops towards Sighnak, and was soon joined by his 
brother with the army of Khorassan. The battle field was very hillocky 
and ill-adapted for a cavalry struggle. When the armies drew near to 
one another it was seen that the troops of Borrak were superior. He 
would not, however, risk an open fight, says the chronicler, but had 
recourse to a ruse. Collecting his men, he made a sudden rush with 
them altogether. The right and left wings of Ulughbeg's army were 
overthrown, the centre was shaken, and eventually the whole army took 
to flight. They were pursued to the very walls of Samarkand, and the 
rich and beautiful country of Transoxiana and Turkestan was terribly 
ravaged, the victors retiring with a rich booty. 

It would seem that during the absence of Borrak in the East, 
Muhammed regained a temporary authority in the Western Kipchak. 
He was soon driven away again by Devlet Berdi.* 


Devlet Berdi is made a son of Tash Timur by Khandemir,t but it 
seems more probable that he was a son of Toktamish and the brother of 
the other princes whose names were compounded with Berdi. According 
to Schiltberger, he only reigned for three days.+ He issued coins, however, 
at New Serai and Astrakhan.§ The only one known to me with a date 
was struck in 831 (/.^., 1427-28). || He was displaced by Borrak Khan, 
who was afterwards defeated and killed by Muhammed. This defeat took 
place in the year 831 of the hejira.^ According to M. Soret, no coins of 
Borrak are known, proving what little hold he can have had on the 
towns of the Khanate. 


We now meet with another son of Toktamish with the name of 
Kadirberdi. He struck a coin at Bulghari, published by Fraehn.** He 

* Schiltberger, 91. t Joum. Asiat., 4th ser.. xvii. 119. I Op. cit., gi. 

§ Soret, 32. I Friehn Res., 395- 11 Golden Horde, 383. ** Res., 385. 


is not named by Khuandemir, but we are elsewhere told that, having 
refused to acknowledge Idiku, the latter marched against him and killed 
him. According to one account Idiku was also killed in the struggle, 
while another makes him be drowned in the Sihun.* 

ULUGH MUHAMMED (restored). 

Muhammed again found an opportunity and mounted the throne. 
Chekre, the patron of Schiltberger, who it seems was still living, marched 
against him, but was also slain,t and Muhammed was for a while the 
master of the Kipchaks. 

We must now make a long digression to bring up the narrative of 
events in Russia to this point. The latter years of the reign of Vasili 
were spent for the greater part in peace with his neighbours. We find 
him sending some troops to assist the Lithuanians against the Livonian 
knightSjt and having a passing brush with the Swedes, § but otherwise 
Great Russia was tolerably tranquil. It was, however, again ravaged by 
the plague, which was apparently a form of cholera, and which was more 
or less chronic from 1352 to 1427, and destroyed a great number of 
people. To avert this terrible attack various methods were employed, 
churches were built, wealth was devoted to charity, and at Pskof the 
distressed people burnt twelve witches. II 141 9 was iharked by a thick 
snow which prevented the seed from being sown, and which was 
succeeded by a famine lasting three years, and this by the terrible winter 
of 1422. Hearing that there were stores of grain at Pskof, the people of 
Novgorod, Tuer, Moscow, the Chudes, and Carelians hastened there, 
and soon caused a dearth, and the fugitives were driven back again. 
Novgorod and Moscow were devastated by fires. In 1421 a large part 
of Novgorod and nineteen monasteries were overwhelmed in an inun- 
dation ; terrible hurricanes, falls of aeroUtes, and the great comet of 7420,^ 
which the Italians believed foretold the death of John Galeas, Duke of 
Milan, seemed to be a warning that the end of all things was at hand. It 
was amidst these evil days that Vasili died, on the 27th of February, 
1425, after a reign of thirty-six years. 

During his reign Nijni Novgorod,Suzdal,andMurom, some districts in the 
country of the Viatiches, formerly belonging to Chernigof, such as Torussa, 
Novossil, Kozelsk, Peremysl ; and others, such as Beyetski-Verkh, and 
Vologda, belonging to Novgorod, were added to the Grand Principality, 
while the republic of Viatka was practically subjected to his authority ; 
but he made no marked inroad upon the Tartars, whose government was 
breaking to pieces, nor could he recover for Russia those fair Western 

* Golden Horde, 384. t Schiltberger, 91. I Karamzin, v. 24S. S fd., ajot 

II Id, 3S6. ^ ? 1492. See 


and Southern provinces which were ruled by his father-in-law Vitut, the 
master of the neighbouring and much larger empire of Lithuania. By 
his will he left his infant son Vasili the title of Grand Prince, and 
the various domains he had received from his father, together with 
his own acquisitions. It is strange to read the list of this private 
property, including the principalities of Nijni Novgorod and Murom, the 
mill at Khodinka, a house at the gate of Barovitsk, and another beyond 
the gate near Saint Vladimir, a cap of gold, a superb collar, the cross of 
the patriarch Philotheus, a stone vase sent by Vitut, a crystal cup 
presented by Yagellon, &c. To his wife he left Tiis other property 
for life, and inter alia he left each of his five daughters five 
slaves or serfs.* By a treaty which he made with the Prince of 
Riazan, and which was dated in 1403, the Oka was fixed as their 
common boundary. He ceded the town of Tula to him, and that prince 
in return promised to live at peace with the princes of Torussa and 
Novossil, vassals of the Grand Prince, who were probably Tartars. 

Vasili, when the Emperor Manuel of Constantinople was terribly 
harassed by the Ottomans, sent him a welcome supply of money, and the 
grateful Kaiser married his son John Palaeologos to Anne, the daughter 
of Vasili, who however died three years later from the plague.t During 
a large part of Vasili's reign Cyprian was metropohtan, and he ruled the 
Church with firmness and prudence, and was also famous for his 
learning. Inter alia we are told he had the satisfaction of converting 
three Mongol nobles, named Bakhti, Khidir, and Mamat, who were 
baptised with great pomp on the banks of the Moskwa, in the presence 
of the Grand Prince and his court. The three neophytes received the 
names of Ananias, Azarias, and Misael. Cyprian died in 1406,^ and was 
succeeded by Photius, a Greek from the Morea, who was skilled in 
the Slave tongue, but who was avaricious, and thought more of the 
worldly than the spiritual wants of the Church, and engaged in quarrels 
and litigation with the grandees. He was in consequence unpopular. 
Although hving at Moscow, the metropolitans were styled metropolitans 
of Kief, the old mother city of the Russian empire, whence they drew a 
considerable income. This position kept up a close bond of union with 
the Southern provinces now under the Lithuanians, not at all to the taste 
of Vitut, who was a Roman Catholic. Cyprian had conciliated him by 
living a long time at Kief, and otherwise ; but Photius, who was a 
bigoted Greek, refused to make any visitation of the Southern provinces, 
although he insisted on them sending him his proper dues. Vitut 
persuaded the Southern bishops to address a remonstrance to Photius, 
and on the refusal of the patriarch at Constantinople, who was the 
latter's friend, to consecrate a fresh metropolitan, these Southern bishops 
repaired to Novgorod in Lithuania, and having issued a famous pro- 

I Karanasin, r. 264. t Id., 267. I Id,, li/j'Zji. 


clamation to the people, proceeded themselves to consecrate Gregory 
Tsamblak as their hierarch. In this proclamation, signed by the 
archbishop of Polotsk and Lithuania and the bishops of Chernigof, Lutsk, 
Vladimir, Smolensk, Kholm, and Turof, and in which they call Vitut the 
hospodar of Lithuania, they recite how Photius refused to visit them or 
govern them, and was only engaged in amassing wealth and robbing 
Kief of the ornaments of its churches. They recite also that from early 
times the bishps had had the right of electing a metropolitan, and had in 
fact in the reign of Isiaslaf consecrated Clement ; that Bulgaria and 
Servia, less important countries than " Little Russia," had their own 
metropolitans; that it was not the patriarch of Constantinople who 
nominated the metropolitan but the Emperor, whence had arisen many 
abuses, &c. The whole document is interesting to those who study 
ecclesiastical changes. The election took place on the 15th of 
November, 1415. 

Photius protested in vain. His rival, zealous for religion and for 
learning, made an effort to join the churches of the East and West, and 
journeyed to Rome and Constantinople, but the attempt was fruitless. He 
died in 1419, and was succeeded as Southern metropolitan by Gerassim, 
bishop of Smolensk.* 

For the first time since the days of Yaroslaf the Great, we find the 
Russian sovereign issuing a set of laws ; at least no intervening ones are 
extant. These were issued for the people of the Dwina in 1397. The 
usual feudal method of paying fines for various offences is carried out. 
Some of the clauses are curious. No one was to interfere with a quarrel 
at a feast which terminated on the spot, but if it was prolonged the 
Grand Prince's representative was to receive a marten's fur ; labourers 
removing landmarks were to be fined a sheep or its equivalent ; promises 
made under durance were void ; thieves, when caught, were to be marked 
{i.e., branded) ; those taking the law into their own hands or assisting 
criminals to escape were to be fined; no lord of a serf was to be 
responsible for killing him by inadvertence, whipping him until he 
died, &c. The merchants of the Dwina were to have free trade with 
the Grand Principality, paying only to the Grand Prince's deputies at 
Ostiugh and Vologda a tax of two measures of salt for each boat and two 
furs (?) for each cart. 

During the reign of Vasili, Novgorod and Pskof began to imi- 
tate Moscow and introduced a metal coinage in place of the old 
system of paying by skins. In his reign the Russians also began 
to date their years from the Creation, and to make September 
instead of March the beginning of the year as formerly. This 
was doubtless an innovation of Cyprian's, in imitation of the Greeks. 
Meanwhile the arts made some progress although the Germans 

* KanunziOi'v. 273-378. 


of Dorpat prevented their artisans from entering Russia and other- 
wise hindered its progress. Simeon the Black, the monk Prokhor, 
and Daniel of Gorodetz are named as famous painters at this period, and 
we are told that in 1420 the method of preparing lead for roofing 
churches was introduced at Pskof * In 1404 the first clock that struck 
was erected at Moscow. It was made by a Servian monk of Mount 
Athos and was put up in a pubhc place. It was deemed a prodigy. In 
a letter addressed by the metropohtan Photius in 1410 to the Archbishop 
of Novgorod, we have some curious details of the times, those who were 
united in marriage without the usual benediction were excommunicated. 
Marriages were to be celebrated after mass and not at night. Only 
young people who had no children were to marry a third time. Girls of 
less than twelve years were forbidden to marry. Oaths and obscenities 
were condemned. Nuns and monks were forbidden to live in the same 
monasteries. The clergy were forbidden to trade or to practise usury, 
&c.t But on surveying the period we cannot avoid the conclusion that 
progress was well nigh impossible so long as Muscovy was tightly held 
all round her borders in the grip of strong and barbarous powers, who 
closed every inlet into the country and created an isolation scarcely 
paralleled in history. We must remember that she had at this time no 
seaboard at all, that no traveller could enter her borders or leave them 
without crossing more or less hostile territory, and that she was 
absolutely cut off from all knowledge of the renaissance in the West and 
limited for teachers to the crystallised and mumified ecclesiastical caste 
which dominated the church of Byzantium. 

Vasili was succeeded by his son Vasili, a boy ten years old. He is 
well known in history as Vasili the Blind. From the first his uncle Yuri 
or George, who wished to revive the old form of succession, refused to 
submit to him. He had retired to Galitch, and when he heard of his 
nephew's enthronement he collected an army, but dared not face that of the 
latter and fled beyond the Sura. He then proposed an armistice for a 
year. Vasili sent Photius, the metropolitan, to treat with him, and when 
he ventured to intimidate him by the presence of a crowd of the people 
of his own appanage, the proud prelate reminded him that peasants were 
not soldiers and shirts were not cuirasses. The result of the mission was 
that Yuri agreed to forego his claims until the matter had been decided by 
the Khan of the Tartars.^ Meanwhile the plague again ravaged Russia, 
several princes perished both at Tuer and Moscow. This was in 1426 
and again in 1431. In 1430 there was a great drought followed by 
famine. Thus was the new reign inaugurated with sad omens. In 1426 
the redoubtable Vitut, who deemed no doubt that Russia was now in 
weak hands, besieged Apochka, in the district of Pskof, with an army of 
Bohemians, Wallachians, and of Tartars, furnished by the Klian 

* Karunzin, v. 284. t Id., 286. I Id,, 290<a94' 


Muhammed. The citizens having dug a large hole and planted stakes in 
it, covered it with a bridge hung on cords, and posted themselves behind 
their wall. Into this ambush the Lithuanians fell, many of them were 
killed, while those who were taken prisoners were burnt alive. Having 
withdrawn his army it was overtaken with a terrible hurricane which was 
deemed a visitation of heaven, and Vitut the more readily agreed to make 
peace on condition of the Pskofians paying a sum of 1,450 silver roubles. 
Two years later he marched through the marshy district called the 
Black Forest to punish the Novgorodians, who given up to luxury and 
confident that they were safe among their marshes, treated his threats 
with contumely, and sent him word they were preparing hydromel for 
bim. An advance guard of 10,000 men with axes cut their way through 
the forest, a corduroy road was then made by laying the trunks of 
trees side by side, and marching over it Vitut proceeded to besiege 
Porkof. His largest cannon had been made for him by a German work- 
man and was drawn by forty horses. One shot from this cannon 
knocked down a tower as well as the wall of the church of Saint 
Nicholas, but it eventually burst and killed many Lithuanians including 
the man who had made it. The town at length offered 5,000 roubles for 
peace. The people of Novgorod made similar advances, and the prudent 
Vitut contented himself with exacting a sum of 10,000 roubles, and 1,000 
more as a ransom for his prisoners, a price which taxed the powers of 
the Novgorodians.* 

Vitut, who was now eighty years old, made his grandson Vasili 
promise not to meddle with the affairs of Novgorod and Pskof, and he 
in 1429 invited him to go and see him. He was, no doubt, the most 
powerful monarch in Europe, and at this time there were assembled at 
his court such a series of notables as were seldom collected. There were 
the Princes of Tuer, Riazan, Odoef, and Mazof, the khan of the Taurida 
or of Krim, who had now become independent ; Ilia, the exiled hospodar 
of Wallachia, the ambassador of the Greek Emperor, the grand master 
of the Prussian Knights, the grand commander of those of Livonia, and 
Yagellon, the king of Poland. They vied with each other in their 
display, and were magnificently entertained. Each day there were con- 
sumed seven hundred casks of hydromel, besides beer and the wine of 
Roumania ; while among the eatables furnished by his kitchens were 
700 cows and heifers, 1,400 sheep, 100 buffaloes (probably bisons), and as 
many elks and wild boars. The feast lasted for seven weeks. Vitut, 
following the counsel of the Emperor Sigismund, with whom he had an 
interview in 1429, wished to have himself crowned King of Lithuania by 
the Pope's legate ; but this was opposed by the Polish grandees, whose 
kingdom would be overshadowed, and as they were supported by the 
legate, they had their way. Sigismund probably intended to separate the 

♦ Ka^^nuin, V. 298, 


interests of Poland and Lithuania, and to make the two countries attack 
each other* Vitut was irritated at the turn of affairs. He fell ill and 
died. This was in 1429. He was a crafty and powerful statesman, 
abstemious and open-handed, unscrupulous and ambitious. His reign 
was the apogee of Lithuarian greatness, which fell to pieces rapidly in 
the hands of his successors. He was succeeded by Suidrigailo, the 
brother of Yagellon. Let us now return to the Tartars. 

For some years they had not had much intercourse with Russia. In 
1426 they made a raid on Riazan, and three years later a body of them 
from Kazan, commanded by a tzarevitch and a prince, ravaged the 
towns of Galitch, Kostroma, Plesso, and Lug. They were attacked by 
the people of Riazan, and made to disgorge their booty. The 
tzarevitch was pursued by the uncles of the Grand Prince as far as Nijni, 
while his rear guard was cut to pieces by the Prince of Starodub. In 
the autumn of 1430, a Tartar prince, named Haidar, entered Lithuania, 
and laid siege to Mtsensk. The town resisted for three weeks. Its 
governor, Gregory Protassief, trusting to the promises of Haidar, went to 
his camp, where he was made prisoner, and sent on to the Khan 
Muhammed, who honourably released him, and reprimanded Haidar.J 
About this time the Russian prince, Feodor Pestri, made a raid upon 
Eastern Bulgaria and the country of the Kama.§ It was now six years 
since the treaty between Vasili and Yuri, by which it was agreed that 
their claims to the Grand Principahty should be remitted for decision to 
the khan of the Tartars. In 1428, by a fresh treaty, each of them agreed 
to retain his own territory; but in 1431, Yuri, having attacked his 
nephew, the latter proposed to appeal to Muhammed, who was then khan. 
This was agreed to, and both princes set out. Both arrived together at 
the camp of Minkulad, the Daruga, who was stationed at Moscow. || 
He was a friend and strong partisan of Vasili ; but Yuri found a champion 
in Tegin Murza (the Teguinia of Karamzin), who took him with him to 
pass the winter in the Krim, and promised to secure him the Grand 
Principality. Ivan Dimitrovitch, an active boyard of Vasili, aroused the 
jealousy of the other grandees against Tegin, who, he said, would end by 
dominating over Russia and Lithuania, and displacing the authority of the 
khan. The jealousy of Haidar, Minkulad, and the other grandees was 
aroused, and they so worked upon the Khan Muhammed that he pro- 
mised to put Tegin- to death if he should declare for Yuri. 

On the arrival of the latter with his patron at the Horde, Muhammed 
assembled a court to decide the question, over which he presided him- 
self. Vasili urged the recent rule of succession which had been adopted 
by the Muscovite princes. Yuri appealed to the ancient rule and to the 

♦ Karamzin, v. 300. t Id., 301. ; Id., 303. Golden Horde, 383. 

% Karamzin, v. 304. 
Golden Horde, 384. Karamzin calls him Bulak, and styles him a baskak. 



will of Dimitri Donski, in which he was named the successor of Vasili 
the elder. The astute boyard whom I have mentioned then approached 
the throne, and asked the Khan not to consider these precedents, but to 
decide, as he had the power to do, according to his own wish ; and he 
further urged him to confirm the will of the late sovereign, who had 
nominated his son as his successor. Muhammed decided in favour of 
Vasili, and, according to Asiatic custom, he ordered Yuri to hold the 
horse's bridle for his nephew, which the latter, however, magnanimously 
refused to allow him to do.* Meanwhile, Kuchuk Muhammed, of whom 
we shall have much to say presently, began his rebellion against the 
Khan, and Tegin seized the opportunity, and secured for his protege the 
towns of Swenigorod, Rusi, Wishogorod, and Dmitrof.t On their 
return to Russia, Ulan, the Khan's deputy, enthroned Vasili as Grand 
Prince at Moscow, at the golden gate of the Church of the Virgin. 
Hitherto this ceremony had been performed at Vladimir. The latter 
town continued, however, to be named before Moscow in the titles of the 
grand princes.* 

The decision of the Khan did not settle matters in Russia. The 
boyard Ivan, who had served Vasili so well, wished to insist upon 
his marrying his daughter ; and, on his refusing to do so, and 
marrying Maria, the daughter of Yaroslaf and grand-daughter of 
Vladimir the Brave, he left the court, determined upon vengeance, and 
joined Yuri at Galitch. Yuri's two sons, Vasili the Squinter and 
Shemiaka, had gone to Moscow to attend the Grand Prince's wedding. 
The former wore a famous golden girdle, enriched with diamonds, which 
had belonged to Dimitri Donski, but had been surreptitiously changed for 
one of inferior value by one of the grandees, and, after passing from hand 
to hand, had reached those of its present wearer. Sophia, the mother 
of the Grand Prince, having been told of this, had it publicly seized, 
and the two young princes, naturally much vexed, left the court and 
went to join their father. By the persuasion of these fugitives Yuri 
having collected an army, suddenly attacked Vasili, .made him 
prisoner, and overran Muscovy. By the advice of one of his boyards 
named Simeon Morozof, he granted Kolomna to his nephew as an 
appanage and seated himself at Moscow. But the boyards there were 
not willing to see the new rule of succession thus rudely set aside^ 
" Public opinion," says Mr. Kelly, " disarmed as it was, yet stronger than 
a victor, neutralised his victory ; priests, people, nobles, all disavowed 
him. The entire population of the great Moscow followed the lineal 
heir into his banishment ; the conqueror, struck with dismay, remained 
alone ; and, vanquished by this terrific insulation, he descended from ^is 
solitary throne, and restored it to the legitimate heir."§ ^ Yuri's two sons 

• Karamzin, v. 304-307. t Golden Horde. 386. \ Karamxin, v. 30S. 

S Op. cit., i. 97. 

I N 


avenged themselves on their father's adviser Morozof by assassinating 
him. Vasili returned to his capital in triumph, the vast crowd of people, 
in the quaint words of the old annalists, " surging about him like bees 
about their queen,"* but his triumph was short-lived. Pusillanimity 
seemed to control his council, and Yuri, having continued the struggle 
notwithstanding his promises, successfully contended against his armies, 
again occupied Moscow, and captured Vasili's mother and wife, while 
the latter fled successively to Mologa, Kostroma, and Nijni Novgorod. 
Yuri, having taken the title of Grand Prince, almost immediately after 
died, at the age of sixty. In his will, which had apparently been made 
in his days of comparative obscurity, he had not provided for the new 
state of things. He merely divided his own appanage, and ordered his 
sons to contribute 1,026 roubles towards the tribute of 7,000 roubles 
which the Grand Prince had to pay to the horde. 

Vasili the Squinter, notwithstanding, had himself proclaimed his 
father's successor, but his brothers refused to acknowledge him, and 
drove him away from Moscow. They were duly rewarded by Vasili 
Vasilovitch, who was once more seated on the throne, Shemiaka 
receiving as his portion Uglitch and Kief.t The Squinter took up arms 
and ravaged the borders of Muscovy and the principality of Novgorod, 
and the Grand Prince, who suspected his brother Shemiaka's fidelity, 
had him seized and imprisoned at Moscow. In a struggle which ensued 
between the two Vasilis ; the son of Vasili captured his rival the Squinter 
and had his eyes put out, and he passed the remainder of his life in 
obscurity. Shemiaka was released and restored to his appanage, on con- 
dition of his returning the treasures which his father had carried off from 
Moscow.! Soon after the Qrand Prince punished the temerity of the 
Novgorodians, who had imposed a tribute of 50,000 squirrel and 240 
sable skins on Ustiughe, a dependency of Muscovy, by himself com- 
pelling a payment of 8,000 roubles. 

Meanwhile the Russians continued to pay their tribute regularly to the 
Tartar Khan Muhammed. The latter's reign at Serai was, however, 
drawing to a close. I have mentioned how he was troubled with 
a rival named Kuchuk Muhammed, or Little Muhammed. The latter 
now {i.e., in the year 1437) finally drove him away from his capital. 
Ulugh Muhammed sought refuge in Russia, where he expected to be well 
received by Vasili. He was, on the contrary, ordered to leave the 
country immediately. The Russians prepared an army to enforce this 
order, but with a most craven disposition it broke to pieces and fled 
at the sight of the very inferior forces possessed by Muhammed ; so 
inferior that he could not follow them up, but deemed it wiser to retire. 
He crossed the land of the Mordvins into Bulgaria, which had been 
terribly ravaged by the Russians in 1399, There he rebuilt the city of 

• Karamiin, v. 314. t li., zif. 1 Id., 321. 

NOTES. 283 

Kazan and became the founder of a separate empire, known as the 
Khanate of Kazan, on which a separate chapter will follow. 

We are told that Ulugh Muhammed had wearied out his people by his 
continual migrations. He had so dragged his court from place to 
place that they had no leisure in which to sow or reap their harvest, and 
there had been great scarcity of grain among them.* Driven away 
from Serai, the family of Tuka Timur continued to rule both at Kazan 
and in the Krim, under which heads their future fortunes are traced out. 

Note I. — The land occupied by the White Horde is one of the least 
known parts of Asia, Once dotted with flourishing towns, these have long 
since, for the most part, disappeared, and are now marked merely by ruins 
or mounds. As the country has been little explored, we can only in a few 
cases fix the sites of the old settlements. 

It would seem that the land of the White Horde was conterminous largely 
with that occupied by the Oghuz Turks of the Arab writers. Thus it included 
the lower Jaxartes and the valley through which it flows, the western part of 
the Alexandrofski range, the valley of the Sarisu, the Ulugh Tagh and Kuchuk 
Tagh mountains, and the present camping ground of the Middle Horde of the 
Kirghiz Kazaks. Its boundary on the east, where it was conterminous with 
the Khanate of Jagatai, is very uncertain. Von Hammer enumerates Sighnak, 
Otrar, and Taras as its chief towns.t and we find that in Ssanang Setzen the 
(jolden Horde is spoken of as the Khanate of Togmak, which name it doubt- 
less derived from the town of Togmak on the Chu. This seems to show what 
is otherwise probable, that it included all the valley of the Chu, a famous river 
which loses itself, after a considerable flow, in the sands of Karakum. On the 
north it was apparently limited by the Khanate of Sheiban, which we shall 
describe in a later chapter, on the west by the Horde of Batu, on the south-east 
by the Alexandrofski mountains, and on the south-west by the deserts of 
Kizil kum, which separated it from Khuarezm. 

As I have said, this country is at present singularly unexplored. Once it 
was no doubt a very thriving region. We have reason to believe that the Chu 
once rose in lake Issikul and flowed into the Caspian, and that the Talas and the 
Sari Su were its tributaries. Its banks were thickly peopled, and its borders 
irrigated with artificial canals. The district was traversed, too, by the great 
highway which in Mongol times connected the East and West, and was then 
much frequented. We can only throw a partial light on the topographical 
riddles that meet us at every turn. First let us consider this trade route. 

The problem of tracing out some of the vaguely described journeys of 
ancient travellers is much faciUtated by certain physical features which limit 
our hypotheses very considerably. Oceans cannot be crossed without ships, 

• Von Hammer, Golden Horde, 346. t Golden Horde, 329, 


nor high mountain ranges by large armies except at certain passes. This is 
familiar enough, but it is hardly as familiar that deserts are almost as 
impassable as oceans, and that we cannot therefore hypothecate a direct march 
from one point to another unless we know the nature of the intervening 
country. It is the necessity of avoiding physical barriers that makes ancient 
trade routes in the East so persistent; perhaps more persistent than any 
human institutions. The great trade route from China to Persia, which was 
travelled by Chinese as well as Western travellers, led by all accounts along 
the northern slopes of the Alexandrofski range and by the road which still 
remains the only route from Togmak to Avlie Ata. It is well delineated in 
Colonel Walker's capital map of Central Asia. In traversing this district it 
crosses the very numerous head streams of the Chu, which spread out like a 
fan, and form the well known Ming Bulak or thousand springs, to which I 
shall presently refer. Between Togmak and Avlie Ata its course is pretty 
nearly east and west, and is bounded on the south by the impenetrable 
Alexandrofski mountains. 

At Avlie Ata the mountain range is broken by a gorge through which flows 
the river Talas or Taras. This gorge forms one of the most important passes 
in the world; the pass which connects Iran and Turun, and by which it is 
probable that many of the earlier nomadic invaders of Persia entered the 
valley of the Jaxartes. This important site, now marked by the town of Avlie 
Ata, was formerly the meeting place of two distinct trade routes. One of 
them has been almost discontinued, and formerly led westwards along the 
northern slopes of the mountains towards the sea of Aral. The Uzbegs and 
other nomades have swept away its towns and made it otherwise imprac- 
ticable. The other route is still frequented, and goes through the gorge to the 
south-west to Chimkend. From the fact of two great roads meeting there, and 
from the fact also of its being the only feasible trade route across the 
mountains, the gorge I have referred to must always have been a very 
important station, and it is, I believe, universally held now that in former times 
it was commanded by the town of Taras, and that Taras occupied a site not far 
from the modern Avlie Ata. 

"Avlie Ata owes its name," says Mr. Schuyler, " to the tomb of the patron saint 
of the.Khirghiz, Avlie Ata (holy father), said to have been a certain Kara Khan, 
and a descendant of the Sheikh Ahmed Yasavi, who is buried at Turkestan. 
The tomb itself, which is an ordinary brick building, is in a woful state of 
dilapidation, and is by no means as interesting as the similar monument 
erected over the grave of Assa bibi, some female relation of Kara Khan, which 
can be seen on the road side, ten miles west of the town. Ten miles below 
Avlie Ata on the Talas, amidst the sands of the Muyun Kum, are the ruins of 
what was apparently a city called by the natives Tiume Kent," which the 
author adds, "may perhaps prove to be those of the city of Talas." Tradition 
says that a maiden once lived there who was beloved by the prince of the 
Divs, giant spirits who dwelt in the neighbouring mountains. In order to 
prepare a fit residence for her, this Div began to build a city, and for that 
purpose threw down immense stones from the mountain of Makbal. The city 
was never finished, but its remains are still visible, called by the natives 

NOTES. 285 

Akhyr tash (Akhyr tepe) or Tash kurgan. The legend may be absurd, but the 
ruins, which are about thirty miles east of Avlie Ata,* are very curious. They 
consist of an immense unfinished building, 600 feet by 450 feet, of reddish sand- 
stone, the lower layer of the front being built of large stones, 7 feet long by 
4 feet broad. M. Lerch,who investigated the river, thinks it was intended for a 
Buddhist monastery. The scattered stones are supposed by the natives to 
have been mangers or feeding troughs for an encampment, and hence the 
name Akhyr tash (stone manger). The Chinese traveller Chang Chun, who 
passed here in 122 1, says, "We travelled westwards along the hills, and after 
seven or eight days journey the mountains suddenly turned to the south. We 
saw a city built of red stone, and there are the traces of an ancient encamp- 
ment. To the west we saw great grave moulds, placed like the stars in the 
Great Bear." These mounds also still exist, and from a short distance they 
indeed appear to be seven, disposed like the seven stars of the Great Bear. 
In reality, however, there are sixteen mounds of different sizes, the largest 
being two hundred to two hundred and fifty paces in circumference. They are 
called by the Kirghiz Jitte teptS or the seven mounds. On one of these M. 
Lerch found a stone bearing a Manchu inscription, relative to a victory of the 
Chinese over the Sungars in 1758.1 

Having shown that there are abundant ruins to satisfy those who wish to 
have proofs of the former existence in this neighbourhood of a large city, we 
will now pass on to collect such notices of it as we can find. I propose to 
begin my short survey of this difficult area with Taras or Talas, as it is 
oftener called. This is probably one of the oldest sites in the world. Edrisi 
writes the name Taran, and I would suggest as possible that the name Taran, 
the complement of Iran, is connected with it, for Taras commands the main 
pass which leads from Iran into Central Asia. It first occurs in the pages of 
Menander Protector, who wrote towards the end of the sixth century, and 
who, in describing the embassy of Zemarchus to the Turkish Khan Dizabulus 
in the year 569, tells us that while the Khan was engaged in an expedition 
against the Persians, and while his camp was pitched at a place called Talas, 
an ambassador from the Persians went to meet Dizabulus, who invited him 
and the Romans to dinner.:!: 

About the year 729 Hiuen Thsang, the famous Chinese pilgrim, passed 
through Taras. He tells us that about 400 li west of the Su ye {i.f., the Chu), 
he arrived at Thsien thsiuen {i.e., the thousand springs answering to the 
Mingbulak of the Mongols). The country of Thsien thsiuen was about 200 li 
square. On the south it was bounded by snowy mountains, and on three other 
sides by continuous plains. The land was well watered and the vegetation 
abundant. . . . The Turkish Khan went there every year to pass the 
summer heats. After travelling about 14011 or 15011 to the west of Thsien 
thsiuen, he arrived at the town of Ta-lo-si.§ 

The thousand sources, called Thsien thsiuen or Ping yu by the Chinese, 
Mingbulak by the Mongols, and Bin gul by the Turks, is a name occurring in 

* He says above they were ten miles below Avlie Ata, and perhaps a different set of ruins is 
here meant. 

t Schuyler's Turkestan, ii. lai, iM. I Cathay and the Way Thither, clxv. 

§ Vivien St. Martin, Memoir on Hiuen Thsang's Travels, 18. 


several places, and meaning in effect a well watered country. T)iis Mingbulak 
which was bounded on the south by snowy mountains, was doubtless the 
district watered by the cluster of small rivers and torrents which form the 
head waters of the Chu, and the Talosi of the Buddhist traveller is no doubt 
Taras. In the Tang shu or history of the Tang dynasty, under the article Shi 
{i.e., Shash or Tashkend). We read of Ta-lo-sze as a city situated west of the 
river Sui ye (;>., the Chu).* 

In the travels of Chang chun, who visited Western Asia in 1221, and whose 
narrative is very confused, he mentions that four days after leaving Almaligh 
he arrived at the river Talasu molien (i.e., the Talas muren), a river which is 
described as deep and broad, coming from the east and cutting across the Yin 
shan mountains, and running in a north-western direction. To the south of 
the river were snow-covered mountains.f In the Si shi ki, describing Shang 
tis journey westwards in 1259, he tells us that he passed Ta la s^e, without 
mentioning whether it was a river or a town.J In the Si yu lu we are told 
that several hundred li to the west of Hu sze wo lu do, the capital of Kara 
Khitai, which last town was 400 li from K'u jan {i.e., Khojend), was the city 
Ta la sze.§ All these references point to one conclusion only, namely, to the 
Ta la sze of the Chinese being the Taras or Talas identified with Aviie Ata. 

Ishtakhri tells us Teraz was on the extreme border between the land of the 
Turks and Mussulmans, and that all about there were strong castles, called in 
general after Terez. The region of Islam extended as far as this spot.'l 

Let us now turn to the Western authorities. Edrisi calls the town Taran. 
He says it was a place of passage for the Mussulmans, who had established forti- 
fications there against the Khiziiji Turks with whom the Mussulmans were for 
the most part at war. When there was peace between them then there was 
an exchange of commodities in merchandise, cattle, furs, &c.^ This answers 
exactly to the frontier town of Avlie Ata, but the fact is made certain 
when we examine the route which he gives from Samarkand to Taran, which 
we can trace step by step to Isfidjab, now called Chimkent, whence it was 
three days' journey to Taran, with one intervening station at Badakh kath, 
between which and Taran was a wild country without inhabitants or 

In a work quoted by Quatremere as the Mesalek alabsar fi memalek alamsar, 
whose author was born in the year 700 and died in 749 hej., we are told it was 
tv/enty days' journey from Samarkand to Yanghi, and that Yanghi consisted 
of four towns, separated from each other by a distance of a fersenkh each. 
They all had distinct names, and were known as Yanghi, Yanghi baligh, 
Kanchuk, and In the Tarakhi Rashidi we read that Taras was called 
Yanghi by the Mongols, and that there were many people of Yanghi in Mavera 
un nehr who were called Yangelik. In the steppe of Yanghi, says its author, 
are found the remains of several cities, and of domes, minarets, and schools, 
but he adds, it is not known which of these ancient cities was Yanghi or what 

• Bretschneider, Notices of Mediceval Geography, &c., 59. 

t Bretschneider, Notes on Medisval Travellers, &c., 34. J M., 75. 

S Id., 114, 115. II Ishtakhri, published by Ousely as Ibn Haukal, 269. 

7 £drisi ed., Jaubert, ii. 208, 209. •" Id , 214. 

ft Quatremere Notices et Extracts, xiii. 224-226. 

NOTES. 287 

were the names of the others.* In the Geography of Heft Iklim we are told 
that Taras was formerly a celebrated town, then destroyed by the Uzbegs. Its 
environs, to which the name of Taras was given, were desert.t Baber and the 
Akbar Nameh seem to confuse Yanghi and Otrar, and Klaproth and others 
among modern writers have confused it with Yassy or Turkestan. 

Having fixed the site of Taras, let us now proceed further. There is a 
passage in the history of the Kara Khitai which has not hitherto been rightly 
explained. We are told that after the Gurkhan had conquered the country 
which he ruled over, he appointed governors from Kum kidjik (i.e., the desert 
of Kipchak) to Barsedjan, and from Taras to Tamdj (i.e., to Tamghadj or 
Taugas) answering to Uighuristan. 

Barsedjan has been a puzzle to most inquirers. Dr. Bretschneider says 
that Du Halde, in the map of China appended to his history of China in 1734, 
places Bersagian la haute or Sairam on the river Talas-J This name of 
Sairam reminds us that Mirkhond associates a Kara Sairam with Taras, and 
tells us it was a vast town, a day's journey from end to end, having forty gates, 
and inhabited by Mussulmans, and that it belonged to Kaidu.§ On turning 
to Edrisi we find him mentioning two Barsedjans ; Upper Barsedjan, remote 
from the neighbourhood we are describing, and Lower Barsedjan, a town 
surrounded with inhabitants and cultivated fields, and thirty-three miles from 
Taran or Taras. || Again, reporting the famous voyage made by the Arab Salam 
among the Turks in the ninth century, he tells us that in returning homewards 
from the East he came by way of Gharian, Barsedjan, and Taran to 
Samarkand.^ These extracts seem to show that Barsedjan was situated on the 
grand route to the East some thirty-three miles from Taran, which agrees very 
well with the site of the ruin of red stones mentioned by Mr. Schuyler, which 
he tells us was thirty miles east of Avlie Ata, and which he seems to have con- 
fused with other ruins some ten miles further down the Talas than Avlie Ata, 
as I have mentioned. On journeying eastwards from Taras the first important 
place met with is the fort of Togmak on the Chu. Mr. Schuyler says, •' The 
old town of Togmak, of which only undistinguishable ruins remain, was about 
fifteen miles above the present one, which is a small place with a Russian 
population of 800, and is on the site of a Khokandian fort captured in i860."** 
Togmak must have been of great importance in mediaeval times, for it gave a 
name to the Khanate of Kipchak. 

The name Togmak, as Dr. Schmidt says, was used by the Mongols to 
designate the Khanate of Kipchak. Ssanang Setzen, whose geography is not 
very clear, applies the name also to the empire of He calls Juchi 
" Khan of Togmak,"}^ and speaks of the ruler of Togmak in 1452 as a 
descendant of Juchi. §§ Abd el Razzak, in describing Timur's campaign in 
1391, calls the people of Kipchak Togmaks, and after their victory the soldiers 
of Timur sang a song in which they boasted of being the vanquishers of the 
Rubruquis, as I have mentioned, |||| having on his journey towards Kara- 

• Veliattiinof Zernof, op. cit., ii. 156.* t Quatremere, loc. cit. 

I Notices, Stc, 37. § Quatremere, Notices ct Extracts. U Op. cit., ii. 217. ^ /</., ii. 410. 
** /d., a. 126. It Op. cit., 87 and 383. Note, 4t. II/rf.,iii. i§ M. 165. nAnte.Sy. 


korum travelled southwards for eight days from certain alps or mountains, 
which were doubtless the Urtagh chain and its shoulders, arrived at a well 
watered and cultivated plain, bounded on the south by high mountains, and 
entered a town which the Saracens (i.e., the Muhammedans) called Kenchat, 
and which was watered by a large river which sprang in the mountains, and 
was lost eventually in the sands, and was six days' journey from Talas. 
Mr. Schuyler has identified Kenchat with Merke, and I followed him in so 
doing,* but I am now convinced that Togmak must have been the town other- 
wise called Kenchuk. The distance from Taras, as given by Rubruquis, suits 
it better than Merke, where Mr. Schuyler puts it, and it is further the con- 
verging point of the trade route along the north of the mountains and that 
east of the river Chu, which latter seems to have been followed by Rubruquis. 
Taras and Kenchuk are associated together several times by the Persian 
writers. Thus Rashid ud din speaks of the meadows of Talas and Kenchuk, 
and Haidar Razi talks of " the meadows of Talas and Kenchuk, which are 
commonly called Meske and Taraz." The two places were at each end of the 
well watered tract of Ming bulak, and the whole district was thus well described 
by its limiting towns. 

Kenchuk was apparently a new name given to the town after the Mongol 
conquest, for I do not meet with it before. It is in form similar to Seraichuk, 
and may be a corruption of Kent or Kend, a town, and Kuchuk, small. 

Having examined the topography of the country east of Taras, let us now 
turn to that west of that city. Here, unfortunately, we have but scant 
information. The road followed by nearly all travellers was through the gorge 
at Avlie Ata, and down upon the Jaxartes by Chimkent, a route which is well 
known. For information as to the road westwards along the northern flanks 
of the Alexandrofski range, we are in fact limited to one writer, namely, the 
Armenian royal traveller Haithon. He went to visit Mangu, as I have men- 
tioned, and travelled from Cilicia by way of the Kipchak. It would seem that 
it was his intention to return by the same route. When he therefore reached 
Taras on his way home, and there had an interview with Khulagu, he tells us 
he there turned to the north-west, and came successively to Kutukchin, Berkent, 
and Sukulkhan, none of which places are apparently named elsewhere, but 
they were doubtless on the main route from Avlie Ata to Suzak. He then 
reached Urusokan. Ur is a particle occurring in many Turkish names, as 
Urtepe, Urtagh, &c., and simply means high. Usokan is assuredly but a form 
Uzkend. Uzkend was one of the cities captured by Juchi, as I have men- 
tioned, and I have also shown that this Uzkend was not the Uzkend on the 
eastern limits of Ferghanah, but was situated much further west. It is not at 
all improbable that it was the same place which Haithon calls Urusokan. 

Let us follow his further steps. After leaving the latter place he passed 
Kayi kent (?), and then arrived at Khuzak. This is identified by Mr. Schuyler 
with great probability with Suzak, a well known town marked on Colonel 
Walker's map, and mentioned in the account of M. Mazarof's journey to 
Tashkend in 1813. He reached it after crossing the Chu and crossing some 

• Antt, 67. 

NOTES, 289 

sands beyond.* After leaving Suzak our traveller passed successively Kamotz, 
Khendakhoir, and Sighnak. 

Sighnak was a famous town, the capital of the White Horde, and it is curious 
that its site should be quite unknown. Haithon, in speaking of it, says, " There 
is the mount Kharchuk whence the Seljuks came and where mount Thoros 
begins." The mountains of Kharchuk were no doubt the range of Kara Tau, in 
which the river Kara Ichuk, a tributary of the Jaxartes, springs. Klaproth says 
Sighnak was situated on the Muskan, a tributary on the right of the Jaxartes, 
which had its origin in the Karachuk mountains. t He does not cite his 
authority, but the position is in itself probable, Sherifuddin speaks of Sabran 
and Sighnak as the two frontier towns of Turkestan, and tells us Sighnak was 
situated four-and-twenty miles from Otrar, while the biographical work entitled 
Tabakatol hanefiyet of Kesevi speaks of it as being near the town of Yassy.J 
Vambery, I know not on what authority, says it was united to Jend by a 
canal. § These various hints point to the neighbourhood of Babai kurgan 
(which is named on Colonel Walker's map) as the most likely site for the 
capital of the White Horde. It would therefore seem that Haithon on leaving 
Suzak crossed the mountains by the Bivpik pass, and went to Sighnak, 
Thence he retraced his steps again to pay a visit to Sertak, who was on his 
way to Mangu Khan. After which he returned to Sighnak, and thence went 
on to Sabran, which he tells us was extremely large. Sabran is a well known 
site on the main route from Yanghi-kent to Turkestan, and is marked on 
Colonel Walker's map. Edrisi says that Sabran was a town where the Ghuz 
met to make peace or a truce, and to trade in times of peace. He tells us it 
depended on Nukath, the capital of Ilak.|| In another place he tells us that 
after passing Sabran one enters the desert of the Ghuzzes.^ Its site was 
passed by Schuyler a little above the Russian fort of Julek. He says its ruins 
lay some distance from the post station, so that he could not visit them. 
" They were noted a few years ago for containing two tall brick towers or 
minarets of very graceful construction, having spiral staircases within. One 
of them fell a few years ago, and as the other was greatly injured by the 
Kirghiz, it is now also probably in ruins."** From Sabran, Haithon went to 
Kharchuk, situated doubtless on the river of the same name, flowing between 
Sabran and Turkestan, and then went on to Yasun (t.^., Yassy), the old name 
for the town of Turkestan, recently visited by Mr, Schuyler, and whose 
description will occupy us in a later chapter. From Yassy our traveller went 
on to Savri, which is probably to be identified with the ruins north of the river 
Aris, marked in Colonel Walker's map. The next station he reached was the 
famous Otrar, whose ruins are still to be seen a little to the south of the river 
Aris. It was a famous city in early times, and we have described how the 
truculence of its governor led to the invasion of the Khuarezmian empire by 
Jingis Khan, and how his people wreaked their vengeance upon it. It was 
also at Otrar that the Great Timur died. It first appears under the name of 
Otrar in the thirteenth century, and was previously known as Farab. It is 
mentioned by and seems to have been the capital of a small 

• Levchine, Kirghiz Kazakt, 104, \ Nouv. Journ. Asiat., xii. 285. Note. 

I Von Hammer, Golden Horde, ii. Note, 8. ^ History of Bokhara. 124. 

II Op, cit., ii. io8. f /rf., 2og. *• Op. cit„ i. 68. It Ousele/s ed., passim, 

I O 



territory, a position which it retained after its change of name, for in the 
Chinese account of the travels of Yelu Chutsai,* it is said ten other cities 
were dependent on it. In Pegolotti's land routes to Cathay, compiled in the 
first half of the fourteenth century, we are told Oltrarre was forty-five days' 
journey with pack asses from Almaligh, while it was a journey of thirty-five or 
forty days with camel waggons from Urgenj.t As Colonel Yule says, Otrar 
was the great frontier city between the Khanates of Kipchak and Jagatai, 
and we find it, with the other towns of the White Horde, assigned as 
the appanage of Toktamish by his patron Timur, 

On leaving Otrar Haithon crossed the Jaxartes and went on by way of 
Zernuk, whose ruins are marked on several maps, on the left bank of the 
Jaxartes and Jizak, which still retains its name, and so on to Samarkand. 

We have not completed our survey of the towns of the White Horde, and 
still have to consider those which were to the west of Sighnak. In speaking 
of the mountains of Kharchuk, Haithon says they began with Taurus and 
reached to Parchin. This will be recognised as the name of a mint place of 
the Golden Horde. Among the towns captured by Juchi in his first campaign 
was Barchin, otherwise called Barkhaiigkent. It is called Barjen in the Yuan 
shi, and Barchilikan in the Chinese map published by Dr. Bretschneider.J It 
is mentioned by Carpini under the name Barchin.§ These are all the notices 
of the town known to me, and it seems to have been situated at the western 
termination of the long chain of mountains known now as the Alexandrofski 
range, where all accounts agree that the country is strewn with ruins as yet 
unexplored. Between this point and Suzak is the station of Ak Sumba, 
marking no doubt one of Timur's halting places on his journey towards the 
Urtagh, and which he calls Ak Saman. 

Let us now examine the towns on the Lower Jaxartes. Of these the most 
important in every way was Yanghi kent. Yanghi kent simply means new 
town, a name which is in some measure misleading, since it is mentioned in 
early days. Mr. Erskine tells us it is the Alkariah al jadideh of the Arabs.|| 
It is mentioned by Masudi under the name of Haditse {i.e., " the new "). He 
tells us it was situated a fersenkh from the Sihun or Jaxartes, and two days' 
journey from its outfall into the lake of Khuarezm. He tells us further, it was 
the chief winter residence of the ruler of the Oghuz Turks.^ Edrisi, in 
describing the course of the Sihun or Jaxartes, tells us that after passing 
Sabran it entered the desert of the Ghuz, and passed at a distance of three 
miles from the town of Ghozzia the New, and then fell into the lake of 
Khuarezm at two days* journey from that town. He tells us this town was the 
capital of the Ghuz and the winter residence of their ruler, and that Mussul- 
mans were found there. It was twelve days' journey from Khuarezm and 
twenty from Farab or Otrar.** Carpini mentions the town under the name of 
Jane kin. Abulfeda tells us Yanghi kent was situated on a river which fell into 
the lake of Khuarezm. It was ten days' journey, he says, from Urgenj, twenty 
from Otrar, and twenty-five leagues from 

• Bretschneider, Notes on Mediaeval Traveller*. &c., 113. 1 

t Cathay and the Way Thither, 288. I Notice* of Mediteval Geography, 193, et passim. 

§ Ed. Dav.. 750. 1 Baber. II. Note, 6. f D'Ohsson, Abul Cassim, 147. 

•• Op. cit., ed. Jaubert, ii. aog, aio. It D'Avezac, op. cit., 513. Note, 2. 



Levchine tells us its ruins are situated at a distance of an hour's ride on 
horseback from the Syr or Jaxartes, and a day's journey from its mouth. In 
the last century it belonged to the Karakalpaks. Gladychef, who was sent on 
a mission to these people in 1742, found the town then in ruins, but its 
ramparts and towers still remained, and the Khan of the Karakalpaks lived 
inside the enclosure. It was afterwards occupied by the Kirghiz Kazaks, who 
reported that its primitive inhabitants had been driven away by serpents.* 

M. Lerch explored the ruins of Yanghi kent in 1867. He opened several of 
the mounds, and found various articles of pottery and household ware, but 
nothing which could enable the age of the ruins to be ascertained.f 

Another town of the Lower Jaxartes, which was captured by the army of 
Juchi Khan, and which occurs frequently in Eastern history, is Jend or Jund. 
I have no doubt it is the Kojend of Edrisi (not to be confounded, of course, 
with his Khojend much further east). He mentions it as one of the three 
cities of the Ghuz on the Lower Jaxartes.J Masudi expressly calls it Jend, in 
a passage which was probably copied by Edrisi. § It is very probable that 
the name Lemfinc, a town mentioned in this neighbourhood by Carpini, is a 
blundered legend for Jend. 

M. Lerch, who has studied the archaeology of Turkestan so diligently, fixes 
the site of Jend at some ruins on the right bank of the Jaxartes, between the 
fort of Kazalinsk and that known as No. 2. Of this famous city, where the 
founder of the family of the Seljuki adopted Islam and also died, there only 
remain some mounds of rubbish and some tombstones with Arabic inscriptions. 
Its bricks have been largely used by the modem Kazaks to build their 
mausoleums with.|| I may add that the third town of the Ghuz on the 
Jaxartes is called Khuara by Masudi. The name is written Hawara in the 
translation of Edrisi. 

Note 2. — In the following tables I have endeavoured to reconstruct the 
family tree of the Royal houses descended from Orda Ichen, as contained in 
the previous chapter. 

Orda Ichbn. 
Kubinji or Kochi. 



Koblokum. Tok Timur. Buka Timur. Mongatai. Sasai 



Urus Khan. 


Mubarek Khoja. 

Timur Malik Khan. 



Borrak Khan. 

Timur kutlugh Khan. 
Timur Khan. 

Shadibeg Khan. 

Pulad khag. 

* Hist, des Kirghiz Kazaks, 114. t Schuyler, op. cit., 68 and 401. \ Op. cit., ii. 209. 

% D'Ohsson, op. cit., 147. 9 Russische Revue., i. 31. 




WE have now reached a notable crisis in the history of the 
Golden Horde, whose eastern half had become independent 
of the ruler of Serai, and was, as I shall show in a 
future chapter, the subject of contention between the Kirghiz Kazaks and 
the Uzbegs. Its western half was also undergoing disintegration. The 
northern districts of Bulghar were subject to Ulugh Muhammed, and I 
shall follow their fortunes in a later chapter on Kazan. In the south- 
west a new and vigorous branch of the Tartars, founded a separate 
and substantive Khanate in the Krim, and dominated probably also 
over the Circassians. On this also I shall have much to say in future 
chapters. Meanwhile we find in the west and in the country included 
between the Don and the Dnieper, and probably for a while also in the 
Krim, a third more or less independent sovereignty set up by a chief 
named Seyid Ahmed. 

This person has been identified by Von Hammer* and others with 
Abusaid Janibeg, the son of Borrak Khan, an identification in which I 
cannot concur, and which seems to me quite misleading, nor is it based, 
so far as I can see, on any evidence save mere conjecture. I believe 
that this Seyid Ahmed was the same person already mentioned,t who 
was set up as Khan for a short time on the deposition of Chekre, and 
then almost immediately deposed because of his youth and inexperience. 
As at that time Borrak Khan was still living, it is exceedingly improbable 
and contrary to Tartar notions to suppose that his grandson should have 
been then nominated as Khan. The only statement I can find in any 
Eastern author as to his origin is in the Turkish authority followed by 
Langles, who has by far the fullest details about this crooked period, and 
who tells us he was a descendant of Toktamish, but the same writer tells 
us just before, that at this time the family of Toktamish was extinct. When 
Seyid Ahmed occupied the country between the Don and the Dnieper it 
would seem that he was followed by a considerable body of Nogais, and 
according to an authority I have mislaid, he is looked upon by the Nogais 

♦ Golden Horde, 388. 1Anlt,a72. 


as having introduced them into Europe. It may be, therefore, that he was 
related to the great Nogai leader Idiku, who had a son named Seyid Ali. 
The Russians named his people " the Swift," which answers to their 
description in the Turkish annals and to the style they gave themselves, 
i.e., Tatari badreftar, or *' Tartars who fly like the wind."* Seyid Ahmed 
is mentioned as holding joint authority with Kuchuk Muhammed as 
early as 1434, when we are told Vasili Vasilovitch sent his tribute to the 
Khans of the horde, Kuchuk Ahmed and Seyid Ahmed.t 

Seyid Ahmed's joint rule is a token of the growing disintegration of 
the Golden Horde. Luckily for Russia, a similar decay occurred at this 
time in the empire which had so long threatened it in the west, namely, 
Lithuania. On the death of Vitut he was succeeded by Suidrigailo, 
brother of Yagellon, who, as I have mentioned, reigned in Poland, and 
from whom he tried to conquer the districts of Podoha and Volhynia.J 
He was on friendly terms with the Russians and devoted to the Greek 
church, but he was a drunkard and otherwise weak, was driven 
away by his people, and eventually became a shepherd in Moldavia. 
The Lithuanians called in Sigismund, the brother of Vitut, a cruel 
and avaricious tyrant, who, we are told, kept savage beasts as 
guardians of his gates. He was assassinated by Ivan and Alexander, 
princes of Chertorisk and grandsons of Olgerd, and was succeeded by 
Casimir, son of Yagellon, whose brother Vladislas was now King of 
Poland. This was in 1440. On the latter's death Casimir once more 
united the crowns of Poland and Lithuania.§ 

We now arrive at a famous crisis in the history of the Greek Church. 
The metropolitan Photius had died in 1431, and during the next six 
years there was a vacancy in the office, which Gerassim, the metropohtan 
of Lithuania, tried to usurp, but the Russian bishops would not tolerate 
him. A council was at length summoned to elect a new chief of the 
church, and the choice fell upon Jonas, bishop of Riazan ; but mean- 
while the patriarch of Constantinople had consecrated Isidore of 
Thessalonica, a learned theologian, equally versed in the Greek and the 
Latin theology, and furthermore a friend of the pope, the famous 
Eugenius IV. At this time the Imperial throne at Byzantium was 
occupied by John Palaeologus, who had married the Russian princess 
Anne. He was but a shadow of an emperor, and the Turks pressed 
upon his borders more and more. Under these circumstances the pope 
promised to support him, and to preach a European crusade against 
the invaders on condition that the Greek Church would, after an 
impartial examination of the points in dispute between themselves and 
the Latins, conform to the decision of a general Oicumenical council to 
be called in Italy. These terms were agreed to, and the Emperor with 

• Golden Horde, 394. t Id., 388. 

I Latham Nationalities, i. 50. S Karamxin, v. 301, 302. Lelewel, Hist, de Pologne, i. 93, 94. 


his brother (the despot Demetrius), together with Joseph, the patriarch 
of Constantinople, and seven hundred of the Greek clergy, set sail from 
Byzantium on the 24th of November, 1437.* 

Isidore, the new metropolitan, who had now no rival, Gerassim having 
been burnt alive by Suidrigailo at Vitebsk for having had secret com- 
munications with his rival Sigismund, set off on the same errand from 
Moscow on the 8th of September, 1437, with a large cortege, and soon 
proved himself an ardent champion of the Latin cause. It is curious to 
trace his route ; he went by way of Novgorod, Riga, Lubeck, Luneburgh, 
Brunswick, Leipzic, Erfuhrt, Bamberg, Nuremberg, Augsbourg, and the 
Tyrol,t and was very cordially welcomed. The various objects of 
art, the rich cities and gardens, the stone aqueducts and palaces were 
objects of astonishment to the hitherto secluded Russians ; nor were 
they who knew only the wide plains and steppe land of Central and 
Southern Russia less amazed with the sight of the Tyrolean Alps.J 

The council thus summoned was the famous Council of Florence, and 
the four chief points in dispute were the procession of the Holy Ghost, 
the use of unleavened bread only in the sacrament, purgatory, and the 
supremacy of the pope. It is no part of my subject to recount its history 
and how its apparent success was brought about. Isidore, the metro- 
politan of Russia, was rewarded for his complacency with a cardinal's 
hat, and appointed apostolical legate of the North. He returned home 
by way of Venice and Hungary, and arrived at Moscow in the spring 
of 1440, bearing a letter from the pope for the Grand Prince. But 
Vasili refused to give up the old faith of his ancestors, declared that the 
Greeks had been taken in, and declared further that Isidore was a 
heretic ; and having called a council of bishops and learned boyards, 
who agreed with him, he had him imprisoned, but he escaped and fled to 
Rome, where he was always known as the bishop of Russia. 

Jonas, the former choice of Yasili, was again nominated metropolitan. 
As the Emperor of Byzantium had declared for Rome, Jonas did not go 
to Byzantium for consecration, nor was he acknowledged outside 
Muscovy. The bishops of Southern or Lithuanian Russia obeyed as 
their metropolitan a Bulgarian named Gregory, a disciple of Isidore's and 
a partisan of union, who had his seat at Kief and ruled the dioceses of 
Briansk, Smolensk, Percimysl, Turof, Lutsk, Vladimir, Polotsk, Kholm, 
and Galitch. 

Thus ended the attempt to piece together the broken unity of 
Christendom. The effort niay be said to have failed because of the 
obduracy of Vasili, and although his obsequious bishops flattered him by 
saying he had kept awake while they slept, an impartial observer, who 
considers the terrible expenditure of blood and hatred which the 
separation of the two churches afterwards caused in the long continued 

♦ Ktrtmrin, V. 334. t/</.,337- IW.,i. 338. 


and still lively strife, between the Poles and the Lithuanians on the one 
hand and the Russians on the other, cannot help thinking that a mistake 
was made. Whatever the means employed, it is pretty certain that the 
most learned prelates of the Eastern church acquiesced in the decision, 
and if it be deemed a misfortune for Europe that the Turks should have 
supplanted the Greeks at Byzantium, we cannot help feeling that a 
patent cause was the disunion of Christendom. The chief effect of the 
council of Florence in Russia was to create a bitter feeling of hatred 
there against the church of the Latins. 

In 1441 the strife between Vasili and his cousin Shemiaka again broke 
out, and the latter even made a momentary attempt upon Moscow, but 
his time had not yet arrived, and afraid of the power of the Grand 
Prince, he seems to have again withdrawn to his appanage.* 

On another side Vasili had a contest with Casimir, the King of 
Lithuania, whose enemy Yuri, the son of Lugveni, had found shelter at 
Moscow. This led to a declaration of war in 1444, during the winter of 
which year Vasili sent two Tartar princes in his service against Briansk 
and Viazma. This force ravaged the country as far as Smolensk. The 
raid was revenged by the Lithuanians, who with 7,000 men plundered 
the environs of Kozelsk, Kaluga, Moyaisk, and Vereia, and defeated the 
Russian force sent against them. They afterwards withdrew.! 

Let us now revert again to the Golden Horde. The Khan at Serai at 
this time was Kuchuk Muhammed, or the Little Muhammed, who is 
proved by the best of all authorities, namely, his coins, by Khuandemir, by 
the authority followed by Langles, and the Rodos. Kniga,J to have been the 
son of Timur Khan, the former ruler of the Kipchak. The details of the 
overthrow of Ulugh Muhammed are given by a very interesting con- 
temporary author, the merchant traveller, Josafa Barbaro, who lived so 
long in Southern Russia, and whose work has recently been edited for 
the Hackluyt Society by Lord Stanley of Alderley. He tells us that in 
the year 1438, when Ulugh Muhammed ruled in the champaigns of 
Tartary, Nurus, the son of Idiku, who was one of his chief captains, 
having quarrelled with him, went with a number of his people to the Itil 
{i.e., the Volga), to his rival Kuchuk Muhammed. Having united their 
forces they marched by way of Astrakhan, which he calls Citerchan, and 
then by the steppes of the Tumen and the Don towards the sea of Azof, 
which, like the Don, was frozen over. The army had in its march to 
occupy a considerable distance, so that those who went before should not 
consume the forage of those who were to follow. So great was the line 
that when the advance guard was at Palastra (i>) its rear guard was at 
Bosagaz,§ on the Don, the two places being 120 miles apart. The news 

* Karamzin, v. 356. t Id., 366, 367. J Golden Horde, 389. Note, i. 

^ This Jehosaphat Barbaro explains as the grey wood, but Von Hammer as the ice wood. 
(Barbaro's Travels, Hackluyt Society, 1873, p. 9. Golden Horde, 389.) 


of their march had reached Tana or Azof four months before, during 
which time scouts, in parties of three and four, and leading spare horses, 
had appeared there. Some of them were taken before the consul, who 
interrogated them, but could only learn that they were travelling for 
pastime. They stayed only an hour or two, but their numbers kept 
increasing, and when the army was five or six days' journey off they 
came in twenty-fives and fifties. At length Kuchuk Muhammed arrived 
himself, and was lodged in a mosque an arrow-shot from Tana. The 
consul sent him and his mother and Nurus each a present of novena 
{i.e., a present of nine things, as bread, wine, honey, &c.),* and Barbaro 
himself headed the deputation, and commended the ' town and its 
inhabitants to his favour. He found him reclining in the mosque with 
his head towards Nurus, and he tells us he was twenty-two years old and 
Nurus twenty-five. He received them well, jocularly remarking "what a 
town is this, where three men have but three eyes among them." This 
he said because Buran Taia-Pietra, their Turkoman attendant, Zuan 
Greco, the consul's servant, and he that carried the hydromel had each 
lost an eye.t 

Barbaro tells us that the scouts who preceded the army each carried a 
bottle made of goat's skin, and containing a paste made of millet and 
honey and a wooden bowl, so that when they failed to kill any game 
they mixed some of the paste with water and drank it. They also ate 
different herbs and roots. A necessity of their diet was salt, without 
which he says their mouths swelled and festered. 

On the march the Khan went first, then herds of horses, sixty, one 
hundred, or two hundred together, then camels and oxen, and lastly, 
small beasts — a procession six days' journey long — and this was only the 
advanced division. "We stood on the walls," says Barbaro "(for we 
kept the gates shut), and in the evening we were weary of looking, for the 
multitude of these people and beasts was such that the diameter of the 
plain which they occupied seemed a Paganea of 120 miles."{ At Bosagaj, 
on the Don, where Barbaro had a fishing place, the fishermen told him 
that after fishing all winter they had salted a great quantity of moroni 
and caviare, but the invading Tartars had carried off" all their fish, both 
fresh and salt, and also their salt, nor did they even leave the barrels, 
but broke them up, perchance, he says, to use the staves to trim their 
carts with, and broke three small mills which were there to grind salt, 
merely to get the httle iron in them.§ They even found a cache of thirty 
barrels of caviare which had been buried by one Zuan de Valle, who 
burnt wood over the spot to hide it. The people, he says, were accom- 
panied by innumerable carts with two wheels, " higher than ours," partly 
covered with cloth and partly with felt, and closed with mats {i.e-, arabas). 
Some of these carts carried their yurts. 

* Barbaro, 10. Golden Horde, 389. t Barbaro, 10, 11. X Id,, 12. S Op. dt., 13. 


After Kuchuk Muhammed had passed on two days he was followed 
by his brother-in-law Edelmugh {i.e., Aadil Mulk), who was entertained 
by Barbaro in his own house at Tana for two days, and who entreated 
him to accompany him. This he agreed to do, and he went accompanied 
by two Tartars from the town. His host, he says, was so drunk that the 
blood ran from his nose, and when he would have persuaded him not to 
drink any more, he made mouths like an ape, saying, " Let me drink ; 
when shall I find any more of this ?"* 

The whole party traversed several rivers which were frozen over, the 
prince's course on the ice being naturally very aberrant. When they 
neared the camp of Kuchuk Muhammed the party were received with the 
Mongol hospitality usual when Royal princes were guests ; flesh, milk, and 
bread were given without stint. They found the Khan in his tent, and we 
are told those who desired audience were kneeling, detached from one 
another, and had left their weapons a stone's cast away. " Unto some 
of them," says Barbaro, " the lord spake, and demanding what they 
would, he always made a sign to them with his hand that they should 
rise. Whereupon they would rise, but not approach eight paces more 
till they kneeled again, and so nearer and nearer till they had audience." 
According to Barbaro, litigation was settled in a very simple fashion. 
When a quarrel arose, a stranger at haphazard was chosen to decide, 
and he did it according to his judgment, the bystanders being witnesses 
Barbaro calculates that in the whole ordu, including the encampment of 
Ulugh Muhammed, there were 300,000 people. Barbaro tells us the 
more valiant among the Tartars were called Tulubagator, which signifies 
a valiant fool.t Barbaro says the class was held in great repute among 
the Tartars, and from his description they would seem to have been a 
kind of Berserkers. The man of peace has a quaint remark about 
their name. " This surname," he says, " to my seeming is very con- 
venient for them, because I see none that deserveth the name of a 
valiant man but he is a fool indeed. For, I pray you, is it not folly in 
one man to fight against four ? Is it not madness for one with a knife 
to dispose himself to fight against divers that have swords."{ He then 
tells a story which reminds one of the feats recited in the last volume, 
performed by some of the soldiers of Jingis in Persia, and in our own 
day by the Uhlans in the French towns. Being one day, he says, in 
the street at Tana, some Tartars reported that in a wood, about three 
miles from the town, there were some hundred Circassians intent on 
making a raid upon the place, as was their custom. Barbaro was in a 
butcher's shop, he says, with a Tartar merchant, who, on hearing the 
news, asked how many there were of the enemy. On being told one 

• Id., 14. 

t Lord Stanley adds in a note that this is Tula behadur, and that Bahadury means swag- 
gering or boasting. 

\ Op. cit.,16, 17. 

I P 


hundred, he said well, we are five, and addressing Barbaro, how many 
horses will you make ? The latter said forty. That was forty-five in all. 
The Circassians, said the Tartar, are not men but women ; let us go and 
take them. They accordingly went, and attacked them unawares and 
killed about forty of them. The Tartar wished to pursue the remainder, 
and as the others did not do so he went on himself, but he did not 
capture any. As soon as their lord was lodged, the remaining Tartars 
unloaded their yurts and pitched their camp, which had broad ways 
between the yurts, and was very miry in winter and dusty in summer 
from the treading of the cattle. They then put up their ovens and 
roasted and boiled their flesh, and dressed it with milk, butter, and 
cheese, and generally they had some venison or wild flesh, especially red 
deer. They had many artificers with them, as clothiers, smiths, 
armourers, &c. They had no walls or towers about their camp, a 
peculiarity which received an epigrammatic explanation from one of 
them, who said, " He that is afraid buildeth towers," an aphorism 
which is not easy to gainsay, and which proves the martial habits of the 
people. There were also many merchants with them. The Tartars were 
much addicted to falconry, using large falcons which they flew at deer, 
&c. " Sometimes there passeth over the army a flock of geese, at which 
some of them shoot crooked unfeathered arrows, which in ascending 
hurle about breaking everything in their way, necks, legs, and wings."* 

Their herds of horses were enormous, and they were very skilled in 
catching them and putting a collar, which they carried on a pole, over 
their necks. These horses were not very good, being little with grekt 
bellies and eating no provender. They were in fact similar to the 
Cossack horses of our own day. The chief market for them apparently 
was Persia. Their oxen were very big, and were exported, Barbaro tells 
us, by way of Poland, and also through Wallachia and Transylvania into 
Germany, whence they passed into Italy. This breed was apparently 
the origin of the famous cattle of the Campagna. They also had a great 
number of two-humped camels, which they sold in Persia at twenty-five 
ducats each, while those with one hump were smaller, and only brought 
ten ducats. Their sheep were also big and long legged, with long wool 
and fat heavy tails. These sheep are no doubt represented by the 
modern sheep of the Kirghiz steppes. Barbaro describes what may still 
be seen there, namely, how small carriages with wheels were attached to 
the sheep so as to support their tails. The Tartars, he says, practised 
some agriculture, sowing their seed in March, at two or three days' 
journey from the encampment. The rest of the story must be told in his 
own quaint words : — " The Emperor with the ordu doth meanwhile as 
a mother is wont to do with her children. For when she letteth them 
go to play she ever keepeth her eye on them, and so doth he never 

• Id., 19. 


depart from these ploughmen more than four days' journey, but com- 
passeth about them, now here now there, till the corn be ripe, and when 
ripe he sendeth those who sowed it or who wished to buy it, with carts, 
oxen, and camels." Lord Stanley tells us in a note that in Wallachia the 
villagers still go in their carts to a distance from their village and from 
any water, plough and sow the ground, and return again in the same 
way to gather in the harvest.* 

The ground was very fertile, and returned fifty bushels of wheat and 
a hundred bushels of millet for one of seed. While speaking of the 
agriculture among